He is not Qardhaawi ,,,, waxaas ha rumaysan ,,,, Xageen tegey buu ku yidhi ???

and i blame hablahan wada fasaxa qaatay ee .... ehem Afternoon peeps ...................

8 polling centres in Kenya for Sudan vote NAIROBI, Kenya, Jan 6 - There will be eight polling stations for Sudan's southerners residing in Kenya who intend to participate in Sunday's historic referendum, the Head of Mission at the region's embassy Michael Majok announced on Wednesday. Mr Majok explained that Nairobi would have two polling stations at the Railways Sports Club and at the Blue Springs Hotel on Thika Road while the remaining centres would be spread out across the country. He noted that out of the 60,241 Sudanese who were registered as voters in the Diaspora, 15,057 were in Kenya. "We have a polling centre in Dadaab with 171 registered voters, another in Eldoret Center with 1,359 voters, one in Kitale with 502 voters, Nakuru with 2,446 voters and two centres in Kakuma. Kakuma I has 2,149 voters and Kakuma II has 3,375," he explained. In Nairobi, 3,029 Sudanese voters have registered at the Railways Sports Club while 2,026 have been registered at the Blue Springs Hotel. Mr Majok further explained that all the results from the polling stations would be sent to both Juba and Khartoum once the voting process was concluded. "The total number of votes cast will be counted in each centre in Kenya in the presence of election observers and monitors." "The Southern Sudan Referendum Commissioners together with the Committee of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) will sign the document with the final vote count confirming its authenticity before the results are sent to Sudan," he said. He added that Southern Sudanese, who were in the northern region of the country, would have to vote from the north. Close to four million Southern Sudanese have so far registered for the referendum; out of these 116, 860 people were registered in the North's 16 states. "Shifting and moving from one place to the next would bring confusion so people will vote from where they initially registered," he explained adding that there would be adequate security in place to ensure a peaceful process. After the January 9 referendum and in the event that the south votes in favour of independence, both regions would have to decide on the fate of the Abyei state among other things. "Part of the Abyei state was annexed to the north in 1905 because the distance from Juba in terms of administration was very far. But the fate of the bit that remained will be decided by a commission that will be formed by President Omar Al Bashir and Southern Sudan President Salva Kiir," said Mr Majok. He also disputed concerns surrounding the issue of oil and the country's national debt saying they would be sorted out before the expiry of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) on July 9. Read more: http://www.capitalfm.co.ke/news/Kenyanews/8-polling-centres-in-Kenya-for-Sudan-vote-11091.html#ixzz1AFN6loAo Under Creative Commons License: Attribution Non-Commercial No Derivatives

Adeer adna laf baad toobin ku haysaa ..................

Koox aannu wadaagno golaha emailka oo aan su’aal weydiiyey bay inantu ku jirtaa. Warcelintii weydiinta inaan saluugay baan u sheegay. Warcelintoodu ma qaldanayne mindhaa anigaa jawaab kale doonayey, mooyi, si ay tahayba ku qanci waayey wayse ku mahadsan yihiin. Kooxda intooda badan maannu kulmin mid iyo laba mooye, golahan uun baannu wadaagnaa. Intooda badan af ingiriisi aan laaxin lahayn bay wax ku qoraaan oo afkaarta isku weydaarsadaan, aniguse af soomaaliga ayaaban laaxin tiri kari la’ayahay oo la gabbadaa, waabase af kale. Afsoomaaliga way ku hadlaan waanay qori karaan, haddana malaha sidan bay ka doorbideen, waxa laga yaabaa inuu qaarkood ku adag yahay…ka ugu yari waxoogaa Soomaali ah buu ku soo dhex daraa.. anna mar haddaan fahmayno waa iska hagaag baan idhaa, waxa ay qoraan waan akhristaa afkaar kalese kuma darsado. Inta aan ka garanayaa ugu yaraan 20 sanno ayey barafka ku foorareen, labaatankaa labaatankooda oo labaatan kale lagu daray anna golcasta ayaan gacanta iskaga dhigayey. Waxa isle’eg inta ay kulayl arkaan iyo inta aan qabow arko sannadkii. Kolkaan kooxdii golaha yara dhaliilay waxay tidhi inantii, “Ha iga maagin dadkan waqti baa iga galaye”. Hadalkaasi aad baan uga helay. Weli maan arag qof yidhaa ‘lacag baa iga gashay’ mooyee ‘waqti baa iga galay’. Waqtiga in isku mid ah baa laga haystaa laakiin sida looga kala faa’iidaysto uun baa loo kala badiyey. Kama hadlayo waqtiga qiimihiisa oo waa la wada ogyahay inkastoon la wada arag. Haddana waxay tidhi, “Dadka aan soo baraarujiyey ha iga maagin”. Hadda garo oo way baraarugeene weli saani uma ay toosin. Baraaruggu sida aan u aqaan waa marka hurdada laga tooso tiiyoo badh kuu hadhsan yahay, cabbaar kadibna waa lagu noqdaa. Malaha inta aanay hurdada ku noqon bay ka gaadhsiinaysaa inay wax u sheegto. Oo ma dad hurda ayey farriin u sii faraysaa? Haddana waxay tidhi, “Dadkan si aan u toosiyo Ilaahow i bar.” “Oo hurdo uga toosiso mise qallooc?” baan weydiiyey. “Hurdadaa iigu daran. Haddaan hurdada ka toosiyo qallooca waan ka toosin karaa, hadday hurdaanse qallooc kama toosin karo” bay tidhi. Hadda waqtigaa aanu wada hadlaynaa waa afartii habeennimo waqtiga Afrikada Bari. Qoraal gaagaaban baannu ku wada hadlaynaa. Way sii wadday hadalkii, “Dhibaatadu waxa weeye intii wanaagsanayd baa hurudda, intii qaloocdayna way soo jeeddaa”. Waxan ku idhi, “Xikmaddaadu caawa in ugu yaraan la weeleeyo ayey u baahan tahay.” “Adigaa qori bay tidhi,” Idhi “Waan daallanahay” “Daalka waan necebahay” bay tidhi. “Marka la toosiyo maxay qabanayaan?” baan weydiiyey. “Wanaagga waddankooda iyo danahooda ayay ku dhaqaaqayaan”. “Kuwa qallooca ee soo jeeda ma toosinnaa, kuwa wanaagsani ha iska hurdaane?” baan haddana waydiiyey. “Maya, kuwa qaloocan seexi.” Bay tidhi. “Haddaba waa goor dambe ee iska seexo” baan ku idhi. “Ma kuwa qalloocan oo in la seexiyo ay tahay baan ku jiraa?” bay la soo boodday. “Maya, balse si aad kuwa wanaagsan ee hurda ugu biirto, waadigii yidhi intii wanaagsanayd baa hurudda.” “Badow yahow dib ha u celin dadka soo baraarugay, sow muu odhan Xasan Sheekh Muumin” bay tidhi. Maya Dheeg buu ahaa” baan idhi. Waa iska hagaag haddii aanay shakespear ku sheegin. Caawa hadal badnidayda ayaan ka yaabay, tolow iyana ma ila yaabban tahay mise iyada qudheedu hadal badnideeda ayey la yaabban tahay? “Dee innana ma iska seexanna si aan kuwa wanaagsan ee hurda ugu biirno, cid uun baa inna toosine, kolka kuwaasi toosaan baynu toosiye?” “ MAYA” bay tidhi. “Oo miyaan kuwa qalloocan ee soo jeedaa inna toosinayn”. “Wax qallooca ka toosiya ayey u baahan yihiine”. “Oo haddii qallooca laga toosiyo miyaanay sida kuwa wanaagsan seexaneyn?” “Yaa ka toosinaya” “Innagaa ka toosinayna hadday hurdada innaga toosiyaan” “Innama toosinayaan oo inaynu hurudnaba ma oga” “Innagu miyeynu ognahay inay qalloocaan?” “Xaggaynu ka ognahay, soynaga hurudna, ma qof hurdaa wax og?” “Maxaa talo ah haddaan midkeenna midka kale toosin karin?” “ Cid uun baa inna toosin” HMM..cid..cid…cid uun baa inna toosin… tolow waa ayo ciddaasi? Qalinkii: Xasan Cabdi Madar nabaadiino@yahoo.com.

waad istaahishaa dee ,,,

Should i post it again ?? Hangaalli hungaalli Hegaan hega gaalli Hunjaalli hantoolli Bidhaan had-hadowga Hiwaali hahoodka Jibaanjib hunnuunnu Huraalka hiraalka Hambaaber mardaali Hadeedab mardaadi Kallaal himbiriirsi Hawaawir hayaayir Sadaad herimooya Hunnnuushle hannaashle Sareedo hamboori Hankooble hayooshe Falaad habbabbaale Hanquusle halowle Garaad himhimowle

CHRONOLOGY: Key dates in the history of south Sudan 1955: A separatist rebellion in the mainly Christian and animist south against domination by the Arab-Muslim north begins. January 1, 1956: Sudan becomes independent from Britain, and also from its northern neighbour Egypt. 1972: Accords signed in Addis Ababa, giving the south autonomous status. 1983: President Gaafar al-Nimeiry ends autonomous status and enforce sharia. 1989: Omar al-Bashir takes power in an Islamist coup and cracks down again on the southern rebellion. 1995: The northern opposition unites with the southern guerrillas to battle the regime. 2005: January 9: The two sides sign a ceasefire agreement. July 9: Bashir sworn in as president, Garang as vice-president. July 30: Garang killed in a helicopter crash. Replaced by Salva Kiir. September 20: National unity government announced after weeks of bitter wrangling. October 22: Kiir forms an autonomous government for south Sudan. 2007: December 27: South Sudanese former rebels rejoin the national government. 2008: May: Fighting breaks out in the flashpoint oil-rich Abyei region. 2009: July 22: The Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague reduces Abyei’s borders, leaving its main oil fields in the north. December 29: Adoption of the referendum law. Tribal violence which has killed 2,500 over the year leads to fears of a civil war in the region.

Kenya readies for S. Sudan poll outcome Kenya hopes that the referendum in Southern Sudan will end peacefully, but has announced plans to deal with an influx of refugees should it turn violent. Acting Foreign Affairs minister George Saitoti said there were indications that the voting, which gets under way on Sunday and continues for seven days, will be peaceful. But Kenya was preparing for any eventuality and contingency plans had been made to receive up to 20,000 refugees at once if it comes to that. The Kenyan Government and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) said on Wednesday arrangements were in place to host refugees in case violence breaks out in Southern Sudan after Sunday’s referendum. The plans include intensifying security along the two countries’ common border and the registration and documentation of refugees likely to flock to the country. “Proper mechanisms have been put in place to ensure that the government is not caught off-guard in case differences emerge in South Sudan after the referendum that might result in an influx of refugees into the country,” said Turkana West district commissioner Patrick Muriira. “We are consulting with members of the local community to provide extra land to accommodate more refugees in case there is an influx after the referendum,” disclosed Mr Muriira. The administrator said that according to a study carried out by the government and UNHCR, about 20,000 refugees from Southern Sudan were likely to enter Kenya between January and February this year. A further 80,000 would troop into Kenya by the end of the year if the upheaval was to continue, bringing the number to 100,000, he added. In Nairobi, Prof Saitoti, who is also the Internal Security minister, was quick to point out that all indications were that the referendum would be peaceful. “In the unlikely event there are difficulties there, people have to come to Kenya, and arrangements are in place,” said the minister. “There is both humanitarian and logistical support,” Prof Saitoti, who was reluctant to elaborate on the arrangements, said. He urged the leaders of both the Sudanese People’s Liberation Movement from the south and the National Congress Party of the north to preach messages of peace and restraint in the run-up to the referendum. Prime Minister Raila Odinga also called on the people of Southern Sudan to deliver a decisive vote that would leave no room for doubts and disputes. He sent Lands minister James Orengo to deliver his message to President Salva Kiir Mayardit of Southern Sudan in Juba. Prof Saitoti said the government was encouraged by recent statements by both President Omar al-Bashir and First Vice-President Salva Kiir, which are likely to contribute to a peaceful vote. Kenya also wants the people and leaders of Sudan to look beyond the referendum and at weighty issues that are yet to be considered, and which have to be dealt with before July 2011. These include the unresolved Abyei referendum, the demarcation of the border between the south and the north, consultations in Southern Kordofan and the Blue Nile states as well as consensus on post-referendum agreements. Source: Daily Nation

Three Days to go ...................

Further, quite separate from recognition of the legitimacy of the country’s claim to statehood and the considerable achievement of its people in establishing peace and rebuilding their country and their lives with their own hands, Somaliland’s emergence from the shadows of international diplomacy has a direct and crucial impact upon the search for a solution to the crisis in Somalia to the south. On the one hand, Somaliland’s assistance in the effort to reconcile the warring communities, while marginalising the terrorists, will be invaluable since it brings to the table skills and capabilities that no other party can. On the other, recognition of Somaliland’s success in establishing peace, reconciliation, representative government and a flourishing economy will delegitimize the proponents of violence, terrorism and political chicanery in Somalia. The very cautious steps taken by the AU, IGAD, the US and the EU towards bringing Somaliland into the mainstream of international diplomacy, has already stung the beneficiaries of Somalia’s anarchy into action, ill advised and counter-productive though such action has been. Secondly, in southern Sudan it is widely expected that a new nation will emerge in 2011 in the wake of an overwhelming vote for independence in the referendum. This new nation can become a significant ‘game changer’ with respect to the diplomatic dynamic in the region by introducing a new player that is friendly to Ethiopia and which can exercise significant control over the Nile waters. At present, the stand-off between Ethiopia and Eritrea remains hostage to various factors, not least of which is the personal distrust and antipathy between the leaders of two countries, however, a crucial factor is the Egyptian policy (which Sudan actively supports) of encircling Ethiopia with hostile neighbours in order to secure concessions with regarding sharing of the waters of the Nile. An independent southern Sudan which is friendly to both Ethiopia and Eritrea would dramatically change this calculus, while also opening the door for this new nation to act as mediator/honest broker between Addis Ababa and Asmara. The major sticking point in the stand-off has seemingly been resolved with Ethiopia’s agreement in 2007 to hand over Badme and accept the rulings of the UN Border Commission in full, yet the two sides remain locked in a sterile impasse. A new interlocutor trusted by both sides could provide the spark required for re-starting the peace negotiations, and a newly independent southern Sudan (possibly with the assistance of an emergent Somaliland) could be such an interlocutor. The fact is that the HOA is a major global trouble spot and resolution of its deep seated problems will require a huge amount of effort, goodwill and capital (both political and financial) as well as time. The fact is that both international diplomacy and local political mobilisations have important roles to play in this process, and success can only be secured if each is applied/supported judiciously. Thus, the legacy of donor diplomacy in Somalia over the last two decades has been abject failure. The fact is that the route to stabilising that country and re-establishing the state therein clearly lies in recognising local, political realities and seeking to bring the success of Somaliland to bear upon the search for solutions in Somalia, and this is beginning to be accepted by foreign powers. Conversely, in Sudan, notwithstanding the long and very costly civil war, it has been the application of sustained international, diplomatic and political pressure on Khartoum that has secured the self determination of the people of southern Sudan. The hopes for peace and progress in 2011 for the HOA region are clearly and inextricably tied to these two, nascent countries that are emerging into the diplomatic mainstream through disparate political processes. The international community should welcome and support these new additions to global politics and encourage them to play a positive role in stabilising their tough and troubled neighbourhood. Ahmed M.I. Egal

The Horn of Africa region (HOA) has always been strategically important as a vital conduit of east-west and north-south trade, and this has been evidenced by the efforts of global powers to either control the region or maintain cordial relations with rulers there. In the scramble for Africa during last two decades of the 19th century, Britain, France and Italy competed for control over the region with each securing control over some portions. During the Cold War era, the competition between the US and USSR for influence over the regimes that ruled the countries of the region was particularly intense as evidenced by the changing affiliations of successive governments in Somalia, Ethiopia, Sudan and Yemen. Over the last two decades the region has developed a reputation as a hotbed of anarchy, terrorism, piracy and chronic instability. The erstwhile Republic of Somalia is the classic example of a failed state and the cast of warlords, miscreants and Diaspora carpetbaggers that passes for its government (the ill-named Transitional Federal Government [TFG] headed by a woefully miscast and desperately inadequate Quranic school teacher), continue to parrot their lines in the black farce into which Somali politics and government has descended. However, in actual reality, the erstwhile Somalia no longer exists with the ex-British Somaliland Protectorate in the north reasserting the sovereignty it voluntarily surrendered in 1960 to join with the ex-Italian colony to create the Somali Republic, while other regions within it, e.g. Puntland, Galmudug and portions of Juba River region, have successfully established functioning local administrations, even as the TFG farce continues apace in Mogadishu. Most of the country is in the hands of the Al-Shabaab terrorists. Across the Gulf of Aden, Yemen continues to be bedevilled by widespread unrest due to a host of seemingly intractable problems, viz. an autocratic and authoritarian government that seems to have no remedy for the country’s deep seated problems other than repression; chronic poverty, malnutrition and the highest rates of infant mortality and illiteracy in the Arab World; a deep disconnect between the more cosmopolitan south and the traditional, tribal Bedouin society of the north; and, of course, Al-Qaeda inspired and sponsored terrorism which has found fertile ground in the poverty, political repression and tribal affinity endemic to the country. To this heady brew of socio-political instability, the additional incendiary of sectarian strife has recently been added with the flare-up in of a Shiite Houthi rebellion in the south-western mountains that border Saudi Arabia that ended in an uneasy truce in April 2010. With respect to the other countries of the region, Djibouti and Ethiopia continue to maintain their relative stability, despite widespread claims of autocratic rule and stolen elections levelled against both of their governments. While it is undeniable that both Omar Guelleh (of Djibouti) and Meles Zenawi (of Ethiopia) have reneged on pledges to step down after a decade of rule and that both leaders are increasingly showing the traits of the ‘strong-man’ style of governance they previously derided, it is also true that political opposition to both leaders has been divided, fractious and ineffective in mobilising popular, grass root opposition to depose them. Eritrea continues to steadfastly maintain its unenviable position as the North Korea of Africa, with its Stalinist domestic socio-political structure complete with a robust personality cult of Isaias Afewerki – the President. While there does not seem to be any serious, overt internal opposition to the Afewerki regime, the country remains ostracised internationally for supporting the Al-Shabaab/Hizb Al-Islam terrorists in Somalia in furtherance of its policy of confronting Ethiopia. In addition, Eritrea has managed to engineer its almost complete isolation in Africa and the wider international community by a disconcerting willingness to wage war against each of its neighbours. Sudan managed to snatch diplomatic defeat from the jaws of victory after signing the peace agreement with Southern rebels, by initiating another civil war with its citizens in Dharfur. Thankfully, the Dharfur conflict seems to be winding down, and the people of southern Sudan are on the verge of the referendum to determine whether they will secede from Sudan to form their own country or whether they will remain part of Sudan, as agreed in the said peace agreement (the Comprehensive Peace Agreement [CPA]). It is widely expected that the referendum will result in a massive majority for independent statehood, which will underscore not only the history of neglect and victimisation which fuelled the long civil war, but also the inexplicable arrogance of the Bashir regime in flouting nearly all of the provisions of the CPA designed to accommodate southern aspirations and bring them into the mainstream of Sudanese governance and politics. Most impartial observers, while supportive of the right of the people of southern Sudan to determine their future, are very wary of the response of the Bashir regime to a resounding vote for independence. Within this seemingly negative and unremitting overview of the region, there are some significant glimmers of hope that 2011 may witness the opening of a new chapter in the HOA. Firstly, the African Union (AU), particularly the neighbours of Somalia, is edging to a more rational and realistic approach to the collapse of the state in that unfortunate country. The AU and IGAD (the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development which groups Somalia’s neighbours) have begun to accept the hard reality that the TFG represents no one in Somalia and that it can neither defeat the terrorists of Al-Shabaab nor deliver the peace and reconciliation with which it has been charged. Further, the abject failure of the ‘top-down’ approach to nation-building and national reconciliation, which the TFG embodies in all of its ineffectiveness and failure, stands in marked contrast with the success of the ‘bottom-up’ approach with which Somaliland has established peace, and functioning, representative government with no outside help or interference. Thus, increasing numbers of countries in Africa have come to accept the reality of Somaliland’s independence, and this as yet unrecognised country can count Ethiopia, Kenya, Burundi, South Africa, Ghana and Senegal among its supporters within the AU. In addition, in the wake of the Presidential elections held in June this year in which the opposition candidate won and succeeded the losing incumbent in a peaceful and joyous succession, the US and the EU have stated that they will deal with Somaliland directly as a de facto state. In view of Somaliland’s history over the last two decades in establishing the HOA’s only functioning, multi-party democratic government, the de jure acceptance of its nationhood status is surely not far off. In the clearest indication to date of IGAD’s new realistic and pragmatic approach to Somaliland, a senior delegation from the organisation visited Hargeisa and held extensive discussions with the country’s new President and government in December. Subsequent to the visit, IGAD issued an invitation to the independent National Election Commission and members of the independent media to observe the referendum in southern Sudan as a Somaliland delegation.

oba hiloowlow;685809 wrote: dee in la so celsho midnimadi waaye oo cuqdadaha la baaba'sho oo la heshiiyo sidaas baa horumar lagi gari karaaya. Maba lulatee maxay leeftaa ................ (i'm sure u don't understand though)

.... U would've been a great writer ... I'm sure u will be a freaking rich & famous writer.

كرهت حبها من غير بغض ولكن لكثرت الشركاء فيه إذا وقع الذباب علي الطعام رفعت يدي ونفسي تشتهيه وتجتنب الاسود ورود ماء إذا كان الكلاب ولغن فيه ......... haven't heard this for ages walee ,,,

gooni;685862 wrote: alla ka cabsi iyo rag iska celin meel ma wada galaan adeer. Aaar ka daaaa .....................

Anigu Cayntaas ma garan waaryaa ,,,

Xubno isugu jira komishanka somaliland iyo suxufiiyiin ka duulay dalka jabuuti si ay uga midnoqdaan goob joogayaasha aftida koonfurta Sudan SDWO (Djibouti 05/01/2011) Wefti ka kooban xubno iskugu jira gudida komoshinka Somaliland iyo suxufiyiin ayaa maanta ka duulay magaalada Djibouti iyagoo ku siijeeda Koonfurta Dalka Sudan oo urur goboleedka IGAD iyo hay,ada Inter peace ay ku soo casuumeey inay goob joogayaal ka noqdaan aftida lagu wado inay ka dhacdo koonfurta dalka Sudan maalinta Axada ee 9ka bishan January. Weftigan ayaa waxay ka koobanyahiin 3 xubnood oo ah gudida komoshinka somaliland, afhayeenka madaxtooyada Cabdilaahi Cukuse, Gudoomiyaha wargeysaka Haatuf Yusuf Cabdi Gaboobe, Gudoomiye ku xigeenka madbacada qaranka Mustafe Shiine, Agaasimaha Horn Cable TV Maxamed Ilig iyo xubin ka socota TVga Qaranka. Xubnahan ayaa dhamaantoodba ku socdaalaya Baasaaboorka Somaliland. Aftidan ayaa aduunka oo dhami indho gaar ah ku eegayaan, siiba dalalka carabta iyo afrika oo aad uga werwerqaba kala go,a dalka Sudan oo u qaybsamidoona koonfur iyo waqooyi oo ay kala noqondoonaan waqooyiga oo muslim ah iyo koonfurta oo gaalo ah. Dalalka aadka uga qayliyey aftidan wax ugu horeeya dalalka Masar iyo Liibiya oo iyagu toos u muujiyey siday uga soo horjeedaan in la kala qaybiyo dalka Sudan, hase yeeshee sida la odorosayo waxa la filayaa in 80% ay u codeyndoonaan inay noqdaan dal madaxbanaan, taasi oo ka dhigidoonta koonfurta Sudan dalkii ugu danbeeyay ee ku soo biira dalalka xubnaha ka ah qaramada midoobay, iyadoo dalkii kan ka horeeyayna ahaa dalka kosofo oo laba sano ka hor iyaguna afti ugu codeeeyay inay noqdeen dal madaxbanaan. Aftidan ayaa waxa si toos ah u taageeraya oo dabada ka riixaya dalka maraykanka iyo dalal badan oo ka mid ah yurub Sababta ugu weyn ee ay u taageerayaan dalalka reer galbeedku waxay tahay dalka sudan oo lagula coloobay markii ay dowlada shiinahu ay ku guulaysatay inay shidaal u soo saarto, arinkan oo ka cadhaysiisay dalalka reer galbeedka oo iyagu u haysta qaarada afriki inay weligeed hoos timaado dalalka reer galbeedka. Waxaan la soconaa dhibaatadii lagaga furay daafuur, iyadoo la gaadhsiiyay ilaa Madaxweyne Cumar Albashiir laga soo xukumo maxkamada loogu yeedho maxkmada caalamiga ah oo soo go,aamisay in meeshii lagu arkaba la soo qabto. Jamhuuriyada Somaliland ayaa indho gaar ah ku eegaysay aftidan iyadii oo u noqondoonta dariiq u fududeeya inay somaliland hesho ictirafkii ay sugayay mudada 20ka Sano ah. Su,aasha la isweydiinayo ayaa ah Somaliland ma soo sadexeendoonta labadan dal ee cusub ee Kosofo iyo Koonfurta Sudan. SDWO News Desk – Djibouti

"Dowlada waxaan ka codsanaynaa in arinta ay faragalin ku samayso si aysan mar danbe u dhicin arintan oo kale " ayuu hadalkiisa ku daray taliyaha. .. Taliyuhu miyaanuu dowladda ka mid ahayn ??? ,,, lool

Waad u baahnayd karbaashkaas

Nuune Jin baa ku jira ,,, anigu Awliyaan ahay ,, wax fahan

I know ,,, looooooooooooooool