,, wanjalka dee inaad dhamaysay way caddahay oo meesheedii baad ka timidba e ,, maxaad ka wanjalaysay miskiinka ,,, loooooooool

dont tell me he was dancing .......

He always says that ,, last time he told me he will come to Hargeisa in Jan but never did Him in wedding ??? ,, .... i need a photo here ,, looooooooool

Mr. Butt Dr. Butt Sh. Butt Eng. Butt Prof. Butt Imagine working in an office full of Butts ,,

Adiguna markaad is leedahay yaan lagaa badin u gabay noo yeedh bal ,,

looooooooooool@butt ,, i think Pakistanis have that name ,, i know this ex-colleague who was called Dr. Waqar Butt ,

A great deal has transpired in the little over two months since I last raised the question of Somaliland in this column, repeating a call I made two years earlier: "Since the disintegration of the Siyad Barre's oppressive Somali regime into Hobbesian anarchy and warlordism, the international community has staunchly defended the phantasmal existence of the fictitious entity known as 'Somalia ' Now, however, is the time for the United States to break ranks and let realism triumph over wishful thinking, not only recognizing, but actively supporting Somaliland, a brave little land whose people's quest for freedom and security mirrors America's values as well as her strategic interests."In January, the president of the Republic of Somaliland, Dahir Rayale Kahin, accompanied by his foreign minister, Abdillahi Mohamed Duale, and several other members of his cabinet were invited to Washington for a visit that was officially acknowledged by the U.S. Department of State. According to the statement from the department's spokesman, Ambassador Sean McCormack:A high-level delegation from Somaliland, led by President Dahir Kahin Rayale, departed Washington January 19 after an eight-day visit. While here, the delegation met with senior officials of the State Department, U.S. Agency for International Development, Department of Defense, and National Security Council staff, among others. This cordial and constructive visit demonstrated U.S. engagement with Somaliland in furtherance of our common interests in the areas of regional peace and security, economic development, and democratic reform.Barely two weeks later, on February 3, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer, arrived in Somaliland's capital, Hargeisa, with Ambassador John M. Yates, a veteran diplomat based in Nairobi, Kenya, who is America's special envoy for Somalia (the U.S. envoy to Ethiopia, Ambassador Don Yamamoto, preceded the pair by one day). Dr. Frazer, the highest-ranking U.S. official to set foot in the republic since it reasserted its independence in 1991, spent the day holding formal talks with top government officials as well as meeting privately with representatives of Somaliland's three registered political parties – the Union of Democrats (UDUB), the Peace, Unity, and Development Party (KULMIYE), and the Party of Justice (UCID) – and the unregistered "Qaran" political movement. Speaking to the press, Dr. Frazer explained the motivation of her visit:Our visit to Somaliland is in connection and follow-up to President Dahir Rayale Kahin's recent, visit, to Washington and on top of that to continue to work with the Somaliland authorities in the issues concerning peace, stability and security of the region. Our visit is also an acknowledgement of the democratic progress made by Somaliland ... the U.S. assisted Somaliland in past elections and will continue to do so in the coming elections. We are here, today, to show our support for this and to mark the friendship and cooperation existing between the two countries.A few days after Dr. Frazer's visit, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) announced that it would "expand substantially activities designed to improve the lives of citizens of Somaliland," pledging "resources amounting to twice those spent in 2007 will be spent on projects focusing on the rule of law and security, democratic governance and on recovery and sustainable livelihoods, as well as on additional staff to increase the range of the ambitious programme in different regions of Somaliland" in concert "with the Somaliland government and other UN agencies."Dr. Frazer was careful to emphasize that the recent flurry of activity did not imply diplomatic recognition was imminent, noting that while "we have said on many occasions that the U.S. will continue to work with Somaliland, in particular, in the strong democratic values which Somaliland has succeeded in implementing," the issue of recognition should be left to the African Union (AU), while America would "work with the AU and will respect whatever decision it makes on Somaliland's status." However, as I previously observed, while the AU's own report on the matter, presented by then-Deputy Chairperson Patrick Kayumbu Mazimhaka, acknowledged the uniqueness of the case – "The fact that the union between Somaliland and Somalia was never ratified and also malfunctioned when it went into action from 1960 to 1990, makes Somaliland's search for recognition historically unique and self-justified in African political history. Objectively viewed, the case should not be linked to the notion of 'opening a Pandora's Box'. As such, the AU should find a special method of dealing with this outstanding case" – the AU is simply unable to actually address the matter as long as it continues to seat the utterly ineffectual "Transitional Federal Government" (TFG) of Somalia, which asserts sovereignty over the entire territory of the defunct Somali Democratic Republic despite being unable to so much as safely police its putative capital. Since Dr. Frazer is, undoubtedly, well aware of this reality, what is one to make of the recent developments?In large measure, the recent engagement can be viewed as strategically sound at several levels. In the short term, it is increasingly apparent that the TFG's lease on life is perhaps even more tenuous than that of its "president," Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, who, until last week, had not been in Somalia for months and was evacuated to London from Nairobi last month for medical treatment. In fact, just to get him back into Mogadishu last week, TFG forces and their Ethiopian protectors sealed all roads from the airport to the presidential Villa Somalia. In response, Islamist and clan insurgents fighting the regime fired mortars at the bunkered-down peacekeepers of the undermanned African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and, for good measure, lobbed half a dozen shells into the presidential compound. Amid heavy fighting last week, TFG forces sealed off the famed Bakara market, compounding the woes of those residents of Mogadishu who have not fled since most of these people either earn their living at the market or depend on it for basic staples. Typical of the constant hit-and-run attacks by the insurgents, last Saturday at least four Ethiopian soldiers were killed when the water truck they were traveling in drove into an ambush in northern Mogadishu while, in the Wadajir district just south of the capital, gunmen shot and wounded a local government official as he stood in front of his house. On Sunday, heavily-armed insurgents from the radical al-Shabaab ("the Youth") wing of the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), reportedly led by Sheikh Muhktar Ali Robow, a.k.a., Abu Mansur, the former deputy defense minister of the ICU who fought with the Taliban in Afghanistan, briefly occupied the southern town of Dinsoor before withdrawing. With daily rounds of artillery duels, bombings, ambushes, assassinations, and incursions, no one seriously believes that even the full deployment of AMISOM – an unlikely occurrence in any event – would do much more than prolong the agony of the passing of the TFG, the fourteenth attempt by outsiders to restore central government to what was once Somalia. Hence it makes perfect sense for U.S. officials to reach out to any effective powers in the region.Over the longer term, given the apparent futility trying to reconstitute a unitary state – a point I made more than a year ago in this column space – the members of the international community, especially the United States and its allies, have every reason to seek to engage Somaliland, not least of which is its geopolitical significance as a Muslim country with authentic democratic aspirations controlling over 900 kilometers of coastline along sea lanes along the Gulf of Aden, just opposite the Arabian Peninsula. Having such an island of relative security and stability is all the more important when, as veteran Somalia scholar Dr. Ken Menkhaus of Davidson College, who served as a senior advisor to the UN Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM) in the 1990s, has noted, "a collapsed state such as Somalia is more likely to serve as niche role as a transit zone, through which men, money, or materiel are quickly moved into the country and then across borders of neighboring states." Moreover, there is the belated recognition in many quarters, of the validity of the warning which South African analyst Kurt Schillinger delivered in a paper for the Royal United Services Institute for Defence an d Security Studies (RUSI): "Somaliland is a fragile entity in a fragile region with large Islamic populations – all demonstrably susceptible to radicalization."However, just because a consensus is slowly being built around these two realizations does not mean that the United States will extend formal diplomatic recognition to Somaliland any time soon despite the consonance of the admirable efforts by its people to build a secure and democratic state for themselves to the vision which President George W. Bush outlined in his second inaugural address: "It is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world ... Our goal ... is to help others find their own voice, attain their own freedom, and make their own way." Rather, while the commonality of ideals provides a basis for moving forward, Realpolitik dictates that not just ideals, but concrete national interests must be carefully considered if a great power like the United States is going to break new ground and recognize an aspiring state like Somaliland. In other words, as much as I have been a consistent advocate for Somaliland – just last week I gave an address at the University of Baltimore School of Law entitled "The Case for the Republic of Somaliland: At the Frontiers of International Law, African Politics, and Territorial Order" – I cannot foresee recognition from Washington unless the government in Hargeisa convinces skeptics that there is substantial "value added" in the relationship.To this end, the following are some steps which President Kahin and his government might take to build upon the recent progress in ties with the United States with a view to eventually securing formal recognition of what their citizens have accomplished in building a nation out of the wreckage of the former Somalia:First, one cannot understate the importance of the presidential election scheduled for August 2008: it must be a model of free, fair, and transparent balloting. One of the most important claims that Somaliland makes on the attention of the international community is its democratic politics. While the 2005 elections for the House of Representatives marked a significant milestone in that the incumbent president's UDUB won only 33 seats in the 82-member legislature (KULMIYE and UCID won 28 and 21 seats, respectively), following this up with a successful second direct democratic presidential vote (the first took place in 2003), would truly confirm Somaliland's status in the company of emerging democracies. The United States has provided over $1 million to the International Republican Institute (IRI) to support training and other programs in preparation for the elections, while the State Department expects to make an additional $1.5 million available after the voting. The European Union is likewise providing financial assistance for the electoral exercise.Second, beyond the voting, Somaliland must continue making progress on democratic governance. The territory is characterized a "partly free," scoring 5 on political rights and 4 on civil liberties in Freedom House's annual report, Freedom in the World 2008 (the scale is 1 to 7, with 1 corresponding to the highest and 7 the lowest levels of freedom). While the scores are impressive in contrast to that of the countries in its neighborhood – Somalia scores an abysmal 7 on both indices, Ethiopia and Djibouti scores a 5 on both political freedom and civil rights, while Eritrea manages to score 7 and 6 respectively – there is still considerable room for improvement. The members of the upper chamber of parliament, the House of Elders (Guurti), for example, have repeatedly extended their own terms of office. Corruption, while not as insidious as elsewhere in Africa, nonetheless needs to be systematically combated; while President Kahin deserves credit for sacking a number of corrupt officials during his tenure, the fact that they were even in place at all and needed to be removed is still disconcerting. While Somaliland is a largely homogenous society, there are nonetheless a few very small minority communities whose concerns could also be better addressed in the overall political process.Third, while President Kahin expressed the willingness of Somaliland to work with U.S. regional counterterrorism efforts during his meetings with Defense Department officials in Washington last month – and legal avenues for such cooperation need to be found on the American side – Hargeisa must redouble its efforts on the anti-extremism front. And while government agencies on the American side may have unresolved issues with certain types of engagements with their Somaliland counterparts, nothing prevents the latter from more increasing the quantity and quality of intelligence which they share. This would be particularly helpful since American military and intelligence officials have very limited access to reliable information from southern Somalia, an area where Somalilanders not only are better positioned to operate, but in fact already do so extensively. While I realize that this proposal shifts the burden somewhat to Somaliland, it is, after all, Somalilanders who are trying to make a case for partnership with the United States. (For their part, American officials would do well to shift responsibility for matters relating to Somaliland from the U.S. embassy in Kenya to the one in Ethiopia given that while there are no direct connections between Hargeisa and Nairobi, Somaliland officials and civilians routinely pass through Addis Ababa en route to other destinations.)Fourth, it is no secret that the former Somalia has significant potential natural resources. Last summer, I reported on how the People's Republic of China was making a play for the oil in TFG President Abdullahi Yusuf's home turf. There is every reason to believe that similar wealth is to be found not only on Somaliland's territory, but also in its waters. While every state (and aspiring state) has the right to make such commercial arrangements as it deems most advantageous – there are reports of the Swedish-based Lundin Petroleum AB (owned, since 2001, by Canada's Talisman Energy) had approached Somaliland's Ministry of Water and Minerals for rights to oil and natural gas exploration – authorities in Hargeisa would do well to consider the long-term strategic implications of their decisions as well as the economic benefits. Even if their foreign policy elites were not generally divorced from the interests of their business classes, neither Sweden nor Canada would likely be much of a strategic ally for anyone, much less a nascent state in a dangerous neighborhood like the one Somaliland finds itself in. In contrast, as Walter Russell Mead and other scholars have pointed out, there is a long tradition of American business and government working in tandem, with the latter often following the former's lead and U.S. political interests adjusting themselves to advance the economic interests of its citizens. Not only should the government in Hargeisa be open to approaches by American firms, but it ought to actively court them, realizing that without significant commercial ties to the United States, any political relations – if they come about at all – will be very tenuous. Conversely, the presence of American business interests, especially in strategic sectors, reinforces the geopolitical case for diplomatic ties between Washington and Hargeisa.Commenting on Somaliland, I.M. Lewis, the British scholar who for half a century has been the preeminent authority on the Somali peoples, observed: "The overall achievement so far as truly remarkable, and all the more so in that it has been accomplished by the people of Somaliland themselves with very little external help or intervention. The contrast with the fate of southern Somalia hardly needs to be underlined. " For these two reasons, among others, it is hoped that Somaliland will take the steps necessary to take advantage of the momentum in favor of advancing ties with its natural strategic partner, the United States, to the next level. By J. Peter Pham, Source:world defense review

I always knew inaad xabashi tahay ,,

waar niyow waxba isumaanaan ahayn intaan ogahay hadaan dee awoowgaygii 20 iyo ayeeydiisii 15 ilma abti ahayn ,,,,

,, wax waalan

Ninka naag ha lagu fadhiisiyo ,, wax kele idinkama rabee ,, He has a point, he was patient for one and half years and can't hold it longer ,, come on ,, his health is in danger ee u gargaara kol aad masaajidka uga kacdaana ,,

women :confused:

kkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkkk ,,,, ninkii gabayo ciilkood baa loo bixiyay ,,

Yes, last time i saw ,,,

You will have some insects go through it while you're sleeping ,,,

loooooooooooooooool@xiin ,,,,, Waxaad i xasuusisay ninkii reer hawd ee iyada oo beeshu guurayo intuu qayliyay yidhi hayaaay ,, waar awrta joojiyaaay gabay baa i haya e ,, awrtii baa la joojiyay oo ninkii la isugu soo ururay ilayn waakan yidhi gabay baa i haya e ,,,, markiisii horena inuu gabyo baa loogu taag waayay oo waa laga quustay,,, waxa la yidhi ninkii waakan hagaagay ee bal dhegeysta ,, markii la isu yimid buu gabaygii bilaabay oo yidhi: hobaalayeey hoobaalayeey hooye gabay baa i haya oo waa gabayo ciilkoode Uubaale xaabaale waa lagaga hoydaaye (2 tuulo magacood) Banka tuuyo waxa laga helaa soofayaal jabane ,,

loooooooool ,, i was just expecting a small package like the small envelope size ..... adigu maxaaad ii soo diray Ibti ??

loooooooooool ,,, i knew he will laugh ,, Didn't he give u anything for me ???

True ,, he doesn't hide anything. A freind of mine in Dubai/Abudhabi was telling me the old man was coming to the teashops where somalis gather and openly saying: 3 million baa la iga dhacay, maxkamadaan ka ashkateeyay ,, Another one i like was Muse Suudi Yalaxow ,,,, he is in the same category ,,

@this thread

Walee yaabay

You have to admit ,,, she is way way better than femous SOLers like Ngonge

NG, Actually she is better than you ,,,,,,,

Madaxweyne Rayaale oo Faah Faahin Ka Bixiyay Heshiiskii Saddexda Xisbi Qaran Gaadheen,Dawo sawirada Hargeysa (Qarannews)- Madaxweynaha JSL Mudane Daahir Rayaale Kaahin ayaa Maanta shir jaraa’id oo uu ku qabtay xafiiskiisa Faah faahin kaga bixiyay Heshiiskii ay wada jirka u gaadheen saddexda Xisbi Qaran, Diiwaan gelinta inagu soo fooda leh iyo arrimo kale oo xiiso badan. Madaxweynaha oo ugu horeyn halkaasi ka hadlay , ayaa waxa uu u mahad naqay Weriyayaasha ka soo qayb galay shirka Jaraa’id , waxana uu ku bilaabay ‘’aniga ayaa maanta idiin yeedhay aad ayaad u mahad san tihiin , waxa aan idinku yeedhay beryahanba shir ayaa noo socday anaga iyo asxaabta kale ee Qaranka , markaa madaxweynuhu muxuu la aamusan yahay ayay dadku is weydiinayeen , isagu weli ma hadlin , sababta ugu muhiimsan ee runtii kulankan aan u qabtay waa taas , waxa aan idiin sheegayaa run ahaantii , Somaliland intii jecelna in ay ku faraxdo , intii necbaydna in ay ka naxdo ayuu warkaygani daaran yahay oo ah in aan idiin sheego run ahaantii in aanu heshiinay anaga iyo Asxaabtii Qaranku , aanu ku heshiinay in dalkan khilaafkii jiray aanu soo afjarno , aanu isu diyaarino doorasho xaq iyo xalaal ah haddii ilaahay yidhaahdo , anagoo xukuumad ahaan weliba saaxabadyo shaki badan oo ay qabeen in aanu ku dawayno in doorashada Madaxtooyada la soo horeysiiyo oo shakiga ay qabeen waxa uu u badanaa had iyo jeer dawladu iyadaa dib u riixaysoo cimri dherer mar kastaba diiwaan gelintii lagama gaadhsiine dib ha loo sii riixo , taa laftigeeduna in ay dawo u noqoto tanaasul in aanu samayno oo ta Madaxtooyada aanu soo horeysiino , si kalsooni dhexdayada uga abuurno labada doorashaba waa la galayaa , ilaahay cida uu garto ama ummadu u codayso ayaa kursigan markastaba iman doonta , in aanu is jiid jiidano in aanay noqon oo aanu Masuuliyad ku wada shaqayno ayaanu isku afgaranay Gudoomiyayaasha Asxaabta iyo xukuumadaba’’. Madaxweyne Daahir Rayaale Kaahin waxa uu sheegay in waxyaabo badan inagu wareegsan yihiin , cadow badana inagu wareegsan yahay , mar kastana ku farxa marka ay maqlaan Somaliland Muran ayaa ka jira , isaga oo arrintaasi ka hadlayana waxa uu yidhi ‘’Waxa inagu wareegsan waxyaabo badan , cadow badan oo inagu wareegsan baa jira , mar kastaba ku farxa marka la yidhaahdo muran ayaa la isku haystaa , kuwaasi in aynaan ka farxin ayaanu isla garanay (Gudoomiyayaasha Xisbiyada Mucaaridka) run ahaantii , ujeedo ahaan , qodobadu waa kuwii hore la idiinku soo gudbiyay ku noqon maayo , oo akhris uma baahna horebaad u qorteen oo habeenkii shirka ka soo baxnayba waanu idiin soo gudbinay , waxa kale oo aanu ku heshiinay in haddii ay wax dhacaan in aanu sidii hore isaga dhawaano oo kulankayagu uu bato , waayo Somaliland dalkan ayay wada leedahay , kan wanaagiisa ayaynu dhamaanteen wax ku nahay , ka madax , ka shicib iyo mid kastaba , masuuliyadaa qaran in aanu wada qaadano ayaanu isla garanay ‘’. Madaxweynuhu waxa uu Bulsho weynta reer Somaliland ugu Bushaareeyay in Xisbiyada Mucaaridka iyo Xukuumadu heshiisay , isaga oo arrintaasi ka hadlayana waxa uu yidhi ‘’Waxaanjecelahay in shacbiga reer Somaliland u sheego uguna bushaareeyo in aanu heshiinay , wax khilaaf ah oo imika taaganina in aanu jirin , wixii halkaa ka bilaabmayna in aanu hore u sii socono haddii ilaahay yidhaahdo , waxyaabaha kale ee inagu xeeran ee caalamka inagaga socda ee inagu soo wajahan ka hadalno , arrimaheena Local Issue sidaa uga gudubno , hawshaana aanu gacan ka siino Komishanka doorashooyinka , xukuumad iyo Asxaaba sidii iyaguna xilkooda u gudan lahaayeen , anagoo iyagana u rajaynayna in ilaahay u fududeeyo xilkaasi’’. Mudane Rayaale isaga oo ka hadlaya waxyaabaha muranka keenay waxa uu ydihi ‘’Shaqadaa muranka keentayna waa Diiwaan gelinta oo inagu cusub , runtiina inoo noqonaysa ayaan odhan karaa waxa ugu qiimaha badan ee dalka u soo kordhay , waa markii u horeysay ilaa 1991-kii Identity ka duwan Somali aynu samaysanayno , oo Somalilander Identity ayaa ku jira mashruuca , oo jinsiyad aynu leenahay markii u horeysay , tani waxay noqon doontaa Identity aynu inagu leenahay ay inoo samaysanto , qiimo badan ayay inoogu fadhidaa’’. Madaxweyne Rayaale isaga oo la dardaarmaya Saxaafada waxa uu yidhi “Fariintayadu meel ma gaadho xukuumada , idinka ayaa meelo badan gaadhsiiya , markaasi maanta waxa aan idinku yeedhay in aad warkayga meelihii aad gaadhsiin jirteen gaadhsiisaan , mar kastana waxa aan idinkula dardaarmayaa warbaahin ahaan in aad xil qaran haysaan , qoraladiina mar kasta wixii dhaawac u gaysanaya karaya mustaqbalkiina inaad wadaniyadu mar kastaba jirto , taxadirkeeda aad samaysaan , waxa idinka wax badan idiin tarayn , News-ka mar kasta waa la sheegaa , Runtana waa la sheegaa , balse qaran kastaaba waxa uu leeyahay wararka qaarkood oo aan waxba tarayn waa la tuuraa, idinkana waxa aan idiin rajaynayaa in aad noqotaan saxaafad la mid ah kuwa dalalka horumaray, noqotaana kuwo la yidhaahdo waa Joornaalkii qiimaha lahaa ee ay qoladaasi qoraysay ayaan nin kasta oo Journalism ah jecelahay , si aad u noqotaan Berri ka maalin Joornaalada wax la waydiiyo ee saadaasha siyaasadaha qora insha allaahu waxa aad ku gaadhi doontaan xaqaa’iqa oo aad raadisaan, oo qoraalkiinu xaqaa’iq iyo run ku salaysnaado, taana insha allaahu waad gaadhi doontaan’’’ ayuu Madaxweynuhu hadalkiisa ku soo gaba gabeeyay.