Now the prime minister is really talking. _____________________________________ SSI had the opportunity this week to sit down with the Prime Minister of Somalia, Ali Mohammed Gedi. Here he answers questions about a new reconciliation process, violence and instability in Mogadishu and elsewhere, piracy off the Somali coast, lackluster international support, and relations with Somaliland. SSI: Are there any talks and meetings with the government in Somaliland and the Transitional Federal Government? PM A. Gedi: Not yet. As I have said, once we have to stabilize the rest of Somalia, we are prepared to start dialogue with them. SSI: We have had interviews with Somaliland authorities, and they are of the opinion that you are their brothers, and if the Transitional Federal Government so wishes them to cooperate, they can cooperate, but as a different entity not as one entity (one Somalia). What do you have to say of this notion? PM A. Gedi: I don’t believe in different entities.The act of union of the 1960 is still there, and the unity did not come with the willingness of one part- it was a common understanding. It was a common undertaking. And it still needs a common understanding and collective effort to consolidate the Somalia unity under governance. It is within the transitional federal charter of Somalia that Somalia is one country, it is one nation, and to reach that objective it needs a combined effort and collective decisions and consultations through dialogue. So we understand that maybe some international actors are trying to advocate for the recognition of Somaliland but that will never happen. SSI: You were quoted as saying if the international community recognizes Somaliland we don’t have a problem, we will accept them. If that is right and if the international community comes to recognize Somaliland as a separate entity, what would be the outlook of your government? PM A. Gedi: First of all, the decision and destiny is in the hands of the Somali people not in the hands of the international community. The international community operates through the charter of the United Nations and International Organizations. And in nowhere in that charter is a separation and division of nations possible, so the recognition must come from the Somali people through referendum, through acceptance and through willingness. That was the process of the unity form the beginning and it needs the same process. No country, no international organization can recognize them. SSI: If Somaliland calls for a referendum, would you support that, to see whether the people would opt for unity or separation? PM A. Gedi: A referendummust include all Somali people, not part of the Somali people. This is not an easy task. It is not like local administration, it is the destiny of the whole nation. So it must be all inclusive and it must express all of Somalia, if a referendum is deemed necessary for the restoration of the reunification. SSI: Somaliland is a peaceful place. If you believe that it is still within the framework of Somalia why wouldn’t your government cooperate with them and try to stabilize the rest of Somalia? Wasn’t it possible to locate the government in Somaliland for more secure operations? PM A. Gedi: First of all, let me clarify. From a political point of view, still there are different degrees of stability and the government is committed now to stabilize wherever is not stable. When we stabilize the rest of Somalia we will open dialogue with Somaliland. SSI: What percentage of Somalia is now stable? PM A. Gedi: Almost the whole country is stable, but what is lacking is local administration to run each respective area. We have started the set-up of local administrations. That is what we are lacking, not stability at all. SSI: You are friendly with many countries, including Ethiopia, who happens to have good relations with Somaliland. How do African countries like Ethiopia advise you to look at Somaliland? PM A. Gedi: The AU and the IGAD member states are focusing on Somalia and not Somaliland. Yes, we are encouraging them for the stability they have achieved and the reconstruction activities they are passing through. But politically speaking, all the AU counties and all the international community are sticking to Somali unity and territorial integrity. This is the common ground even within the charter of the United Nations. So there is no abuse and aberration on that issue. SSI: But the people of Somaliland have a bit further than just stability. They have effectively carried out the democratization process, installed government institutions and gone through election process more effective than some African counties that have legitimacy. These achievements cannot be overlooked by anyone, and on their part they are saying they need to be rewarded for these achievements. What is your consideration of this? PM A. Gedi: What is your mission? Are you advocating for the secession of Somaliland from the rest of Somalia or are you just asking me for clarification of what is happening. SSI: I am just asking for more clarifications, Sir. PM A. Gedi: I appreciate the effort of the Somaliland people with respect to the stabilization, reconstruction and the governance they are enjoying. But they are still an entity of Somalia. And that cannot be accepted if there is no common sense. What we are calling for is to start a dialogue with them, but it takes effort to start with. So rewarding in a sense is there, but politically speaking Somaliland is a part and parcel of Somalia. So that is the road map for the destiny of the Somali people and the Somali mission. Besides Somaliland communities were included in the reconciliation process in Kenya. These communities are part of the parliament; they are part of my cabinet ministers. The Deputy Prime Minister is from Somaliland, from Hargeisa. So don’t consider only those staying in the geographical area of Somaliland, also those who are part and parcel of the government. Hargeisa is not the only stable place. There are similar places enjoying stability in the country. And all the actions, the killings that were taking place in Somalia were also taking place in Hargeisa. Not only in Somalia is it happening all over the world. So there is no distinction between Somaliland and the rest of Somalia or Somalia and the rest of the world. SSI: How about the issue of pirates, which has drawn international attention. It is said the coast of the Indian Ocean including the ports of Mombassa and Zanzibar are being barred because of the piracy on the Somali coast. What is being done to control this situation? PM A. Gedi: This new phenomenon of piracy in the waters of the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea is a dangerous one. It is affecting not only Somalia but the whole passage of commodities, fishing activities, as well as tourism and humanitarian supplies. We have several times appealed to the international community to support the Transitional Federal Government in order to tackle this problem. Efforts are now under way and there are consultations at the regional and international level in order to address this and we are quite confident we will be able to tackle the issue. SSI: In one way you are disarming the militia, but you also need security forces on the other hand are you establishing a national army or police force? PM A. Gedi: Of course with in the demobilization process some of the former armed forces and the national police and army will be reestablished. Most of the militias will be trained for future police and national army, while part of them will be given vocational training for integration back into society. So already the processes of reestablishing our national security forces are under process, and hopefully we will strengthen them in collaboration with our neighboring countries and at the regional level as well. SSI: When will the disarming of the militia start? PM A. Gedi: Already we have started. Already we have demobilized 6,00 militia. They are in the camps, under training. According to the availability of international support and financial logistic availability, we are ready to continue with this mobilization. SSI: At the time you moved out form Kenya, People though the first thing you were going to have to do is to dialogue with community leaders on the grassroots level. And sort out a national reconciliation issues whereby you give the community elders a responsibility to disarm. Not only militias, but at the household level. But we have not heard so afar that this has taken place. What have you done in this regard? PM A. Gedi: The political reconciliation has taken place. We agreed on a federal charter, on the parliament, and we have elected leaders and formed the government. So what is remaining is grassroots level reconciliation, between communities and neighbors and different districts, and that is under process. In fact in the road map of the reconciliation process in Somalia we have planned to convene district level and regional level reconciliation conferences, and finally we will conclude with a gathering of all the representations from the different regions of Somalia in the capital city in order to declare that the reconciliation of Somalia is complete and that the government is running all over the country. So this is our road map. But still there are loopholes. We have to stabilize parts of the country. There are places where there is no control. So unless we put in place local administrations we cannot even run these reconciliation conferences. We want to ask them questions. What are the needs of your district or region? Of course they will say we need security, we need administration. What is the obstacle to stability? They will say the militias, the gunmen. Why don’t you put them in camps, why don’t you train them why don’t you train them, why don’t you reestablish your courts and your police stations. This is the process, so once we complete this at the district level delegates will come to the regional level and then to the national level. So this is our road map, and we have confidence in carrying our these activities because of the support of Somali people everywhere. SSI: In your personal opinion, what are the difficulties in the road map you just explained and how do you aim to tackle them? PM A. Gedi: Challenges and difficulties are everywhere. Somalia is not unique. But as a matter of priority we have security difficulties. In the context of the road map we are trying to handle the issue. The only weakness evident is the lack of financial support form the international community. Now that we are in the early stages of the reconciliation process, we have the trust and confidence that the donor community will support us. And if we get that support we have all the strength and the credibility to carry out our responsibilities and to stabilize the country. SSI: One the last question. When do you suppose the Temporary Federal Government will have control over Mogadishu? PM A. Gedi: As have told you it is a process, and the transitional federal institutions are operating now in the capital city with the leader ship of the deputy prime Minister, my minister of the interior. Already some ministries are operating in the capital City. Our plan is to stabilize and start operating fully with in the capital city within the coming three or four months. Source: Sub-Saharan Informer WD Link

Jenniser, Geopolitically, I think the federal government of Ethiopia still wants law and order restored in Somalia but within the framework of their national policy towards Somalia. The elected president sees the sophistication of Ethiopia and the relative fragmentation of our country. Therefore, it becomes imperative for him to not interrogate or object to Ethiopia's plans for the time being, for most of the warlords that now control Mogadisho and vicinities would take the initiative and use it against the fragile institutions of the TFG. I think A/Y and Geedi are committed to attaining their goals through pacifist approach and understanding of the warlords' demands. P.M. For instance, Geedi fulfilled a national task that was in imminent danger of his life for the sake of the people. Let us not take the Ethio-Yey conspiracy theory out of proportion. Despite his shortcomings, he has yet to demonstrate any threats to the warlords that would force them to the TFG's fold, but rather he is seeking peaceful resolution and national undertaking for the sake of creating a legitimate and once for all federal government.

BN, the deal is a great initiative for the TFG and should add to its success of convincing neighboring countries to ban flights from small airstrips that belong to warlords in Mogadisho. You might say that there are pressing concerns that the money should have been used for, but the hampering of humanitarian responses by the piracy is more pressing than any other needs.

Originally posted by Jannisary: [Then, the secessionists will continue to wield power and influence in less territory than they do today. That wasn't my point. The status of the TFG isn't fully established yet or has a central power to say the least that they can support secessionist group. I agree with what you said about the secessionists' limited territory control and their illegal encroachment on parts of the Sool territories behind an organized and a preemptive war against Puntland forces that are now based in Las Anod. The future of African nations isn't determined by an individual named Iqbal Jhazbay. And neither can Geedi nor Cabdullahi decide whether or not Somaliland is recognized as an independent nation. Ethiopia doesn't want to recognize Somaliland, for that would lead to further increase of rebel warfare within Ethiopian borders. This is exactly the opposite of what I said except using these two figures, Iqabal, a lobbyist for the secessionist and contingent Ethiopia's prime minister as part of the events that accumulated to this outcome of which many interpreted the prime minister's faux pas as a betrayal of trust and possible rift between Puntland and the TFG. So, I only tried to elucidate what i believed the problem was---lack of ideological uniformity or clarification thereof from the Cabinet ministers or even the president regarding the words of the prime minister. The prime minister also denied the existence of Somali region in Ethiopia. Secondly, Ethiopia would get condemnation of the highest kind from the rest of Africa. Thirdly, let's remember that Meles Zenawi is busy manufacturing a war with Eritrea so that attention will be diverted away from his dictatorial rule and gross human rights abuses. His days in Addis are numbered - and Cabdullahi Yusuf's gov't won't go anywhere as long as it continues to tie its interests to that of a falling nation (Ethiopia). Indeed, Zenawi is no different than Mao and Castro. The irregularities and the rigging up of the elections in favor of his party EPRDF have led for the Great Powers to withdraw their support because it was highly believed the newly created CUD party of the opposition (four parties that emerged as one) would have won the election had it not for the National Electoral Board's decision to deny the party official recognition. I alluded to this internal division in my earlier post. It is also too early to predict whether the TFG would work or not owing to the achievement they have made so far, which shows signs of progress. Second, the survival of his government is not positively or negatively dependent on Mela Zenawi's retention of power. Ethiopia's border dispute with Eritrea and the pressure of the subaltern communities of Oromo, Amhara, and the Somali also highlight the impending danger of the fall of Zenawi's regime. Despite both countries' agreement in principle to settle their disputes, there exists mounting criticism from Addis Ababa about the ruling of the international commission on the disputed border, which ceded some tracts of land claimed by Ethiopia to Eritrea. Barring to the few points about which I run into disagreement with you, the rest of your argument is based on well founded premises, most of which i concur with you.

I think Geedi’s shortcoming imputes fairly on inexperience and incapacity to leadership. In many ways, President Abdilahi Yusuf has a referent power over his position, which speculates to it that he is not a prime minister to the public more so than he is to Abdilahi Yusuf. So brothers, it is not only that our President intends to betray his people but it was a political gaffe as Faisal put it in his article and deleterious mistake to the cohesiveness of our people in reconstituting a legitimate government. Sadly, Geedi downplayed an important issue and a marginal one to his government’s success on the restoration of a peaceful country. Practically speaking, most of the TFG’s support comes from Puntland. So what If the secessionists obtain recognition from the International community? Will his fragile government exiled in a small town Jowhar show willingness to collaborate what is required of it as in the case of drawing a new demarcation line that should slash the country into two unequal entity? Of course, the International Community, in this case, is alert to the corollary to this and is impressed upon the history and the cause of self-determination of the secessionists in the former English protectorate---inconclusive claims based on internal colonization. (refer to Dr. Jama Elmi’s recent article “Somalis Federalism and Self-Determinationâ€) I also think Geedi’s shortcoming imputes on his attempt to negotiate with the secessionists. Two important goals must first be considered: substance and relationship goals as evidence to political negotiation. The relationship part obviously points to the declaration of a lobbyist and consultant of “somalilandâ€, Iqbal Jhazbay at an “informational session†hosted by the U.S State Department in SA that Geedi’s government will boost and support Somaliland if the World recognizes it. And the subsequent confirmation of Geedi himself on BBC radio reaffirmed the declaration of the lobbyist. Two things is now left for the substance part or “content issues†of this negotiation to buoyancy. The confirmation of the President and committing everything said and done into writing---a gross violation of the constitution of TFG , which in turn renders their positions and authority ineffective. It is mostly believed if not entirely of our President as a leader who is highly backed by Ethiopia. We may deduce a lot from the degree to which Addis Ababa plays a significant role in Somalia’s politics and the relative advantage of economic interest. The new trade deal between Addis Ababa and the secessionists for the access of Berbera port, had the TFG commented, it would have underlined that Ethiopia was running the gauntlet of the TFG about its meddling in the affairs of the country without direct consultation or permission from the federal government. So to downsize the scenario, I highly believe Abdilaahi Yuusuf issued his directives on the issue and asked the Prime Minister to give legitimacy to the claim of the secessionist. This is in part to create a picture on how far the government looks at the issue of dismembering the country, and in part is an “exit strategy†of the trade deal to distance itself from involvement. Federalism is viewed by many, including me, as the source of Somalia’s hope or for that matter a system model that can be articulated and defended against a charge of total failure in the future. Yet, it carries multi-faceted objective that would derail the hope of “Greater Somalia†in its entirety. Dividing the country into five or six political units could have the implications of weakening the strength of collective power and thus provide a coordinated approach to control Somalia by an external force—Ethiopia. Sure, Ethiopia has its internal divisions and courts the danger of strife, but it has the wherewithal of huge population and land in the Horn, which attracts a strategic support on this matter from U.S and EU. Hornafrique thanks for the link. Toohe Jr. a.k.a Mansa Munsa, you have have said a lot about why the decay in our nation is progressing. I couldn't agree more than it. SOO MAAL. thanks for the articles and comments. NGONGE AND TOLSTOY, AND BAASHI and all of you, thanks for the contribution.

^^^^Toohe Jr, Two weeks ago, news from the transitional federal government TFG has circulated and was published in a number of Somali websites. It states that the transitional government has set up a process to divide Somalia into five or six political units as part of the federal system. Somaliland and Puntland would be the frontrunners of the system and serve as an adminstrative mechanism for which other regions in Somalia should copy and adopt. The aim is to decentralize power in Somalia from the bottom up. To many, the intimation sent shocking waves to people who call these regions home. It was a feeling of betrayal and withdrawal of trust since 99% of the people in these regions voted in favor of Puntland’s administration over their regions. The connection and the degree of involvement of these regions under the Puntland umbrella were widely received throughout Mogadishu and Hargeisa circles. Based on such firm beliefs, Sool, Sanaag, Haylaan and Ain regions and their political setting have often been invoked as mere Puntland. But precisely on that pragmatic basis in conflict with the recent development, a fact-finding team (politicians, elders, and MPs and educated individuals who hail from the SSHA regions) should have to challenge for hitherto unresolved issues of the ambiguous position of the TFG towards the self-declared region of Somaliland. We don’t want to face the saga from the South of Somalia, which is rife with social and political turmoil, often involving clan warfare, extended anarchy, extreme poverty and continuous environmental degradation. ------------------------------------ Somalia and the International Community: Two Ships Passing in the Night Ali A. Fatah November 19.2005 The past 15 years saw Somalia weather horrendous upheaval marked by internecine wars and resultant man-made disasters set in motion by the collapse of the National Government towards the end of 1990. During much of this period, Somalis faced heaps of dreadful conditions at home and abroad due, in large measure, to statelessness and its corollary—anarchy. Meanwhile, in the era of hyper-nationalism, rich nations were getting exacerbated with poor, self-mutilating nations’ perennial cries to be saved from the consequence of their own irrational policies. Yet, when displaced Somalis made enquiries to international institutions for assistance in restoring a sense of normalcy in their lives, the response was almost always the same: “put your house in order first and the international community will help your society to pick up the piecesâ€. Somalis must have taken that encouragement to heart. For they once again defied the odds by unexpectedly putting their collective shoulders to the wheel, stayed the course during two years of difficult negotiations, and at the end of the day, elected, by wide margins, a Transitional Federal Government (TFG). Suddenly, the cheer-leading on the part of several international agencies, save the regional governments, came to a screeching halt. These previously supportive international agencies (which are also known as the International Community) began to express doubts about the very process they professed to champion few short months before an historic, all-faction-election conference resulted in the formation of the TFG in October 2004. Thus, a strange new atmosphere was taking shape and it had the eerie look and feel that key international actors and the TFG were ships passing in the night! So, what went wrong with the promised international support to help get Somalis stand on their own feet, once they took concrete steps towards peace and reconciliation? And, how does this international community supposed to work anyway? Was there a universally accepted system or does the IC operates on the basis of contradictory impulses? Not surprisingly, the term “International Community†is defined differently by different people: 1) ‘All the lands represented by the United Nations’, 2) ‘The people of the lands all over the world’, and 3) ‘A term of convenience’ coined for super power purposes, etc. Whatever the case may be, it is regulated by international law and its principles are applicable to international security. To its credit, the TFG has conscientiously sought to observe the extant rules of the road of the international community. However, they have been less than sure-footed in making their case convincingly against admittedly determined foes. Hence, most of their formal requests seem to have all but fell into deaf ears. To take stock of the situation, this much is clear regarding obstacles that the TFG needs to overcome soon: the consortium of nations that populate world institutions such as the UN, EU, AU, Arab League, etc, and their member states are by no means equal in terms of power and influence. They belong to different tiers of definite pecking order in terms of relative authority that must be understood in the all-important arena of public diplomacy. In this pecking order, the United States is far and away the top dog. What US government says carries much more weight than, say, the AU and the Arab League combined. The EU is a close second rung in this order but its power does not constitute a viable alternative to America’s reach and influence. To date, about a year since Somalia’s TFG has been inaugurated in Nairobi, Kenya, and six months after it moved into Somalia, the United States has been cool to the new Somali national government headed by President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed and Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Ghedi. Somali Analysts cite many different reasons for this unmistakable detachment. They point to the aftereffects of the 1993 skirmish in Mogadishu between US forces assigned to the UN and the militia of the late warlord Mohamed Farah Aideed in which 18 American servicemen were killed; the efforts of a small but energetic band of half a dozen or so boosters of the secessionist cause that is being waged by politicians seeking to make Northwestern Somalia a country called the “Republic of Somalilandâ€; and, finally, the TFG’s seeming slowness in making the case for their vision for Somalia. The Analysts posit that the cumulative effect of these factors plus the instability of Mogadishu under warlords, and their religious allies, have conspired to influence US policy to withhold crucial endorsement from the TFG. Taken together, these factors could pose formidable challenge to overcome, however, as separate issues, a reasonable remediation can be brought to bear to each one of them. For example, while Aideed is dead and gone, splinter groups from his faction are now wreaking havoc on parts of Mogadishu and nearby regions, including organizing piracy operations on important sea lanes, with deadly results. Clearly, the TFG needs outside help to be able to stop their multi-faceted banditry once and for all. With regard to the small, eclectic band of self-styled champions of the cause of secessionism in Northwestern Somalia, it is important to note that they are not a monolithic group. They include two well-placed true believers, a.k.a. the “in-laws†who will do and say anything in furtherance of secessionism. The TFG should have no problem in organizing a successful challenge to this group by simply telling the truth at every turn. Then there are a couple of academics who are enamored with the form, if not the substance, of staged “voting†events in parts of northern Somalia—events which the opposition there calls sham, every time; they too can benefit from a concerted effort by the government aimed at setting the record straight. The secessionists also seek assistance from registered lobbyists, who take clients from all over the world, for a fee. The TFG would be well advised to consult with them (or others in that profession) to counter the misinformation being disseminated by the first group. Lastly, there is the recently emancipated South African middleman, who is not acquainted with either Somalia or the truth, for that matter. His case illustrates Napoleon’s dictum: “In politics, ********* is not a handicapâ€. Back to the international community, US support is vital in international relations. The AU, and its East African subset, IGAD, though well-meaning, lack the socio-economic and political wherewithal to back their regional policy goals and are therefore a little more than paper tigers. The EU has, over the past few years, shown some interest in assisting the new Somali government but its member-states are loathe to getting involved in nation-building type of ventures that are not fully sanctioned by the United States. The same goes for Japan. The oil-rich Arab states too take their cues from the US. (Wherever they see a green light, they go head over heels, including unzipping their fat wallets in a New York minute!) This is not a bad system as the world needs more order, not less; for its part, the TFG needs to become not only a quick study of the politics of pragmatism but to model it without delay. Behind the scenes, there is high-stakes geopolitical struggle for Africa (of a different sort) and China is deeply involved in that looming tussle. Needless to say, they have already telegraphed their interest in Somalia (particularly in oil and gas exploration). At the moment, China appears to be practicing Zen-like patience by waiting in wings. Their expectation may be that Somalia will soon lurch in their direction after that country’s overtures are rebuffed, albeit gently, by the leading western powers. All in all, the retail, nickel and dime diplomacy that the TFG has been conducting up to this point is proving to be a total waste of time and that nothing good is likely to come out of it. So, the Somali Government needs to start engaging in high-level diplomacy beginning with senior US Officials. Recommendations: The TFG should get a credible diplomatic representation in Washington to be able to set the record straight and not cede the diplomatic arena to their opponents who are busy spreading misinformation with abandon. The TFG should enlist all the potential allies they can identify in an effort to mount an effective truth-telling campaign about their vision for the country and the stark reality on the ground including ‘The good, the bad and the ugly’. Oil companies and others who may be interested in investing in Somalia can be helpful in this regard. The Mogadishu warlords are united by fear, not hope. Thus, the TFG should disavow the resumption of fraternal war in the Somali peninsula to be able to peel off the less strident warlords, who are mainly interested in protecting their ill-gotten wealth from their alliance of convenience with the unremorseful war mongers; this would isolate the latter and thus render them harmless. Develop a strategic plan of peaceful socio-economic and political development that is free from neo-clanism and other forms of discrimination. In conclusion, it appears that the TFG has bought into a ruse early on its tenure. According to knowledgeable people, they were told by highly placed international agencies—while still in Nairobi—that, to qualify for assistance from the international community, the TFG should: A) establish a working government in Somalia, B) pacify the heedless warlords and their allied, armed religious groups in Mogadishu, through peaceful means. The TFG successfully accomplished the first task, but the second one requires a great deal of resources, which the TFG does not have. The problem is compounded by the fact that the government is dealing with warlord foes that are armed to the teeth and are not shy about using such weapons. They routinely conduct high profile killings of individuals with institutional memory of the workings of the Somali nation-state, maritime piracy, kidnappings, extortion, drug running and the like. They have brazenly tried to assassinate the Premier twice in the past six months, while he was on official visits to his home town of Mogadishu. For the TFG to find its sea legs, therefore, in such a hostile environment, the support of the international community is indispensable; it is not the other way around. Furthermore, the success of the TFG should not be viewed solely in terms of assisting in the stabilization of Somalia or as participating in the dreaded activity of “nation-building a failed stateâ€. Such support has far more implications for the peace and security of the world as a whole. For one thing, it will help deny terror groups lurking in the shadows from establishing a foothold in the strategic Horn of Africa region. From this perspective alone, US-led international support for the TFG would be a win-win for all parties concerned (except of course the bad guys). The TFG, for its part, has to find a credible way to state as emphatically as possible its vision for leading a prosperous Somalia that is at peace with itself and with its neighbors. Ali A. Fatah AMakhiri@aol.com

Arawelo, you welcome. I like to extend my thanksfullness to Makhir Development Organization and Israac Organization for their patriotic work in Sanaag. Their most recent meeting was held in MN for the political stability, development, and adminstration of the region. -------------------------- Kullenkii hay'ada horumarinta Maakhir (Makhir Devolopement Organisization) oo ka dhacay magaalada Minneapolis ee gobolka Minnesota. Minneapolis: (laasqorey.net) Waxaa maalmahan magaalada Minneapolis ee gobolka Minnesota ka socday shirar isdadaba jooga oo ay soo qaban qaabisay hay'ada Horumarinta Maakhir ama sida inta badan loo yaqaan Makhir Develepment Organization(MDO). Hay'adan oo ah Ha'yad samafal oo ka hawlgasha Gobalka sanaag gaar ahaan dhulka loo yaqaan Calmadow. Hay'adan waxay sanad walba qabataa kulan iyadoo ku qabata meelo kala duwan oo ka tiransan waqooyiga America, hadaba waxaa nasiib u yeeshay sanadkan in lagu qabto kulankan magaalada Minneapolis ee gobolka Minnesota. Kulamadii la qabtey khamiistii iyo jimcihii ayaa waxaa ka soo qaybgalay dadka u dhashay Degaanka Maakhir. Waxayna kulamadaas ku falan qeeyeen sidii loo hurumarin lahaa guud ahaan deegaanka Calmadow, iyo sidii kaalmo loogu heli lahaa hay'ada Maakhir. Waxay kaloo halkaa ku doorteen gudidii maamuli laheyd hay'ada labad sano ee soo socota. Yusuf Ahmed Haji Salah[b/] ayaa loo doortay gudoomiyaha Hay'ada , halka Dr. Saciid Cismaan Faahiye(Shaacir) loo doortay gudoomiye ku xigeen. Waxaa kaloo halkaa lagu magacaabay shan xubnood oo ay ka mid ahaayeen Asli Aloore,Muse Gulaid,Ismail Ali Gaildoon, Kamal Hamud, iyo Ubah Mohamed Haji Ali. Halka kulankii sabtidii uu ahaa kulan balaaran oo ay ka soo qaybgaleen jaaliyada Soomaaliyeed ee ku dhaqan gobolka Minnesota. Waxaa uga horayn halkaa ka hadlay gudumiyihii hore ee Hay'ada Ismaaciil Cali Geeldoon oo ka hadlay taariikhdii iyo waxqabadka hay'ada. Waxaa kale oo kulankaas ka hadlay Abdirasaq Lafoole oo ku hadlayey magaca haya'da SSHDA oo ah hay'ad samafal oo ka hawlgasha qaybo ka mida gobolada Soomaaliya ee ay jaarka yihiin deeegaanka ay MDO ka hawlgasho. Wuxuu cabdirisaaq halkaa ka soo jeediyey khibradii iyo waxyaalihii la soo gudboonaadey intii ay hay'ada gacanta ku hayeen. Gudoomiyaha ururka ISRAAC Saynab Hassan oo iyaduna kulankaa ka hadashay ayaa waxay ka hadashay waxyeelada loo geystey deegaanka soomaaliyeed mudadii 14 sano ee dowolad la'anta. Munaasadaas waxaa kaloo gabay la magac baxay "Makhir Cost" ka tireyey gabayaaga Cismaan Ducale Dahir. Aqoonayhanada kale ee kulankaa ka hadlay waxaa ka mid ahaa Ibrhim Aye, Maryan Mahamed iyo Saed Salah Ahmed oo isagu isku soo dubariday barnaamijka. Ugu dambeyntii hay'ada Makhir (MDO) waxay kala kulantey Minnesota guul iyo taageero buuxda dhamaan Soomaalida degan Minnesota.

Someone siad, i think it was Bill Ainashe's recent article, that Somalia warlords and leaders speak freely as if they couldn't be held accountable of their utterance, reflecting the nature of our oral society. In todays' world, everything is recorded, retrieved and can be used against unwary persons with important positions with regard to a statement made by them. Indeed, Geedi needs a political adviser.

Prime Minister Geedi Commits a Major Political Gaffe! Faisal Roble November 19.2005 On November 11, 2005, Mr. Ali Mohamed Geedi, Prime Minster of the ailing Transitional Federal Government (TFG) of Somalia, had committed a serious political gaffe, which came as a result of a multi-faceted interview with the BBC Somali Service where Somali listeners were given opportunity to call in. Mr. Geedi said (1) that his government does not mind and would not oppose if the international community is willing to recognize the breakaway region of North Western Somalia, also called Somaliland, and (2) there are no Somali people under a colonial rule in Ethiopia that he is aware of. I respectfully disagree with his Excellency’s lapse of judgment, which is identical to the animalistic behavior of what Somalis refer to as “a camel that eats up its own protection or “Awr heeryadiis cunay.†How else can you read about a Prime Minister in the forefront in an onslaught of his nation? On Somaliland recognition: For Prime Minster Geedi to give a green light to the dismemberment of his own country is the worst form of any political gaffe in memory. His acquiescence with a possible recognition accorded to the breakaway region by the international community could have the most far-reaching negative impact on the policies and even viability of the TFG in Jowhar. Those Somalilanders who support secession also may use the Prime Minister’s carelessly uttered statement to their advantage. The political position of Geedi on the secession of Somaliland first surfaced last month. Iqbal Jhazbay at the University of South Africa and a lobbyist and consultant to Somaliland, has first reported on this issue and surprised everyone, including his employers, the Somaliland administration. Mr. Jhasbay gave a talk at a closed informational session hosted by the United States, Department of State, in collaboration with the U.S. Congressional Research Service’s Africa Unit. Mr. Iqbal Jhazbay said that he met with Geedi not long ago in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, the seat where Somalia has been and would ultimately be undone, where Geedi confided and told him that the TFG does not oppose the secession of Somaliland if the international world is ready to offer recognition. Many assumed at the time that Jhazbay’s claim was a fabrication and a shrewd strategy to boast the political propaganda of Somaliland’s secession advocates. However, we learned from the horse’s mouth himself, Geedi, that whatJhazbay has reported to US policy makers indeed reflects the belief of Mr. Geedi and his administration in Jowhar. Is the rest of leadership of TFG and the Transitional Federal Institutions (TFI) also on board with Geedi on this matter? What does this say about the recently drafted constitution of Somalia that upholds the unity and territorial integrity of the Somali Republic? Or, is what Geedi said just the result of an inexperienced Prime Minister’s slip of the tongue – a simple political gaffe hence leaving behind a mere embarrassment? Whatever the answers to these questions may be, it is clear by now that Geedi’s gaffe did not receive any further explanation either from the president himself or from his foreign minister. While drafting this commentary, reliable sources told me that Geedi’s alibi, when confronted by members of his administration, is totally unacceptable: that he is an individual and it is the constitution and not his opinion that matters is too little too late. We have seen the same phenomenon in Minister Edna (foreign Minister of Somaliland) that old style of managing political affairs, merely based on charisma, does not work well in today’s media savvy and politically sophisticated world. Ms. Edna has had so many gaffes that even her staunch supporters started to worry and wondered where she was headed with her unguarded comments and repeated gaffes that almost undermined her administration. Many in Somaliland are quietly rejoicing at the low profile that she lately has assumed. Likewise, if Geedi’s political gaffe is as a result of lack of experience in the diplomacy field, lest the prime minister has no prior credentials in international diplomacy, then it is time to quickly back track from his earlier mistakes and apologize to the millions of Somalis who are for united Somalia. If the TFG’s policy is one that stands for unity and territorial integrity, Geedi needs to do some serious explaining and quickly move on drafting his language of national apology. This issue will not easily go away, at least in the minds of some commentators and in Sool, and Sanaag regions, which already have officially requested an explanation of the Prime Minister’s gaffe. If he stands by his statement, then let him explain to all sides his rationale as to why he would not mind if the international community recognizes the secessionist wing in Somaliland, and start preparing his people on both sides to the issue and for the eventual dislocation of the country. While on the subject, the TFG leadership (Yusuf and Geedi) may better get served if it lets able ministers in the administration, who have experience in diplomacy and better understand the intricacies of international diplomacy and the opportunistic press corps that often thrives on politicians’ missteps, do their rightful jobs at which a lot of them are good and command broader experiences. On the Somali-Ethiopian Question: It was unprofessional and amateurish for Prime Minister Geedi to belittle and play a revisionist on the painful history of Somalis in Ethiopia. The almost 4.5 million Somalis in Ethiopia (the second largest Somali population) have been conquered by emperor Menilink II of Ethiopia in the late 1890s. Between the regimes of the twin evils of Menilik II and Meles, (and you had the deceitful regimes of Ras Mekonen, Haile Selassie and Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam in between), unspeakable atrocities, debasement and dehumanization only paralleled by that exacted on the Palestinians Arabs. If the massacres in the aftermath of 1948-1957 Geri uprisings which culminated in the public hanging of 12 martyrs, the Aysha'a killing fields of 1960, the Dhagahbuur mayhem of 1964, and the repeated wanton massive massacres in Qorahay, Faafan and Gaashaamo from the 1940s through 1980s did not serve as lessons of oppression and colonization to the good Prime Minster, nor would this November’s killing of 23 people in Qabridahar’s heavily populated streets which took place only days after the Prime Minster’s poor comments aired on the BBC air waves. Owing to factors of religion and myths that augment Ethiopia’s standing in the community of nations versus the inferior image of Somalis, the world kept a blind eye to the pains of this people under Ethiopia’s primitive colony. It is doubly sad that a Somali Prime Minister joins the blind choir who are indifferent to the blight of Somalis in Ethiopia. The radical movements of the 1970s in Ethiopia, however, have belatedly recognized the colonial status of the Somalis in Ethiopia. Suffice here to reiterate what Tilahun Gizaw, a radical student leader in the movement who had blood ties to the late wife of King Haile Sellasie, Empress Etige Menon, of Walloye blood line, said in a 1969 speech at the then Haile Sellasie University: “Ethiopia is a prison of nations….. There is the Oromo nation, ……, the Guragay nation… and however much you may not like it, there is the Somali nation.†He was underscoring the fact that Somalis are the most oppressed of all the oppressed in Ethiopia, yet even mentioning the name “Somali†or acknowledging their existence in Ethiopia was a crime. The existing Ethiopian constitution, which Meles and his victorious Tigriyan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) drafted at gunpoint 1991, recognizes the colonization and oppression of nationalities and nations in Ethiopia for whatever worth it is (The Tigriyans were forced to recognize the right of nations, mainly due to the latent Oromo nationalism). To safeguard the rights of hitherto colonized nations, Article 39 of the Constitution speaks to the rights of nations including secession. Despite that some Somalis were critical of his politics, the late Abdul Majid Hussien Barre fought hard (as the chairman of the subcommittee of constituent assembly that adopted the constitution) for the inclusion of this Article in the constitution. And Somalia’s Prime Minister flatters Meles by saying that he does not know of any Somalis under any colonial rule? Call it either political timidity or intellectual bankruptcy, the Prime Minster royally erred it and behaved irresponsibly. The prime Minster does not have to please Ethiopia by trying to denigrate or drum up a reactionary, albeit revisionist political history of Africa’s vexing home grown colonial phenomenon – the Somali peoples colonization by Ethiopia. It is time that we collectively remind the good Prime Minister that if Somalia is to die, it is better that it dies a dignified death, or “hadaad dhimanaysona dhareerkaa la’iska duwaa.†A chronic dependency on Ethiopia for arms and fuel notwithstanding, the late General Mohamed Aidid Farah was confronted with a similar question on the Somalis in Ethiopia, when interviewed in 1992 for the Vanity Fair Magazine by Harold Marcus, a prominent Ethiopianist. Like any seasoned politician, Aidid admitted the existence of positive changes that Meles’s government brought to the Somali region, but quickly added the painful history of colonization of the Somalis. With “democracy and “policies of inclusion†being implemented in Ethiopia, Aided said Somalia need not worry about the problems of Somalis in Ethiopia. With such a vague and polemic language, Aidid predicated his bowing down to Meles with the concepts of “democracy†and “policy of inclusion†being applied to Somalis in Ethiopia. If Ethiopia fails to do so, as it is doing now, well, Aidid is covered and his diplomatic stance on Ethiopia would easily be justified to retract his bowing down to strong man Meles. No one should expect Geedi to go into tirades of praises and sloganeering in support of greater Somali Nationalism. The concept of greater Somali nationalism does not seem to be sexy in today’s reality. Even with such a reality on the ground, the Prime Minister needs to respect the history and feelings of Somalis under Ethiopia, no matter what. A dose of reality to the Somalis in Ethiopia is in order: The majority of Somalia elites’ attitude towards the noble idea of Somali unity and Somali nationalism has changed with a permanent political mutation. The ugly reality of clanism has plagued our shocked and shame-ridden memory. Due to the general disintegration and fragmentation of the Somali social fabric and the absence of any credible leader on the scene, Somalia is no longer capable to play the role it had played in the past in burdening the responsibility of Somali unity in the horn of Africa. Perhaps for the good of all concerned. Therefore, Somali Ethiopians should not depend on Somalia like the dependency syndrome, that Winthrop Jordan, an antebellum historian, called “The White Man’s Burden.†In other words, Somali Ethiopians should grow up, stand on their own feet and start char.ting their own map for their survival while honoring and upholding the good traits of Somali unity. The Prime Minster’s gaffe on Somaliland’s secession and his tacit endorsement of a possible world recognition is expected to have serious repercussions and has already tainted his hitherto clean image. His wrongful reading of the history of Somalis in Ethiopia must be treated as only a sign of troubling intellectual bankruptcy and symptomatic of the absence of leadership in today’s political landscape of Somalia. Which prompts one to revisit what Professor Said Samatar said in the wake of Somalia’s defeat in the 1978 Ethio-Somalia war in whose aftermath several opposition groups chose Addis Ababa as their center for undoing Somalia, “ Oh! Somalia too far from God and too close to Ethiopia.†Faisal A. Roble Los Angeles, California E-Mail:fabroble@aol.com Wardheer News Portal

You welcome Nomads. I am sure you probably have seen them prior to I, but i have to make the extra effort and expand the breadth of viewers as the city is very much relevant to where it stands vs the secessionist agenda.

An interesting report on the district of Dhahar,one of the formerly five largest cities in Sanaag region but currently the capital of Haylaan region. I find this report a very informative and one that would educate us. PICTURES GLORE WITH THE FULL REPORT Dhahar :- Magaalada Dhahar waxay kamid tahay magaalooyinka ugu waawayn gobolka Sanaag, waxayna dhacdaa barta 9.75digrii loolka waqooyi iyo 48.82digrii dhigta Bari, waxayna magaalada Ceergaabo u jirtaa fogaan ah 220 km dhanka K/Bari, magaalada Boosaasana fogaan ah 215 km dhanka W/Galbeed.

This can't be true. Windtalker's early depiction of himself was more of aggressive. I remember a threadthat was cut off by the Adminstration because of its objectionable content. I used to wonder how could someone from Bari region or even Mudug could have a sweeping generalization about Sanaag and its residents that he even called them "Cowards". The most absurd label i have ever heard someone say against Sanaag inhabitants. Since then, I chose my words with caution and keen observation. I had a sense that Him wasn't what what he made of his identity but a mere alias with multiple and dangerous purpose.

Originally posted by Toohe Jr.: Are we all free from being a hostage of some sort of syndrome?. I am saying that because after reading some posts I realized how eminent that some of us ought to visit one of the local urgent care centers. Some of us need clarity because of confusion; others need natural treatment from brain chemical imbalances. Toohe Jr. well said Toohe Jr. and wlc.

Originally posted by wind.talker: ^^ And my dislike of the Mbegathi process? Let me say it again: 4.5 Formula. No man on this planet can convince me that there are people and there are .5 people. Because there's no such thing as a .5 person. Its un-Islamic, ridiculous and flat-out tribalist in every sense of the word. Nicely put, but .5 representations politically, demographically, and logically are well justified? I don’t see the moral and religious ground to represent our brothers inhumanely subordinate comparing to the rest of us, but the lawmakers and the framers of our constitution realized that it was impossible to put them in the same league as the four big clan powers . Why? It will affect the political outcome of Somali reconciliation and the distribution of scarce resources. Hence, the decision made by our lawmakers is based on consensus and not majority rule system. Wlc, Toohe Jr.

The tone of authors who write in reference to the regional names of Sool Sanaag and Cayn employ terms that aren’t satisfactorily defined and fail to consider a full participation of the towns in Sanaag. The stipulative definition of SSC , for instance, could mean different when towns like Las Anod, Buhodle and Taleh are just invoked which in turn could alienate other major towns that are in the mix of struggle to fighting the secession. For many purposes, the implicit motive of such authors in downplaying the importance of naming a region like Haylaan and towns like Badhan, Erigavo, and Las Qorei could produce regressive ideaological shift that is detriment to the health of these regions’ solidarity. Therefore, I ask the withdrawal of the adaptability of such tone before it sets in and because of the discomfort that that entails.

Nasra--good tips I believe the lavish outflow of money into wedding expenditures by Somalis reflects on our custom and it does so in a way that makes us oblivious to our needs and we do have difficulties seperating needs from wants. A want is an ideal state for a particular possession to satisfy a "need" in specific ways that are culturally and socially influenced. On the other hand, A need is the recognition of your actual state from your ideal or desired state. Though we derive benefits from both, it is therefore necessary to understand your actual state. Having realized, you would be able to build on it and enhance it into your ideal state, but the failure to recognize the distinction largely by our materialist women , complicates the affordability and comfort of life-long marriages---at least for the girls and boys who harbor the urgency of the call.

Quamane, The "little nobodies" implies plural--two to three persons that replied to the two Canadian academician who authored the "Memo to Paul Martin" . There is only one person known as Gamal(an Educated brother and a Somali Canadian) who critiques that memo exceptionally well. Two other persons came in response to Gamal's literary work. One was in favor of the Canadian authors in a desperate attempt to counterblast Gamal's article unmindful of the weaknesses of the scholars' Memo. As the Somali saying goes, "rabbi ka cabso iyo rag iska dhici meel islama galaan". Egaal was truly sycophant and didn't have much to say to support them after Gamal exposed their ignorance to Somali's current politics and the history of the protectorate. Gamal writes, " I think it is also intellectually dishonest to write about a country or a situation just from one's own head or by relying solely on information provided by a group with an agenda to break up a country. " I have reiterated so many times that these self-made pro-seperatist foreignors wallow in the misery of our country and they mostly eschew to seek the balance on the probability on Somali's dreams and realities. If you pay close attention to How Gamal hold them up to ridicule, we won't be having this discussion and some of us like Suldaan wouldn't be so heedless of the contents of the Memo in terms of its context, rickety evidence, and ignorance that has swept away its whole relevance. Only a cursory look at the history of the merger between the two parts of the Somalia (the ex-British and the ex-Italian) would have informed the authors that there was no federation in Somalia at all. Yet the authors state that Somaliland “hastily entered into federation with the former Italian Somaliland â€. Gamal continues, The authors display yet again their ignorance about the “ Somaliland †they are defending by advising the Prime Minister, Paul Martin, to travel to Hargeisa for the “inauguration of the country's government that will emerge from today's elections...†The system obtaining in that breakaway region of ours is a presidential one and ministers are not chosen from parliament. Therefore, there is no government that will emerge from this or any other election and hence no inauguration. Gamal finishes up his critique clearly and fairly, "As a Canadian, I trust that the policies of our government will not be influenced by individuals who pronounce themselves so carelessly on matters for which they have no expertise."

The marvelous article by Gamal has attracted a lot of responses, one of which is In Response to Egeh : A New Reagan Democrat for the Cause of Somaliland

Nigeria seizes separatist militants in broader crackdown Thu Oct 27, 4:07 PM ET Nigerian security forces have detained three of the country's most powerful militant leaders, officials said, as part of an apparent crackdown on the separatist forces threatening to tear Africa's most populous country apart. In Lagos a magistrate ordered that two rival leaders of the Odua People's Congress (OPC) -- an illegal armed faction set up to defend the interests of the Yoruba ethnic group -- be held in prison while police prosecutors prepare to charge them with inciting murder and riots. Meanwhile, secret police have raided the fortified compound of ethnic Igbo separatist leader Ralph Uwazuruike and are holding him incommunicado in the federal capital Abuja, according to a legal adviser to his Movement for the Actualisation of a Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB). The arrests came one month after police detained Niger Delta warlord Alhaji Mujahid Dokubo Asari, who campaigns for the independence of the Ijaw people and their oil-rich homeland, and then also briefly held ethnic Ogoni rights activist Ledum Mittee for questioning. "It appears that government is really cracking down on perceived members of the opposition. It is reminiscent of the military diktat and high-handedness the present government is practising," said political activist Beko Ransome-Kuti, who supports the idea of regional autonomy. The crackdown also came as Nigerians nervously watch the build up to the 2007 election. President Olusegun Obasanjo, who has led the country since the end of military rule in 1999, is due to step down at the end of two four-year terms. If he honours his promise to do so, he will be replaced by whoever comes out on top after the next 18 months of what is expected to be bitter political warfare. The last poll in 2003 was widely seen has having been rigged by Obasanjo's ruling party. Anger over this has led to increased agitation for self-determination from the larger of the 250 ethnic groups making up Nigeria's 130-million-strong population. Many of their leaders argue that Nigeria was artificially created by the country's former colonial power Britain and that more authority must be devolved to the regions and to the Hausa, Yoruba, Igbo, Ijaw and the country's other main peoples. But Obasanjo, who fought on the victorious federal side against Biafran rebels in Nigeria's 1967-70 civil war, opposes any move to weaken Nigerian unity. His supporters and some foreign observers fear that if the federal state loosens its grip the country could disintegrate into chaos as many west and central African countries have done before. Uwazuruike "was arrested by the State Security Service (SSS) at his home in his village. He was arrested late on Tuesday. Yesterday they flew him from Port Harcourt to Abuja, where he is being held," MASSOB lawyer Uche Okwukwu told AFP. MASSOB has demanded that the ethnic Igbo people of southeastern Nigeria be allowed to split from the federation and form an independent homeland of its own; a revived Biafra. Pro-Biafran activists have stepped up their demands and in recent months have taken a number of provocative steps; holding strikes in eastern cities, staging marches under the Biafran banner and circulating banknotes minted in the short-lived rebel republic. Frederick Faseun and Gani Adams -- veteran militants and rivals for the leadership of the banned OPC -- appeared amid tight security with nine other group members at Igbosere Magistrates Court. Dozens of armed police equipped with armoured personnel carriers stood guard around the courthouse, and four truckloads of officers carrying assault rifles escorted the prison van through a 200-strong crowd of protesters as the suspects were taken back to jail. Enmity between Adams and Faseun spilled over into violence last week when gangs from their rival factions battled for control of lucrative bus and taxi routes. Between three and 12 people were killed and dozens of buses burnt out in the fighting. The prosecutor said the suspects would be charged with conspiracy to murder, murder, malicious property damage, rioting, unlawful assembly, causing fear to members of the public by bearing weapons, arson and leading an illegal association. Magistrate Akintunde Isaacs remanded the OPC suspects in custody and adjourned the hearing until November 21.

Originally posted by wind.talker: Isn't SSC supposed to be part of PL? Very dissappointing on the part of Col Yeey, but then again, the whole of PL was created as a mechanism for Col Yeey to launch himself into the office of the Somali presidency. . Windtalker, it is too early to foment unrest or hostility within brotherly groups who united to advance their interest , but the intimation from this development could trigger severe distrust and further the gradual disintegration into clan fiefdoms in the north just like the present situation in Mogadisho. Our brother Sophist said that Sool Sanaag Haylaan and Cayn didn't join but founded it (Puntland). I agree with him on our great traditional Sultans, elders, and intellectuals' first generation of the idea and thereby implementing it to the full benefit of our political survival. However, as it appears, people aren't happy with the outcome. Windtalker , you do follow closely what is up there and i like your dispassionate insight and analysis. Soo maal, brother it is too early to leap to conclusions.

The mistake that Sool and Sanaag made in joining Puntland , not deciding their own political independency, have come home to roost. The Transitional Federal government have declared these regions to be part of Somaliland regardless of the wish of the people and their constituents. Puntland regions shall consist of Bari , Nugal, and Northern Mudug. It hasn't been announced yet , which regions would be part of Puntland, but it appears the three (3) regions i highlighted above. We shall see Dawladda Federaalka Oo Qeexday Waxay Qarinaysay “Sool, Sanaag, Haylaan Iyo Cayn Waa Somalilandâ€. Warkii: Oct 23, 2005 SSHC(Radiossc.net):-Sida ay akhristayaasha Radiossc.net la socdeen waxaa mudo hadda laga joogo 7 bilood uu soo bandhigay in ay dawladda federaalku u taqaano Somaliland,gobollada Sool, Sanaag, W/Galbeed, Awdal iyo Togdhee, arrintaas oo ku kaliiftay in aanay wufuuddii Dawladda Federaalku soo booqan Gobollada SSC markii uu madaxweyne C/laahi hoggaaminayey safar ay ku yimaadeen Gobollada Puntland. Taas oo warar xog-ogal ahi sheegayeen in hoggaanka sare ee dawlada federaalka laga codsady in aanay galin gobolada Sool, Sanaag, si aanay u sii murgin is fahamka laga dhex raadinayo dawlada federaalka iyo maamulka hargeysa. Waxaana ugu danbaysay in uu diiday taliyaha Ciidamada booliska dawlada federaalka Col. Cali Madoobe mar uu maamulka puntland ka codsaday in uu soo eego xaalada booliska gobolllada Sool, Sanaag, Haylaan iyo Cayn safarkiisii uu dhawaan ku yimi Puntland, isagoo mas’uuliyiinta Puntland si cad ugu sheegay in aanu gobolladaas tageyn arrimo la xidhiidha dhinaca siyaasada. Haddaba qoraalka ugu danbeeyey ee uu soo saaray golaha wasiirrada ee dawlada federaalka ayaa waxa lagu muujinayaa arrimo dareen kooda leh, kuwaas oo aad ka dhadhan-san kartid qoraalkan in la xusay maamul goboleedyo loo qaybiyey Soomaaliya kuwaas oo ka kooban lix mandaqadood, iyadoo afar ka mid ah si cad loo qeexay gobolada ay yihiin , halka Waxa lagu magacaabay Soomaliland aan la qeexin inta gobol ee ay ka kooban tahay, puntland sidoo kale. Arrimahaas oo shakigii hore looga qabay dawlada Federaalka sii xoojinaysa, waxaana lagama maarmaan ah sida loo qeexay gobollada kale in Puntland iyo waxa loogu yeedhay Somaliland la cadeeyo, si loo ogaado gobolada ay dawlada federaalku u taqaano Puntland iyo kuwa ay u taqaano Maamulka Hoostaga Hargeysa. Waxaanu shaki ku jirin in ay si dhab ah ugu kala cadaan doonto Bulshada ku dhaqan gobolada Sool, Sanaag, Haylaan iyo Cayn halka ay u taqaano Gobolladan marka ay yimaaddaan khubarada loo kala dirayo lixda aag ee loo qaybiyey Soomaaliya. Qoraalka Dawlada Federaalku soo saartay ee Shakikgiisa leh = Hoos Akhri Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya Dawladda Federaalka KMG ah ee Soomaaliya Qorshaha Daraasada Dib u dhiska iyo Horumarinta Dalka Soomaaliya 15 Sano oo dagaalo sokeeye iyo burburin ay ka socodeen dalka soomaaliya ka dib waxaa DFKMG ah iyo Beesha Caalamku isla garteen in Dib u dhis iyo horumarin lagu sameeyo dhamaan gobolada iyo degmooyinka Dalka. Hadaba si loo fuliyo qorshahaas waxaa loo baahday in marka hore dhamaan gobolada laga soo sameeyo daraasado loogu guur geliyo baahidooda dib u dhis iyo horumar iyadoo gobolka kasta loo dirayo aqoon yahano Soomaaliyeed iyo quburo ajnebi ah si ay ula soo kulmaan waxgaradka degmo kasta ka dibna baahida dib u dhis iyo horumarineed ee dalkoo dhan laysugu keeno. Si hawshaasi u fududaato waxaa dalka Soomaaliyeed loo qaybiyey lix Aag oo kala ah 1) Somaliland (Lama qeexin gobolada loo yaqaano) 2) Puntland (Lama qeexin Gobolada loo Yaqaano) Qaybaha La cadeeyey 3) Central ( Hiiraan, Galgaduud, Sh/dhexe and South Mudug) 4) South West( Bay, Bakool, Sh/hoose) 5) South (Gedo, J/dhexe iyo J/Hoose) 6) Banaadir ( 16 degmo) Arimaha Daraasad Cilmiyeedka laga soo samaynayaa waa 6 qaybood oo muhiim ah iyo 3 qaybood oo saamayn ku leh guul ka gaarsita daraasadaha. Lixda Qaybood 1) Xukun Wanaag, Nabadgelyo iyo ku dhaqanka sharciga 2) Hab dhaqaaleedka guud oo Baahsan 3) dib u dhiska iyo horumarinta wadooyinka, Buundooyinka, Dekedaha, Airpordada 4) Daryeelka Bulshada sida Caafimaadka, waxbashada IWM 5) kordhinta Waxsoosaarka Beeraha, Xoolaha, kaluumaysiga iyo Hagaajinta jawiga waxsoosaarka. 6) Kor u qaadida nolosha Dadweynaha iyo xal u helida dadka gudaha dalka ku barakacay Saddex qaybood oo wada Saamaynaya 7) dib u hesheesiinta, nabad ku wada noolaanshada iyo ka hortegida iska hor imaadyada 8) kor u qaadida awooda maamul iyo horumarin lahaa hay’adaha jira ( mid dawladeed ama mid gaar loo leeyahay) loogana hortegi lahaa musuqmaasuqa. 9) dhowrista xuquuqda Aadanaha iyo qaderinta haweenka iyo dadka laga tirada badan yahay. Qaab dhismeedka Hawlwadeenada 1) Hawl wadeennada Heerka koowaad Gobol kasta waxaa laga doonayaa 8 xubnood oo ku salaysan Degmooyinka iyo qaybaha bulshada ee gobolkaas wada degta, marka laga reebo muqdishu oo 16-ka degmo midiiba laga rabo 2 xubnood, kuwaasoo aqoon u leh in ay cabiraan oo quburada u imaan dooonta ka dhaadhiciyaan baahida dib u dhis iyo horumarineed ee gobolkooda u baahan yahay. 2) Hawl wadeenada heerka Labaad Lixdaas aag ee aan kor ku soo sheegay aag kasta waxaa laga doonayaa hal isu duwe iyo 6 xubnood oo midba qabiir ku yahay mid ka mid ah 6 qaybood ee daraasada laga soo samaynayo kuwaasoo awood u leh in ay Quburada Caalamiga ah kana dhaadhiciyaan Baahida Dib u dhis iyo Horumarineed ee ka jirta aagaas iyagoo kaashanaya Hawlwadeenada heerka koowaad iyo dhamaan qaybaha bulshada. 3)- Hawl wadeennada heerka saddexaad Dawladda Federaalka KMG ah ee Soomaaliya waxaa laga doonayaa 12 aqoonyahan oo hadhow noqon kara Agaasimayaal guud ee Wasaaradaha. 4) Hawl wadeennada Heerka Afraad Ummadda Soomaaliyeed meel kastoo ay joogto waxaa laga doonayaa 12 aqoon yahan oo heer caalami ah isla markaana magic iyo sumcad wanaagsan ku leh ummadda Soomaaliyeed. 5) Hawl wadeennada Heerka shanaad Bangiga Aduunka iyo UNDP waxaa laga doonayaa Quburo heer caalami ah oo tiro ahaan u dhiganta hawlwadeenada 2,3 iyo 4-aad. Cidda xulaysa 1) Hawl wadeenada heerka koowaad waxaa soo xulaya maamulka gobolka iyo degmada waana in ay yihiin dad u dhashay degaankaas magac iyo sumcadna ku dhex leh bulshada gobolka ku dhaqan xogogaalna u ah baahida dib u dhiseed iyo horumarineed isla markaana ay ka dhex muuqdaan dhamaan qaybaha bulshada sida culimo awdiinka, Ganacsatada, haweenka, madaxda dhaqanka. 2) Hawl wadeenada Heerka labaad iyo kan sadexaad marka laga reebo Somaliland iyo Puntland waxaa soo xulaya Wasiirada iyo xildhibaanada DFKMG ah ee Soomaaliya ee afarta aag ee kale ka soo jeeda. Shuruudaha laga doonayo Hawlwadeenada heerka 2 iyo 3-aad - Waa in uu Soomaali yahay, hawl kale aanu hayn (fulltime) - Waa in uu leeyahay aqoon Master Degree ah ama Bs degree 10 sano oo waayo aragnimo ah leh oo la xiriirta shaqada uu codsanayo. - Waa in luuqada Englishka si fiican u yaqaan si fududna ugu diyaarin karaa report dheer computerkana adeegsan karaa. - In uu daacad u yahay dadkiisa iyo dalkiisa isla markaana leeyahay dareen Soomalinimo iyo aragti dheer oo aqoonyahanimo. - Hawl wadeenada heerka 3-aad waa in ay yihiin kuwo u diyaar ah in ay dawladda u shaqeeyaan isla markaana ku shaqayn kara duruufaha jira - Hawwadeenada heerka 3-aad waa in uu aqoon u leeyahay guud ahaan dalka Soomaaliya. - Waa in uu soo gudbiyaa CV leh raadraac (references) 3)- hawl wadeenada Heerka 4 iyo 5 waxaa soo xulaya Bangiga Aduunka iyo UNDP iyagoo la tashanaya DFKMG ah ee Soomaaliya. Waqtiga Hawl galka Tallaabada Koowaad- 15 – 18 November 2005 waxaa magaalada Nairobi ka furmaya aqoon is weydaarsi ay isugu tegayaan lixda isu duwe ee hawlwadeenada heerka labaad, hawlwadeenada Heerka 3,4 iyo 5-aad si ay isu soo bartaan, laysula meel dhigo istaatiijiyadii lagu meel marin lahaa daraasadan qiimaha weyn ugu fadhida dalka deeq bixiyayaashuna sugayaan dibna loogu kala qaybiyo lixda Qaybood iyo aag ee aan kor ku soo sheegay. Tallaabada labaad- Isu duwaha aag kasta oo ay la socdaan Quburo soomaaliyeed iyo kuwo ajnibi ah ayaa dib ugu soo laabanaya dalka waxayna Hawlwadeenada Heerka koowaad iyo labaad u qabanayaan aqoon isweydaarsiyo ay ugu gudbinayaan sida hawsha loo qbanayo isla markaana waxaa qoraal ahaan laysla meel dhigayaa baahida dib u dhis iyo horumarineeed ee aaga. Tallaabada saddexaad- Hawlwadeenada aag kastaa waxay isu qaybinayaan lixdii qaytbood ee daraasadu ku saabsanayd waxayna bilaabayaan in ay soo dersaan oo indhahoodu ku soo arkaan baahida jirta ee degmo iyo tuulo kasta oo dalka ah. Tallaabada Afraad Daraasadii la soo ururiyey ayaa aag kastaa goonidiisa isula soo noqonayaa waxaa la qabanayaa aqoon is weydaarsi la mid ah kii talaabada labaad la qabtay kaas oo laysugu geynayo macluumaadkii laga soo ururiyey degaanada ay u xil saran yihiin ka dibna waxaa laga ansixinayaa dadka degaanka. Tallaabada shanaad Daraasadihii lixda jaho ayaa laysu keenayaa oo laga ansixinayaa golaha wasiirada ee Xukuumada Federaalka KMG ah ee Soomaaliya Tallaabada lixaad Waxaa Daraasada loo gudbinayaa shirka Deeq bixiyayaasha Caalamku ku yeelanayaan magaalada Roma ee wadanka talyaaniga horaanta sanadka 2006 waxaana laga filayaa deeq bixiyayaasha in ay ku yaboohaan maalgelinta loogu baahanayo dib u shiska iyo horumarinta dalka. Tallaabada Toddobaad Waxaa la bilaabayaa dib u dhiskii iyo horumarintii gobolada iyo degmooyinka dalka oo dhan bartamaha sanadka 2006 Inshaa Allah. Sidaas awgeed, waxaa bulshada soomaaliyeed meel kastoo ay joogaan laga codsanayaa in ay gacan siiyaan hawlwadeenada Daraasada samaynaya oo ay u gudbiyaan baahidooda dib u dhis iyo horumarineed ee degaankooda. Sidoo kale aqoonyahanada awooda u leh in ay buuxin karaan jagooyinka kor ku xusan waxaa laga codsanayaa in ay si deg deg ah ugu gudbiyaan CV-gooda cidda u xilsaaran xulidooda. Waad Mahadsan tihiin Wasiirka Warfaafinta DFKGS Maxamed Cabdi Xayir (Maareeye)-

allaha ha naxariisto marxuumka, samir iyo iimaana ehelkiisa iyo qaraabadiisa allaha ka siiyo.

Memo to Paul Martin Revisited: The Messy Retrieval of a Dead Entity (Somaliland) from the Dustbin of Colonial History Gamal Hassan October16, 2005 On September 29, 2005 Jean Daudelin (an academic at Carleton University) and Lee Seymour (a PhD candidate at Northwestern University) published in the Globe and Mail newspaper a "Memo to Paul Martin" calling on him to recognize “Somaliland†- a breakaway region of Somalia – as an independent country. The Memo, written under the cloak of scholarship, obviously promotes the agenda of the secessionists in my country, Somalia, and since I am a native of what the authors call ‘Somaliland' I take exception to the many distortions of the facts of the situation. I think it is also intellectually dishonest to write about a country or a situation just from one's own head or by relying solely on information provided by a group with an agenda to break up a country. Only a cursory look at the history of the merger between the two parts of the Somalia (the ex-British and the ex-Italian) would have informed the authors that there was no federation in Somalia at all. Yet the authors state that Somaliland “hastily entered into federation with the former Italian Somaliland â€. Nothing could be farther from the truth. They also state equally erroneously that the merger was “an unhappy unionâ€. If by that they mean, as the secessionists always claim, that the North (formerly Somaliland ) did not benefit by the union or that the union was a net loss to it, one should simply and objectively compare how the British left Somaliland with and how it became thirty years later. We, the Northerners, were in the course of those thirty years Speakers of Parliament, ministers, ambassadors, permanent secretaries, high ranking military officers, etc. and the last Prime Minister in the civilian government in Somalia , was none other than the last President of the separatist region that calls itself ‘ Somaliland '. It is true that the cruelty of the regime of Siad Barre to our Issaq brothers and sisters was unparalleled in the annals of Somali history. But that regime was repressive to many other clans as well and that was why the resurgence of clanism swept away the State itself, not in Hargeisa but in Mogadishu, the national capital. The authors claim that “ Somaliland has also constructed the political foundations of a functioning democracyâ€. Again, the facts point to the contrary. A parliament, hitherto unelected, arbitrary detentions of journalists, imprisonment of dissidents, long-term imprisonment, torture and rape of a 16 year-old girl from Puntland accused of spying, the President's summary dismissal of the Chief Justice, a bogus referendum (called for and conducted by the separatists themselves) which the people of Sool, Sanaag and Boohodle boycotted (because it did not concern them since they were, as they are, part and parcel of neighbouring Puntland), the prohibition of open debates to precede the referendum, and the detention of those who openly advocated against secession, are all the elements of the “functioning democracy†the authors are talking about. The authors deliberately chose to downplay these serious violations of rights by saying, “All is not perfect in Somaliland â€. This is a serious understatement which smacks of dishonesty. The authors display yet again their ignorance about the “ Somaliland †they are defending by advising the Prime Minister, Paul Martin, to travel to Hargeisa for the “inauguration of the country's government that will emerge from today's elections...†The system obtaining in that breakaway region of ours is a presidential one and ministers are not chosen from parliament. Therefore, there is no government that will emerge from this or any other election and hence no inauguration. As regards the elections the authors state: “Outside observers have deemed these elections to have been largely free and fair.†There is an obvious and revealing discrepancy between the fact that the article was published on the Election Day itself and the time the statement of the observers was made. Did the authors anticipate that the observers would say that the elections were free and fair or did the observers tell them in advance that they would declare the elections as free and fair? Now, where is the honesty in this? Unfortunately, Africa has seen many foreign ideologies that bring their destructive missions to the continent and on its people - from slavery, colonization and cold war to the current neo-colonial economic domination fronted by the IMF, World Bank, WTO, and scholars with hidden agendas, all with disastrous effects. One of the most effective forms of domination tactics used by these groups in Africa and indeed to the rest of the world was the concept of “divide, weaken and ruleâ€. The authors reminded me the application of that policy by the late Apartheid regimes in South Africa who created Bantustans (tribal homelands) such as the Transkei and KwaZulu headed by Matanzima and Buthelezi respectively. The purpose of these tribal homelands was to weaken the unity of the majority of South Africans and their struggle against the apartheid system. History was on the side of the people of South Africa as they defeated the apartheid regime and established a free and democratic society. Equally, if a fair and UN-observed plebiscite is held today in ‘ Somaliland ', the overwhelming majority of the people of ‘ Somaliland ' will vote against secession and creation of Bantustans in Somalia . It is evident that the entire purpose of the authors' misinformation is to get the Canadian Government to recognize “ Somaliland â€. But the Canadian Government is not as gullible as the authors might think, and it will certainly not base its decision on so tendentious a report or letter. Let me repeat, however, for the benefit of the authors what Mr. Chris Mullen told the Legislative Assembly in Hargeisa a year ago. He told them in clear and unmistakable terms that recognition would cause war. He could not be more right. Somaliland and Puntland have been at war and are, after a modus vivendi , still on the brink of war because of Sool, Sanaag, and Buhodle all of which were part of British Somaliland but are now part and parcel of Puntland which effectively controls them. Somaliland and Puntland, unlike the Southern regions, enjoy at present relative peace and quiet. Recognition will simply turn that on its head and export the war in the South to these quiet northern areas. There is no valid reason to complicate matters further and cause bloodshed when Somalia has just adopted a federal system in order to provide the maximum autonomy possible to areas like the breakaway region of “ Somaliland â€. There have been contacts already between the Federal Government and ministers from Hargeisa. And the clans in the North as a whole are represented in the Federal Parliament and Federal Government. Recognition of ‘ Somaliland ' will also be a flagrant violation of the numerous Security Council resolutions on Somalia which affirmed, and reaffirmed time and again, the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Somalia . As a Canadian, I trust that the policies of our government will not be influenced by individuals who pronounce themselves so carelessly on matters for which they have no expertise. It is, however, necessary for the secessionists and their ‘friends' to understand that if Somalia is divisible, Somaliland is also divisible . Gamal Hassan Ottawa, Canada Email: ceelaayo@yahoo.com www.wardheernews.com

Originally posted by HornAfrique: I cannot find a UN fact-finding report as dismissable. Indha-cade should be tried, convicted, then shot! Diinteena should not be a masquarade and a cover up. Acudi-bilaah soonki baaba iga jabay yaan umalayn. Indeed he is by the far the worst warlord in the South but what is even more worrisome is his portrayal as a religious pundit who rules the people he occupies and taxes with iron fist. This is what a friend of mine wrote a while ago. Until now, these multitude militia factions hold hostages of the defenseless urban and agricultural societies that live in areas starting from Mogadishu south to Kismayu. They operate under the commanders of a previously unheard number of warlords, who in their daily pillaging, killing, raping, and extorting the locals, have carved out notorious names such as Indha Cade, Galaal, and etc. They have even begun to arrogate proprietary rights to their clans about the territories in which they have forcefully occupied and ruled under martial law. LINK

^Jizakalah for the advice