BN

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  1. African, I was a bit surprised when you wrote "observed by Moi". I thought that old man Pres. Moi of kenya was lurking around SOL... African: Not your typical SOL member. She has strong opinions and expresses them well. She has a big vision for Somaalia and posts very interesting topics.
  2. This is similar to some somalis(men&women) who think it's better to marry an arab rather then another somali? As if to marry 'up'? Especially considering(for women) that arab men make very bad husbands(arrogant, violent,etc), I dont see how they can be happy. And what about Somali men who prefer to marry only light-skinned girls? I guess all cultures/societies have these tendancies. Interesting article: It's Harder When You're Darker --Vibe Magazine
  3. Originally posted by Ameenah: Ahaaa! My sentiments exactly, so in the mean time ya'll have no case against Slands stance on 'unity' - it isn't the time for it as you said. Why the contradiction markaa? Why do we criticise a region for looking out for it's best interest whilst questioning wether another region should follow suite? First, I speak for myself and no one else--OK. As for being "undecided on somaliweyn", i think that everyone has a different opinion-and opinions are not rigid. Everyone Somali(I think) supports Somaliweyn, but may differ on the means to attain it. Second, let's clarify because there is a difference between NW Somalia and the Somaliland Protectorate(Colony). And by "Slands stance", i'll take that to mean the north west. If the people in the NW *really* want to seperate I doubt anyone can force them to do otherwise. Nor do I think it would be wise to do so since it will lead(most likely) to more violence. Reconciliation between Somalis should be done through peaceful means. I think that once there is peace, stability and government in the rest of Somalia--the NW ppl as well as leaders will choose to stay as a part of a Federal Somalia. With every state and region controlling their own internal affairs--similar to the current level of independence of local governments in Somalia. But how can we really judge the aspirations of the ppl in the NW? Surely you dont really believe the 97% 'referendum' produced by the Hargeisa government, do you? I should hope not. Can you please tell me why you think the peoples in Sool, Sanag, and Cayn[buuhoodle] regions did not participate in: 1)Referendum 2001 2)Local elections 2002 3)Presidential Elections 2003 In the recent International Crisis Group report it stated about the 2001 referendum "In some respects the referendum results were misleading. The much lower turnout for subsequent elections casts doubt upon the turnout for the referendum. And the 97 per cent “yes” is not an accurate representation of support for independence among Somalilanders." Pg. 18 And about Sool, Sanag and Cayn participation "In the Harti-inhabited parts of eastern Somaliland, the turnout was especially low – suggesting to one team of international observers (probably correctly) a local boycott of the referendum." Pg. 19 And on their participation in the 2003 elections "The NEC was well aware of the problem, having sent several missions to Harti areas in the weeks before the poll. With less than 72 hours remaining before the election was scheduled to take place, the commission reached the decision that there would be no voting in Harti areas." On who controls Sool "Following his abortive visit to Laas Caanood, Rayale gave orders that certain[read: all] Somaliland officials should be withdrawn to the nearby town of Caynabo[bordering Toghdeer], ostensibly in order to avoid provoking a further clash. The resulting vacuum permitted the Puntland leadership to expand its presence in the town and for at least a week before the presidential poll, militia loyal to Abdillahi Yusuf had been pouring into the eastern regions with the aim of disrupting the election. “Puntland has brought a lot of forces here”, a Laas Caanood resident told ICG. “They want to prevent a single ballot being cast[in Sool], and there are insufficient Somaliland forces here to prevent that”. Pg. 35
  4. Palestine Chronicle Al Jazeera--English Version Palestine Monitor More soon...
  5. Occupation 101 is a film that presents the essence of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The film depicts the root causes of the conflict through Israeli, Jewish, Christian, American, and Palestinian voices that are rarely heard through the mainstream media. . . . . . . . . Making of this film The concept for Occupation 101 was first conceived during a visit to the Holy Land in December of 2000. At that time the situation was spiraling out of control because of the Al-Aqsa Intifada and the methods used by the Israeli military to quell demonstrators. We were inspired by the experiences on the ground and felt an obligation to raise awareness about the realities of daily life under occupation. Production for Occupation 101 began in April of 2001. We first filmed individual interviewees in various locations throughout the Unites States. We then traveled to the occupied Palestinian territories (West Bank and Gaza) and Israel. We filmed footage of the realities on the ground and the experiences people face living under military occupation. The film is currently being privately screened for evaluation. Once we complete the evaluation process, the film will be available for wide release. . . . . . . . . The Interviews The following individuals were interviewed for this film: Noam Chomsky, Middle East analyst and author - Cambridge, MA. Richard Falk, UN Commission on Human Rights fact-finding mission - Princeton, NJ. Amira Hass, journalist for the daily Israeli newspaper Ha'aretz - Tel Aviv. Allegra Pacheco, human rights attorney and political activist - Jerusalem. Jeff Halper, anthropology professor - Ben Gurion University, Israel. Phyllis Bennis, Middle East analyst and author, Institute for Policy Studies - Washington DC. Edward Walker, former assistant Secretary of State (under Clinton admin), former US ambassador to Israel, president of the Middle East Institute - Washington, DC. James Akins, former US ambassador to Saudi Arabia - Washington DC. Paul Findley, former US congressman of 22 years - Jacksonville, IL. Seth Ackerman, media analyst for FAIR ( Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting ) - New York. John B. Quigley, international law professor - Ohio State University. Rashid Khalidi, professor of Middle East history - University of Chicago. Ramsey Clark, former US attorney general - New York. Francis Boyle, international law professor - University of Illinois. Rev James Lawson, mentor to Martin Luther King and architect of 1950s civil rights movement. - Los Angeles. Roger Normand, Middle East analyst for Center for Economic and Social Rights - New York. Father Drew Christiansen, former director of the Office of International Justice and Peace of the United States Catholic Conference (USCC) - Washington DC. Bishop Bartlett, Jr., the Episcopal Diocese of Washington - Washington DC. Sharon Burke from Amnesty International - Washington DC. Peter Boukaert from Human Rights Watch - New York. Yael Stien from B'tselem , a leading Israeli human rights organization - Jerusalem. Douglas Dicks from Catholic Relief Services - Jerusalem. Thomas Getman from World Vision International - Jerusalem Kathleen Kamphoefner from Christian Peacemaker Team - Hebron. Hedva Radonavitz from Physcians for Human Rights - Tel Aviv. Rabbi Arik Ascherman from Rabbis for Human Rights - Jerusalem. Gila Svirsky from Women's Coalition for a Just Peace , an Israeli human rights activist group - Jerusalem. Adam Keller from Gush Shalom , an Israeli peace organization - Tel Aviv. Peretz Kidron from Yesh Gvul , a movement of Israeli soldiers who refuse to serve in the occupied territories - Jerusalem. Neta Golan from International Solidarity Movement - Bethlehem Hava Keller from Committee for Women Political Prisoners - Tel Aviv. ........ The above mentioned interviews are accompanied by testimonial and journalistic footage, such as: Video footage of human and civil rights abuses -- home demolitions, land confiscations, excessive use of military force on civilian populations, targeted assassinations, uprooting of agricultural trees, the daily humiliations at checkpoints, the denial of education, etc. In addition, interviews with victims of human and civil rights abuses from West Bank towns and Gaza. They include ordinary citizens, refugees, students, hospital officials, and more. Occupation101 Web Site Watch Video Trailor Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs)
  6. It’s just like when you’ve got some coffee that’s too black, which means it’s too strong. What do you do? You integrate it with cream, you make it weak. But if you pour too much cream in it, you won’t even know you ever had coffee. It used to be hot, it becomes cool. It used to be strong, it becomes weak. It used to wake you up, now it puts you to sleep."----Malcolm X damn...very wise words. But i think the article has some truth but i wouldnt say a majority of black men. But overall the article relates to african/americans and not somalis. Since 99% of somalis marry somalis.
  7. Good websites http://www.GWBush.com "A dictatorship would be a heck of a lot easier, there's no question about it." -George W. Bush http://www.JoinArnie.com "I'll be back...when the debate is over." -Arnold Schwarzenegger. http://www.mediawhoresonline.com "The site that set out to bring the media to their knees, but found they were already there."
  8. U.S. Soldier Kills Baghdad Tiger After Attack - Zoo Sat September 20, 2003 07:37 AM ET BAGHDAD (Reuters) - A U.S. soldier shot dead a rare Bengal tiger at Baghdad zoo after the animal injured a colleague who was trying to feed it through the cage bars, the zoo's manager said on Saturday. Adil Salman Mousa told Reuters a group of U.S. soldiers were having a party in the zoo on Thursday night, after it had closed. "Someone was trying to feed the tigers," he said. "The tiger bit his finger off and clawed his arm. So his colleague took a gun and shot the tiger." The night watchman said the soldiers had arrived in military vehicles but were casually dressed and were drinking beer. There was no immediate U.S. comment. At the tiger's now-empty cage, pools of blood showed that the soldier passed through a first cage intended only for keepers and was standing right up against the inner cage's narrow bars. Mousa said U.S. officials came to see him on Friday to discuss the incident. The tiger was one of two in the zoo -- once the largest in the Middle East, today a decrepit collection of dirty cages and sad-looking animals. In April, U.S. soldiers killed four lions that had escaped from the zoo. Hundreds of other animals were stolen or let loose by looters in the aftermath of the U.S. invasion of the Iraqi capital. http://asia.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?type=topNews&storyID=3478222
  9. Somali factions agree transitional constitution NAIROBI, Sept 15 (Reuters) - Warring factions at Somalia's 14th peace conference in a decade agreed a transitional constitution on Monday intended to steer the ruined Horn of Africa country to stability, Kenyan mediators said. Delegates hugged and kissed and danced to patriotic songs at the venue of the 11-month-old talks near Nairobi when the agreement on a federal structure for the clan-based society of 10 million was announced, witnesses said. Mediators said the accord was a major advance towards peace and opened the way to the power-sharing phase of talks in which clan elders and militia chiefs are due to haggle over seats in a parliament and jobs in a transitional government. The 40-page document sets a four-year term for the transitional government to shepherd the country to elections. The charter leaves vague the questions of how Somalia would incorporate the autonomous northern regions of Puntland and Somaliland, demobilise militia forces and restore the economy. Somalia has been torn by war since the overthrow of military ruler Mohammed Siad Barre in 1991 and since then conflict and famine have killed hundred of thousands of people. An Arab-backed Transitional National Government (TNG) was set up in 2000 to try to restore some stability to Somalia but it controlled only parts of the capital and tiny pockets in the rest of the country before its mandate ran out last month. TNG president Abdiqassim Salad Hassan stormed out of the talks in July complaining that delegates were plotting to divide Somalia. He returned to Kenya on Sunday but was not present when the delegates agreed the charter and has not commented on it. Abdiqassim has said he feared the charter could encourage Somalia's break-up on federal lines and marginalise Islam and the Arabic language. Reuters
  10. Somali groups adopt charter to end decade of anarchy September 17, 2003 Nairobi: Peace talks intended to end more than a decade of violence and chaos in Somalia entered their final stage yesterday after delegates adopted a transitional charter, mediators said. The negotiations had been stalled for weeks because of disputes over what type of federal government best suited the troubled Horn of Africa nation, which has not had an effective central government since the 1991 ouster of dictator Mohamed Siad Barre. But late on Monday, the more than 360 Somalis attending the talks in Nairobi adopted the charter, agreeing that the system will include district, regional and state administrations. Kenyan diplomat Bethuel Kiplagat, the talk's chief mediator, hailed the adoption of the charter as a "major breakthrough". Somali faction leaders and traditional leaders now have one week to select members for a 351-seat transitional parliament, based on the country's complex clan system. It is unclear how long that process will take, and at least four faction leaders did not take part in the process that led to the adoption of the charter, a Western diplomat involved in the talks said. The diplomat, who did not want to be further identified, said that while the talks were progressing, there were still difficulties in ensuring that representatives from all Somalia's numerous clan-based factions take part in the transitional administration. Somalia descended into chaos after the faction leaders who ousted Siad Barre turned on each other, reducing the country to a patchwork of fiefdoms ruled by heavily armed clan-based factions. A transitional government was elected at a peace conference in neighbouring Djibouti in August 2000. But it has little influence outside Mogadishu, the capital, because many faction leaders did not take part in that peace process. It has also been unable to disarm the thousands of clan-based gunmen and outright bandits who roam the country. Kiplagat said in a statement yesterday that the international community "will be called upon to provide a peacekeeping force after the government is formed". The country has been ignored following the pullout of US and UN forces in 1995, after a humanitarian mission - whose mandate became increasingly aggressive and political - ended when Somali fighters killed dozens of UN and US troops. Interest in the country has heightened since US officials cited the Muslim nation as a possible terrorist haven. - Sapa-AP The Cape Times
  11. Somalia Hopes for Peace After Decades of War The Nation (Nairobi) September 17, 2003 Posted to the web September 17, 2003 Nairobi Somalia stands out in the Horn of Africa as a country that has been prisoner to its history. After many troubled years, which saw the assassination in October 1969 of Mr Abdirashid Ali Shermarke, General Siad Barre took over. Barre ruled Somalia with unprecedented brutality. He often responded to dissent by executing his opponents. In 1981 as opposition to his regime began to emerge, Barre ordered the aerial bombardment of Hargeisa, the country's second capital, and the flattening of Burao city. Both harboured rebel movements and were situated in the north. In December 1990, Barre's opponents launched offensive against government positions and drove him out of Somalia. He sought refuge in Kenya but was rejected. Barre died in exile in Nigeria shortly afterwards. The faction that took over Mogadishu appointed a prominent trader, Mr Ali Mahdi Mohammed interim president. This was done without consulting the other factions that had helped in the struggle against Barre. Observers see that unilateral move as the catalyst for what happened next. The different factions, which were based on the different warring clans, had been slighted and sidelined and their reaction was to fight to regain what they saw as their rightful positions. This fighting unfolded into a vicious civil war that overwhelmed the Horn of Africa country. Militias unleashed nationwide terror and there was an orgy of killings and destruction in Mogadishu. In May 1991, the Somali National Movement in the north declared the independence of Somaliland. In the rest of the country, however, vicious power struggles turned the country into a living hell. Mr Barre: 1969 - 1990 It has been more than 12 years since the fall of the Siad Barre regime, and the subsequent division and collapse of what once was known as the United Republic of Somalia. Twelve years in which there has been no central government and Somalia remains a volatile country. However, not the whole country is a disaster. In the northwest (Somaliland) and the northeast (Puntland) a modicum of law and order and relative peace have been restored despite a lack of international recognition for their efforts. Somaliland practises constitutional politics with some form of formal economic activity. An increasing number of children is also returning to school. The Somaliland leadership has so far refused to participate in the peace and reconciliation talks in Nairobi. The northeast region, or Puntland, though fairly independent of the southern region, continues to reaffirm its commitment to what it refers to as national unity. Mr Abdullahi Yusuf, who leads the faction that controls this region, is participating in the peace talks in Nairobi. Puntland has set up structures to re-invigorate trade and establish basic social institutions. Nevertheless, jostling for executive and exclusive powers by several faction leaders is threatening the relative stability in the region. Differences between the Puntland leader, Mr Abdullahi Yusuf and his deputy, Mr Abdi Hashi, were reported last month. The two leaders were feuding over a cabinet reshuffle in the semi-autonomous region. Therefore, apart from the relatively stable northwest and northeast regions, the rest of Somalia remains in the grip of vicious clan battles. Their hatred and mistrust of each other is as abundant as the guns in their possession. The warlords and merchants control what economic activity there is, especially in the capital Mogadishu like the airports, and levy taxes. They have also erected toll stations in areas under their control. Since the fall of Barre in 1991, there have been 14 attempts at restoring peace and a central authority in Mogadishu. During 13 of the 14 reconciliation conferences (the 14th round of peace talks is currently under way in Nairobi) it was impossible to reach a consensus because all the self-appointed Somali political leaders were adamant on their claims to the presidency. In 1999, Djibouti president Ismail Omar Geleh announced at the UN General Assembly that he would convene a gathering of Somali leaders in an effort to rebuild Somalia. As a result, in March 2000, some 5,000 delegates convened in Djibouti. After weeks of talking, arguing and horse-trading, 245 members of a Transitional National Assembly and an interim president were picked. Interim president Abdiqassim Salat Hassan and his team had barely arrived in Mogadishu when the whole set-up began to unravel. The warlords immediately began to undermine the transitional government, claiming to have been left out of the government's selection. It was also felt that many of Abdiqassim's appointees to the cabinet were incompetent. The transitional government controls only a small portion of the capital, the rest of Mogadishu is split between five warlords: Musa Sude of the Abgal sub-clan, Hussein Aideed and Osman Atto both of the ********** sub-clan, Mohammed Quanyare of the Murursada sub-clan and Omar Mahmud alias Omar 'Finish' an Abgal. All three sub-clans are part of the larger ****** clan. (There are five main clans in Somalia.) The peace and reconciliation conference in Nairobi is expected to pick a president from a crowded field of more than 50 candidates. The will also elect members of a transitional assembly once the controversial transitional charter is approved. In July, President Abdiqassim walked out of the peace talks accusing the Kenyan mediator, Mr Bethuel Kiplagat, of allegedly promoting an Ethiopian-backed plan to divide Somalia. Critics have accused the moderators in the Nairobi talks of concentrating more on power sharing than reconciling the various factions. In the meantime, Somalia is weighed down by the image of a "terrorist haven" and was in fact a prime target of the Bush Administration after the September 11, 2001, attacks in the US. However, analysts think that although the Somali profess the Islamic faith and parts of the country apply Sharia law, in the end it is clan allegiance which holds sway not religious fundamentalism. Clan loyalties are so deep-rooted they define all aspects of life in Somalia. A faction leader, Mr Omar Mahmud summed up the problem thus, "whoever became president gave arms to his clan and his clan used the arms to dominate the other clans. Every clan is armed. We are all tired of fighting, and are willing to put all our weapons aside." Despite growing fatigue by the international community there is hope in the Somali Diaspora that this time round, the international community will be able to save Somalia from itself. However, without an effective and voluntary disarmament of the various militias, a government picked in Nairobi would find it impossible to restore law and order. http://allafrica.com/stories/200309170147.html
  12. Somalia's effort to create new government and end chaos enter final stage at Kenya talks NAIROBI, Kenya, Sept. 16 — Delegates at talks meant to end more than a decade of violence and chaos in Somalia adopted a transitional charter that outlines a future government for the troubled African nation. The negotiations had been stalled for weeks because of disputes over what type of federal administration is best for Somalia, which has not had an effective central government since the 1991 ouster of dictator Mohamed Siad Barre. Late Monday, the more than 360 Somalis — tribal leaders, delegates of rights groups, and faction representatives — adopted the charter at the talks in Nairobi, agreeing that their new system will include district, regional and state administrations. Kenyan diplomat Bethuel Kiplagat, the chief mediator, hailed the adoption of the charter as a ''major breakthrough.'' Somalia now has one week to select members for a 351-seat transitional parliament, based on the country's complex clan system. Legislators will then elect a speaker and president, who will name a prime minister. It is unclear how long that process will take, and at least four faction leaders did not take part in the process that led to the adoption of the charter, a Western diplomat involved in the talks said. Somalia descended into chaos after the faction leaders who ousted Barre turned on each other, reducing the country to a patchwork of fiefdoms ruled by heavily armed clan-based factions. A transitional government was elected at a peace conference in neighboring Djibouti in August 2000. But it has little influence outside Mogadishu, the capital, because many faction leaders did not take part in that peace process. It has also been unable to disarm the thousands of clan-based gunmen and bandits who roam the country. Kiplagat said the international community will be asked to provide a peacekeeping force after the new government is formed. The country has been largely ignored following the pullout of U.S. and U.N. forces in 1995, when a humanitarian mission ended with Somali fighters killing dozens of U.N. and U.S. troops. http://famulus.msnbc.com/FamulusIntl/ap09-16-091846.asp?reg=AFRICA
  13. Mogadishu: City of Smoking Guns, High Level of Crime and Surprises FARIDA KARONEY Nairobi The Somali factions are expected to sign a peace accord in Nairobi today. If this happens it will be an important development for a country that has gone through 12 difficult years of war and economic collapse. To appreciate the significance of a peace deal, one has only to look at the ruins from which it has been cobbled. I landed at the K50 Airport, so named, as I was to discover later, because it is 50km from Mogadishu, the capital. There was a cloud of dust on the murram runway, and the luggage was quickly dumped on it. The passengers rummaged through their baggage, just as they would do if they travelled by bus. Armed with my suitcase, I glanced around impatiently; there were too many armed people who had come to pick up passengers. It then struck me that there was no passport control office, so I followed my host who led me to a car with four armed men and a driver. The driver told me to sit between two armed men as began the journey to the capital. My guide later informed me that the four armed youths were the bodyguards for me and my cameraman for the duration of our stay in Mogadishu. Driving ahead of us was a Toyota Land Cruiser mounted with a submachine gun. It carried 14 mean-looking heavily armed men. This car is known locally as a "technical". This small army, including our bodyguards, were the militia we had hired for our protection. Apart from the northwestern and northeastern zones (Somaliland and Puntland), where there is relative stability, Somalia remains volatile. With hardly any central government, crime levels are high. Mogadishu is the commercial centre and one of the most volatile regions. Five warlords control the capital with the transitional national government controlling only a small part. Sporadic armed clashes often break out between rival factions, and foreigners in the capital or travelling between the various warlord-controlled territories run the highest risk. After quick security briefing by our minders, we checked into Shamo Hotel. If you are a foreigner, whether you live to the next day depends on how carefully you listen to advice from your contacts and security. The cardinal rule is: Do as you are told. Our minders told us that while it was natural for many people to want to be brave and macho, it would be fatal to leave one's hotel room without a bodyguard. The hotel is one of about six in the city that, although shabby and with bullet-riddled facades, provide five-star comfort, monotonous menus notwithstanding. The hotel president, Mr Abukar Amin Shamo, is a man of fine taste and his all-male staff (women are hardly ever in employment due to the chronic insecurity) were just the thing to calm frayed nerves. The interior decor and its warmth were in stark contrast to deadly dangers to be found at every turn in the streets. The rooms were cosy, air-conditioned and well equipped for the international traveller Ð not what the world out there would expect to find. Mogadishu has the dubious distinction of being one of the few places in the world where anyone may walk into an open-air market and buy a sophisticated weapon and ammunition. A trip to the arms bazaar cost me an additional $100 (Sh7,500) and I had extra security. When I first suggested the excursion, my minder advised against it. Deep down I too was scared, and my minder's obvious discomfort with the idea did little to calm my nerves. The market was nothing like what I had expected. I had naively pictured a department store of weapons. After a short while the car came to an abrupt stop. I looked through the window and was confronted by the sight of jungle uniform. I looked further and saw guns of all shapes and sizes. Shortly we were right in the middle of the actual market and surrounded by a massive collection of arms and ammunition and other "accessories." Suddenly there was a loud explosion. I was ducking for cover when my minder calmly patted me on the shoulder and said: "No problem." The loud bang was coming from a gun that was being fired in the air by someone who had just bought it. Even before that could sink in, I heard a series of smaller bangs and the bodyguard explained that they were sounds of handguns being tested. All this time, we were still in the car. I decided that we get out and see the firearms at close range, and take pictures. At this my minder became very agitated, saying that while it might be possible for the cameraman to get out and do his job, it would be crazy for me - a woman - to even try. However, I was not going to pay an $100 for extra protection and then not do what I was here to do. After a brief standoff, one of our hired gunmen agreed to come with me as I toured the market. All of our guards now had their pistols drawn. "Stay close to me," my bodyguard instructed me, his own AK-47 rifle at the ready. After a few minutes it was time to leave. The trick in Mogadishu is to spend as little time as possible in any one place. One of the faction leaders, Mr Omar Mahmud alias Omar Finish, later told us that many of the guns at the open-air market came from neighbouring Ethiopia and Yemen. Others had been acquired from government armouries after President Siad Barre's regime fell in 1991. We then headed to the curiously named Former Mogadishu, the epicentre of the civil war. It once housed Parliament, the Central Bank and other key government institutions. All these are now ruins. This was probably the most dangerous place we visited in the city. Several different warlords control the ruins and every turn takes you into someone else's turf. Just to get there we did deals with all the militias that control the various parts. Even then, we were warned that our safety would not be guaranteed. Every time we set up our tripod ready to film, we found ourselves surrounded by impatient rival gunmen. The fact that we had our own army of 18-armed men did little to reduce our feeling of vulnerability. We did not understand the language, but we could sense that there were bitter exchanges between our militia and those that controlled the various parts of Former Mogadishu. The sooner we left, the better for everyone. And so we did -- very quickly. On our final day in Mogadishu, we were heading for the airport when we made a near-fatal mistake. We decided to stop in a rival territory for a quick interview with one of our bodyguards. Just as we finished and were packing our equipment, I espied three gunmen walking towards us. I turned to look behind and saw another group of three. A fellow who looked like the leader asked our minders what we had been up to. We were just a kilometre away from the airport, and our flight was due in just over an hour. After hearing us out, the man told us we would have to turn back and drive to their command base for further questioning. On arrival, the first to be questioned were two of our unarmed minders. We were left at the gate with two guards who did not speak English and so we could not know what was going on. After 30 minutes, which seemed like a lifetime, it was our turn to be quizzed. The base commandant, the son of a warlord who owns an airport in the vicinity, ushered us in. I was slightly relieved when he spoke to us in fluent Swahili. It turned out that he had been educated and brought up in Kenya. We learnt that the location we had picked for our final interview was where they hid their heavy military equipment. It was only after he viewed our film that he was satisfied that we had carried out only the interview and nothing more. He said we were free to go -- and just in time for us to make it to Daynile Airport for our qhat (miraa) flight to Nairobi. Copyright © 2003 The Nation. All rights reserved By: All Africa Posted: 16th/September/2003 http://www.somaliuk.com/Indepth1/Fullarticle.php?IndepthID=174
  14. Business Thrives in Sea of Poverty Special Report - Nation TV Tuesday, September 17, 2003 Nation TV’s FARIDA KARONEY goes into Mogadishu’s unconventional but lucrative business world , and wades through the destruction of the civil war to witness the heroic efforts to put children back in the classrooms. Bakhaara Market is a maze of streets and stalls. Photo by Nation TV Somalia is home to some of the world’s poorest people. It was ranked last in the UN Human Development Index in 1998 and 70 per cent of its population live below the poverty. Warlords and freelance gunmen roam the country war-torn country with reckless abandon. Yet, amidst all the anarchy of a country reduced to ruins by civil war and over 12 years of protracted power struggles between warlords, some things still shine bright: Somalia has one of the best and cheapest telecommunications systems in Africa. The industry's growth is interwoven with the story of the close to two million Somalis in the Diaspora, who repatriate millions of dollars to Somalia. It is this cash that spurs business. Traditionally, Somalis maintain close family ties, and in this way have managed to stay in touch throughout the crisis in their homeland. Before the war in 1990, Somalia had about 17,000 telephone landlines, which ground to a halt during the civil war between 1991 and 1994. Private telephone operators sprang up after the civil war in 1994. At the time, an international call from Somalia to America and Europe cost $4 (Sh300) a minute and $7 (Sh525) to the rest of the world. The cost is now down to $0.5 (Sh37) a minute. This is a remarkable achievement compared to the cost of telecommunications among her more prosperous neighbours like Kenya, where an international call costs between $1.4 (Sh105) to $2.05 (Sh154) a minute depending on the destination. Telephone service providers in Somalia attribute the prices to stiff competition. The managing director of Nationlink Telecom , Mr Ahmed Abdi Dini, told the Nation that the operators have taken advantage of the close family ties between Somalis living abroad and those back home in Somalia. "Somalis talk to each other a lot. Our challenge is to provide service at prices that are affordable,’’ he said. The fact that there is no central authority to levy taxes also helps to bring down prices. There are three main telephone service providers: Telcom Somalia , Nationlink Telecom and Hormud, which was trading as Al-Barakaat before the US government shut it down, following the September 11 terrorist bombings in New York and Washington. The Americans suspected that the firm was being used as a conduit for the Al-Qaeda terrorist network’s money. Risky as it is to do business in Mogadishu, there is a lot more of it than just mobile phone companies. Bakhaara Market is a maze of streets and stalls with a diverse range of merchandise. In one street corner is a group of men with wads of cash and heavy metal safes. The street corner serves as a forex bureau - where every currency in the world is traded. The Transitional National Government’s (TNG) Central Bank is powerless to regulate the market. The 1,000 (Somali) shilling note is recognised as legal tender. It’s the only Somali currency in circulation. The 50, 100, 200 and 500 shillings notes went out of circulation after the civil war. Occasionally, the warlords ship in billions of shillings printed on the black market in Malaysia. It is legal tender and you can get by using it in Somalia. One Kenya shilling exchanges for 2,000 Somali shillings, while one US dollar exchanges for 18,000 Somali shillings. Trading in cash is mostly based on one’s trading partner’s word of honour, since one cannot really be sure whether the cash is genuine or fake. There are also some "banks" and money transfer institutions which mostly remit cash from Somalis living abroad. According to the United Nations, Somalis living abroad repatriate almost US$500 million home every year. Seeing all this, one wonders what future the young Somalis have. Education was one of the first casualties of the Somali civil war. An entire generation of young people, who were six years old at the time the civil war broke out in 1991 and are now 18, have lost out on education. In reality though, the civil war was just the final blow to an education system that was already falling apart. During the Ogaden War of 1977-78, the Somali government diverted resources from social services to finance the military. Many schools were forced to close and enrolment rates dropped drastically. By 1990, Unicef reports that just 600 schools remained operational and only about 150,000 children were enrolled in what was left of Somalia’s formal education system. The civil war was simply the last straw. Today, communities across Somalia are coming together with the help of organisations such Unicef to start an education system from scratch. According to Unicef, about 90 per cent of all school buildings have been destroyed by 12 years of war. Hawa Taako Primary and Intermediate School in Mogadishu was one of the largest schools in the capital before the war. It boasted 1,800 enrolled pupils and a large teaching force. Today the school has only 500 pupils, and the 18 volunteer teachers teach in shifts. Sheikh Nur, who teaches English, says a group of teachers just got together and began classes, "because we were so tired of seeing our children just wasting away." Sometimes, the teachers are paid by aid agencies for their trouble. Schools have few, if any, textbooks. The country also has no national education curriculum. And, although the number of children returning to school has grown since the dark days at the beginning of the civil war, formal learning opportunities are almost non-existent in Somalia. A Unicef report says there are 1,105 operational schools in Somalia with a total enrolment of over 261,000 children, representing a 17 per cent gross enrolment ratio - among the lowest in the world. Copyright ©2003, Nation Media Group Ltd. All rights reserved By: The Nation Posted: 16th/September/2003 http://www.somaliuk.com/Indepth1/Fullarticle.php?IndepthID=173
  15. Astagfirullah. Wallah this is disgusting. May Allah bless all the iraqi victims and forgive their sins. Amiin AFrican thanks for the article.
  16. Somalis Make Their Mark in the UAE The Somali community has been making their presence felt in the UAE over the last five years in the backdrop of the rapid growth of their businesses in the country, in general, and Dubai in particular. In Dubai, Somalis operate more than 30 gold and textile shops, hotels, computer businesses, money exchanges and livestock imports. Somali businessmen consider UAE as a main base for exporting items to their country. Importing livestock and leather from Mogadishu to UAE has been practised even before the oil boom. The geographical proximity of the two countries has played a significant role in boosting the bilateral trade. Sherif Ahmed, chairman of Somali Business Council, said that in the recent years a large number of Somalis have been travelling to Dubai to procure goods for sale in Somalia and nearby countries. The major items being exported from Dubai to Somalia include rice, sugar, clothes, building materials, electronics, household goods, textiles, automobile spare parts, tyres, batteries, cosmetics, used machinery and hardware. On the other hand, an increasing number of Somalis are now looking towards international markets and Dubai has emerged as a popular shopping destination for the Somali tourist as well as businessmen. The easy availability of a variety of competitively priced goods and excellent air and sea connections for transportation of goods have helped to promote Dubai as a shopper's paradise for them. "Dubai has become a favourable destination for us," said Mr Ahmed. He added that the council's aim was to offer its members a comprehensive range of updated news on the country and market development and provide them with contact details for new suppliers and customers. The business council is also a forum where Somalis meet to discuss matters concerning their homeland. "Our intention is to make their daily job a little bit easier by providing them with the required information," Mr Ahmed added. Adam Mohammed, manager of Somalia Livestock Import and Export Company, said that more than 140 Somali businessmen are involved in livestock exports, which is considered one of the country's major revenue earners. "Livestock and banana exports bring millions into Somalia," Mr Mohammed said, adding that they hire small wooden ships to transport their goods to UAE and Oman. Abdurazak Kabadah, general manager of H Food Limited, said that the company delivers frozen meat to UAE by air. Mr Kabadah said that UAE government regularly sends food inspectors to Somalia to keep a check on the animals and the facilities before giving the approval for imports. Another interesting factoro is that most of the gold, textile and cloth shops in Somali Souq in Murshed Bazaar, Dubai, are run by Somali women who prefer to run their businesses by themselves. Qamar Osman, owner of a cloth shop, said that Dubai is the best place to make business as there is no tax which encourages more trade. She added that around 90 per cent of Somali women involved in business in Dubai were victims of the long-running civil war which began in 1991 when rival clans began fighting to fill the power vacuum left by deposed dictator Mohammed Siad Barre. Backbone Somali women have always been the backbone of Somali society. In the UAE, 30 per cent of the Somali men's income is not enough to make ends meet, and in view of that the women chip in to help their husbands in supporting the family. "The business prospects in Dubai are relatively high and it gives us a chance to earn a decent living and recover from the suffering that we have gone through in our homeland, which was dubbed as the land of sorrow," Qamar said. Aisha Geddi, owner of another textile shop, said that Somali women running their businesses was a common sight. "Somali women have gone through great difficulties in their home country - they faced starvation, humiliation and torture. These sufferings made them very strong and independent," Aisha said, adding that many women sold out their properties and made a beeline for UAE in order to generate more money and lead peaceful and secured lives. "We are trying to make our life better," she said. Sacida Hassan Mohammad, owner of gold jewellery outlet, was all praise for Dubai. "I have lived half of my life here, my children grew up here and we consider this place as our second home." Amna Osman, owner of a Typing Centre, said that since the civil war broke out in Somalia in 1991, the common citizens have gone through total destruction on the social and economic fronts. Those who were affected most were women and children. The absence of basic rights for women, particularly in political field and decision-making process, remains a major impediment. "Today Somali women in UAE are not only running business to make money but also are working towards bringing a positive change to Somalia." Mohammed Yarow Abu Bakar Mayow, Consul-General of Somalia, said that the UAE is considered as the second homeland for the Somalis as the UAE government facilitates their business and makes life easy for them. Besides, the government has welcomed them with open arms in all the emirates. "This fact has strengthened the relations between the two countries," he said. He added that Somalis prefer to live and run their business in the emirates and Dubai is considered the gateway. The number of Somalis living in the UAE ranges between 20,000 and 25,000 while 60 per cent of them are running their own businesses including import and export between Dubai and Mogadishu, besides gold, clothes, textiles and several trade commodities. Many others are working in various government and private sectors. He said that the trade between Dubai and Mogadishu is flourishing at present. There are six Somali cargo aircraft operating from Dubai to Mogadishu, 12 to 14 times a week. The anchorage number two at the Dubai Port, facing Inter-Continental Hotel, is specially allocated for Somali goods. The consulate is in the process of calibrating the accurate statistics of Somali businesses especially in livestock, fish and foodstuff as well as the exact number of people of the community residing in the UAE. The Somali community participates in varied activities organised in Dubai and other emirates, including activities at the Women's Club in Sharjah, summer camps, Dubai Shopping Festival and Dubai Holy Quran Award competition during Ramadan. The Somalis also organise social activities among themselves such as visits, get-togethers, help and support programmes for each other. They are also keen in maintaining their customs and traditions. Women wear the traditional and national dress called Floral Dirac and Garbasaar, cook the traditional dishes like sambusa dish and rice with somali spices and practice their culture. Mr Mayow thanked the President, His Highness Shaikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, His Highness Shaikh Maktoum bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Vice President and Prime Minister of the UAE and Ruler of Dubai, and the Rulers of other emirates and the members of Supreme Council for their assistance to Somalis and their contribution in solving the conflict in Somalia. Community club With the growth in the number of Somalis living in the UAE, the need for an association that bring them together was greatly felt and a Somali Community's Club took shape in Dubai and an official community leader was identified. Hessian Abut Bakr, President of the Somali Community, said that most of the Somalis in UAE are centered around Dubai, Sharjah and Ajman. Most Somali families continue to observe their traditions and to wear their traditional costumes. Approximately 65 per cent of them now are running their own business and others working in various private and government sectors. There are community cultural clubs in Ras Al Khaimah, Ajman, Dubai and Abu Dhabi, which unfortunately are not very active at the moment. "But we are now working on reestablishing them and restoring their activities which will help in maintaining strong ties between the local community members and Somalia. The main objectives of establishing these clubs are to highlight our culture, history and civilisation and to organise several social activities to educate the Somalis about issues pertaining to social, economical and political situation back home." He pointed out that the community participates in several activities in UAE such as the Somali pavilion at the Dubai Shopping Festival (DSF). Saliha Mohammed, a housewife, said that the group of Somalis around Ajman are very active. They organise various events such as religious lectures, Independence Day celebrations, cultural programmes during Ramadan and weekly get-togethers. "We also launch fund raising campaigns in support of the people in financial difficulties and social problems." By Afkar Ali Abdulla, © Khaleej Times 2003 http://www.khaleejtimes.com/Displayarticle.asp?section=theuae&xfile=data/theuae/2003/august/theuae_august31.xml
  17. Originally posted by Libaax-Sankataabte: It is the so called Somalis who feed the media with opinions rather than facts. Yeah, your right. It was actually an interviewee who made some of those statements. But the media should do *investigative journalism*. How hard is it to go talk to the mayor or government official? It is also a good thing to see Somalis willing to go back to rebuild their country. Agreed. I know several people, personally, who have gone back(willingly ) to Hargeisa and other places to rebuild and open businesses. I think the more peace returns to other somali regions this pattern will be repeated on a large scale. SNW, I think this will sum up how the western media portrays Africa.
  18. Ameenah, Originally posted by Ameenah: lol@ you should be directing this to the 'lovely' guraad and pal-talk. Their 'we will gun fight Somaliland into unity' sentiments had me laughing walaahi. Kills the whole principle, don't it? Have you seen previous posts by Samigurl, Xiis, and other?!?! They are MUCH more extreme in their views. I suppose you've been listening to what some nomads have been trying to tell ya'll all along. Maybe some of the more logical members. UNITY is great in principle, but if the people at home choose otherwise you cannot and should not impose it upon them. Yes, but can you tell me honestly you believe the 97%(99%?) of the 2001 referendum in the NW? I don't think it's accurate measure of the views of people in the former protectorate. Lets not forget that all the elders of the regions that makeup Somaliland agreed to be a part of the independent state in 1991. Let's assume that they did. More recently in 1998 the elders/leadership(USP) from North Central Somalia helped to form the neighboring Autonomous Region of P/L. The people in SS&Cayn because of lack of recognition of S/L, infighting in the NW, lack of resources/reconstruction(concentrated in hargeisa/borama/berbera), political alienation(appointment of Riyaale(Awdal) as VP in 1997) and other reasons, left a large gap between Hargeisa and the Eastern regions--including Togdheer. Something which has gotten worse since Riyaale took power. Whatever faith they might of had in SL 1991 was all but gone by 1998--which helped them to join PL. The regional debate between Sland and Puntland is a new one. I agree that it should be resolved and no one group should force the peoople to join their state. Well it's not a new debate; it's been going on since 1998. Egal condemned the creation of P/L in 1998 in Garowe. It has intensified in recent years. Let them decide who they want to be with.and end of discussion. It's ironic. The Hargeisa government talks about "the territorial integrity of Somaliland" while unilaterally seperating from Somalia. They are not giving people in the Eastern region the same rights. Oh, just out of curiosity - what do think of Punland and Sland forming one state - would that work? As LST said it's always good when Somali peoples join together *peacefully*. It would be one step closer to Somali Unity. But the leaderships and peoples seem to have diverging goals at the moment. MMA "Mr. Mog", Instead of making up words( three faced?!?! ) why don't you * try * to answer some of my questions.... Originally posted by Bari_Nomad: It's one thing to be a Somali nationalists, but to what extent? Will you force it down the throats of people weather they like it or not? Will you start a war to realize the aim of a united Somalia? Will you whip out an entire group who oppose your vision and want to leave? What price are we willing to pay for Somali Unity? How much blood will be shed?
  19. FOUNDERS OF ORPHANAGE CENTER WIN AWARD Khadra Ahmed Barkhadle(right) accepts award on behalf Of the Kaalmo Orphanage Center Founders from Mohamoud Farah Egal, Amoud Foundation chair. The founders of the Kaalmo Orphanage Center in Borama city won the 2003 Awdal Achievement Award. The award was announced at the Amoud Foundation of Dallas Annual fundraising banquet held on August 16, 2003 at the Holiday Inn Select hotel in Irving, Texas. The award includes a plaque and a cash prize. One of the first casualties of war in any society is the children, and the Somali civil war was no exception. As the Somali civil war raged in the early 1990’s, many children, some as young as three or four years old, found themselves alone on the streets of many cities and towns. Imagine yourself being only three and alone on the street to fend for yourself. A courageous group of local women in the city of Borama decided to do something about the problem and make a difference. They established the Kaalmo Orphanage Center in Borama in 1998 in order to care for these needy children. They started with nothing but a good heart and an iron will to succeed in their noble endeavor. Five years later, the center cares for over a 100 children. They have earned the respect and gratitude of their community. For this, the Board of Directors of Amoud Foundation of Dallas salutes them. For more information about this and other projects, please visit Amoud Foundation’s website at www.amoudfoundation.com Or contact them at amoud@amoudfoundation.com
  20. What about ASHA ABDALLA who's running for Somali President in the Kenya peace talks?!?! But I think most Somali women are busing being the bread winners by day and mothers/wives by evening/night to have time for politics. Maybe if Somali men back home chewed less qaat and got jobs or did work around the house--things might be different. P.S. I love the SkyLine GTR! :cool:
  21. Even Abdi Karim — a wealthy, respected member of the community — doesn't have regular running water or electricity at home. Is this guy serious?!?! You can get water and electricity for less than $700. Especially for a 'wealth' guy. You can't expect everything you have at home in Canada — we don't have a fridge or microwave I don't know about microwaves but Somalia has had fridges for decades. And I've heard that you can also get washers/dryers(?) in Hargeisa. No official postal or banking services exist in Somaliland Doesn't SomPost and DHL service Hargeisa? What about Dahabshiil for banking? The grandest act of faith yet made by a returning Somali is Hargeisa's $3.5-million Ambassador Hotel DAMN!! :eek: I didn't know it cost that much....
  22. Somalis' hearts call them home Expats flocking back to rebuild northern centre Canadians among those bringing new hope for Hargeisa FINBARR O'REILLY SPECIAL TO THE STAR Hargeisa, Northern Somalia—During Somalia's vicious civil war, MiG jets took off from Hargeisa's local airport and bombed the city, flattening virtually every building and leaving the streets looking like row upon row of smashed teeth. The windblown desert city, once the capital of British Somaliland, still doesn't look like much, with its parched river of sand flowing through the middle of town and millions of coloured plastic bags clinging to trees, fences and telephone poles like some artificial national flower. But expatriates from around the globe are flocking back to Hargeisa to help rebuild the area they fled as refugees or emigrants when their homeland imploded. "The returning traffic is so huge now. They start by coming for holidays, but then they decide to come back for good and they bring experience, money and ideas," says Abdillahi Duale, information minister for the self-declared northern Republic of Somaliland. Canadian returnees especially are infusing this remote place with a renewed sense of activity and hope. With some 200,000 Somalis living in the Toronto area, Canada has the second-largest Somali population after Britain. But due to the distances involved, Canadian expats have returned home less often than their European counterparts. "We have been away longer, but now we are coming back and falling in love with the place," says Ibrahim Yusuf Jama, 32, who lived in Scarborough with his family for 13 years and now plans to open a photocopy shop here. "Those who are coming back are very business-minded." Among them is Abdi Karim Mohamed Eid, a Canadian and former Toronto resident whose father was killed in the war. Abdi Karim, as he is known, is head of Telesom, one of the main telecommunications companies providing fixed-line and mobile phone services and satellite Internet connections in a country lacking basic infrastructure and a functioning central government. Even Abdi Karim — a wealthy, respected member of the community — doesn't have regular running water or electricity at home. "We went through a very difficult period," he says. "A lot of Somalis went outside the country and never came back, but as a Somali, there is an urge in all of us to come home to do something for our society." Mohamoud Hassan, 33, returned from Vancouver seven months ago to attend his father's funeral. He decided to stay on to run the family farm, which has 720 orange trees producing fruit for the local market — and eventually, he hopes, for export. "You can't expect everything you have at home in Canada — we don't have a fridge or microwave and we have to buy all our food fresh every day, but it's kind of nice that way," says Hassan, who also runs the Vancouver-based http://www.somalilandnet.com information Web site. With Somalia's economy depending mostly on money sent from family members living abroad, as well as import-export businesses, telecommunications companies and Internet are key to the country's recovery and development. The city is wreathed in coils of chaotic telephone cables snaking along roadsides and tangling overhead spaces. For 24-year-old Abdul Aziz, who earned his degree in computer studies at Albert Campbell Collegiate Institute in Scarborough, returning to northern Somalia was hardly a matter of choice. His 100-year-old grandfather is recognized as the oldest man in Somaliland and, as a senior member on the council of elders, was instrumental in bringing peace to the north by convincing various clans to lay down their guns. "We grew up as a very close family and we have a big share in Telesom," says Aziz, who now works as a network administrator for the company. "I wanted to be part of the business and working in my own country feels good." Aziz says he knows of at least a dozen other Toronto Somalis who have returned to Hargeisa this year. "It was never safe here until recently. Before, it was just too wild." Somalia has been a dangerous, burned-out smoking hole of a country since it was plunged into anarchy and war in 1988. The violent overthrow of former military ruler Siad Barre in 1991 split the nation into fiefdoms controlled by rival warlords. The northern territories are only now beginning to benefit from several years of peace, though the south remains mired in clan warfare. Hargeisa's returnees are arriving by the hundreds, not only to invest in local businesses and act as community leaders but also to help forge a nation. Somaliland, a former British protectorate, unilaterally declared independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991. Though yet to be recognized internationally, Somaliland's 4 million people elected a de facto government this year and the population is intent on creating the world's newest country. They have a long way to go. No official postal or banking services exist in Somaliland and Hargeisa's airport road is only now being resurfaced for the first time since being built by the British in 1958. The old State House grounds were destroyed and are now home to displaced people living in traditional, igloo-shaped nomadic huts moulded from branches and random scraps of material. At the settlement, which has housed more than 1,000 families for more than a decade, children make black ink from charcoal, which is used to scribble verses from the Qur'an onto pieces of bark. On Hargeisa's unpaved streets, a steady desert wind forever tugs at the colourful, flowing robes of bejewelled women, most of them wearing headscarves or full veils. Suspended somewhere between Africa and the Middle East, Somalia inhabits a unique cultural space, with traditions from the two worlds merging in a land that boasts more camels than anywhere else. In fact, there are more camels than Somalis in Somalia. The grandest act of faith yet made by a returning Somali is Hargeisa's $3.5-million Ambassador Hotel, which stands sentinel on the spiny, barren ridges overlooking a low-slung skyline that reflects a hard sun glinting off metal roofs. The 48-room hotel, built by a returnee from Sheffield, England, opened a year ago. General manager Mohamed Ahmed Warsame took extended leave from his job at the Toronto Sheraton when the SARS outbreak crippled business there. "We needed a place like this here to attract businessmen and investors," says the 32-year-old Warsame, who has been training hotel staff and raising service standards. Layan Egal, a third-year kinesiology student at York University, is staying at the hotel during a month-long visit with her father and three sisters — her first trip home since she left Hargeisa at age 6. "It was time to come home. I've met so many family members for the first time here, most of them from the States," she says, wrapping a black shawl over her loose-fitting outfit. "I never dress like this at home. When I get on that plane to Toronto, I'll throw back on my jeans and sneakers, which I wouldn't dare wear here." Still, she concedes, "I could imagine myself living here." Returning Somalis say they are willing to forgo Western comforts because they can enjoy a fuller life in their native land than they can in Canada or elsewhere. "Overseas, so many Somalis are on welfare, but here they are being industrious," says Fosia Ali, a London travel consultant making a six-week visit to Hargeisa after 16 years away. "I thought I would be bored, but I feel like I'm in my own country." For all its progress, Hargeisa is still a city slowed by the afternoon heat and the popular tradition of spending hours chewing mildly narcotic leaves of the khat plant. And Somalia as a whole remains a failed state, scorned by the West and rivalled perhaps only by Afghanistan and Congo in terms of lawlessness. The interminable inter-clan warfare presents such a hopeless problem that the world has turned its back and left the place to fester in the sand-blown heat. But Telesom's Aziz is typical of those tying their futures to that of their homeland. "I'll stay and others will keep coming to develop the place," he says. "We need them because this country has nobody else." -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Finbarr O'Reilly is a Canadian journalist who writes extensively from Africa. http://www.thestar.com/NASApp/cs/ContentServer?pagename=thestar/Layout/Article_Type1&c=Article&cid=1061676608559&call_pageid=968332188854&col=968350060724
  23. MMA/Ameenah, It's one thing to be a Somali nationalists, but to what extent? Will you force it down the throats of people weather they like it or not? Will you start a war to realize the aim of a united Somalia? Will you whip out an entire group who oppose your vision and want to leave? What price are we willing to pay for Somali Unity? How much blood will be shed? That's what I have been thinking about lately. In a previous thread(which I started) I said I personally would not mind if the NW people left the union of Somalia--IF the majority of their people wanted to do so. But I don't support them taking everyone else in the former British colony with them! The reason why the claim all of British Somaliland is because it gives them some political ground to stand on. A future Somali government should give the people of the NW a choice in their own future--weather to stay or leave. There is a difference between support for self determination in the NW and support for "Somaliland". P.S. MMA "Mr. Mog", am I now a two-faced NW qabilist? Or were you just ranting again?
  24. MB, I think forums like SOL(especially Politics section) need as many points of view as possible to succeed. Sadly, It has gotten a bit quiet over the summer. Weather that's because of summer vacations or disagreements in the debates--we should start on a new page. I hope that all the nomads listed above return and new nomads to join. Salaam.