Liibaanow Xidhiidka Mise Xiriirka?

Apophis correct its holy to them and its their ancestral homeland the same way its for the Palestinians. But the problem is they don't want to compromise and agree on the 2 state solution which could be a solution. But Israel also doesn't want to stop building settlements on Palestinian territory. There are many jews in the west who dont have a problem with a one state for both Arabs and Jews for both Palestinians and Israelis one country. But the rightwing Israelis dont want to hear that, one state shared between Arabs and Jews. That would mean the idea of a Jewish identity in the middle east a Jewish country can no longer exist and they don't want that. But on the other hand demographics in Israel changing real fast the birth rate of Arabs in Israel is doubling the past 3 decades. Israeli Arabs inside Israel are already 30% of the larger israeli population. Imagine in 20 years time that's why most israelis are for the 2 state solution just not the 1967 boundaries they want a Palestinian state but they don't want to give back territory.

Somalia: On the Centralist- Federalist Debate By Muktar M. Omer Nov. 19, 2012 Rash moments and regret Sometimes we impulsively legitimize hateful words: hardliner, sectarian, clanist, Islamist, anarchist. At times, we utilize these words quite idly, at other times whimsically. We cock it and unleash it against opinions we don’t like, don’t agree with, or do not comport to our prejudices and caprices. In those rash moments, we feel we are the world, and every opinion must oblige our thinking. We feel we are the way; we are the truth. And the attendant overweening sense of own moral impeccability puts us in an undesirable situation. We make errors in Judgment. We make mistakes. No one is immune to this. Last week, it was my turn. In my response to Abdi Aynte’s article "The Kismaayo Conundrum", I implied that Aynte’s views on Kismaayo were shaped by clan loyalty, and not by objective analysis of facts. This was wrong. I have no evidence of Aynte’s clannishness. Not in his articles, not as a person. His analysis may have been faulty, in my opinion. But I should never have doubted his objectivity, because one could actually be objective and faulty at the same time. I have since unreservedly apologized to Aynte. Having cleared my conscience with this overdue apology, I wish to go into the main theme of this installment. The missing debate Somalia may have already adopted a federal system of governance, but the debate over whether a unitary or a Federal system is the antidote to the country’s governance malaise or appropriate to its social and political realities is far from over. There is one problem though. In the current debate, federalism, by and large, is presented as the sole system with decentralized fiscal and administrative structures. A unitary state can also have these arrangements. By cross-fertilizing the two systems, it is possible to come up with a unitary system where legislative authority is centralized while fiscal and administrative powers are decentralized. This possibility is not well presented in the national debate. In unitary states with fiscal and administrative decentralization, the constitutional authority is vested in the national government and power delegated to regions or sub-national bodies may be retrieved. In Federal systems, the power regions exercise is inherently guaranteed by the constitution – it is not delegated – and therefore it cannot be repossessed by the central state. The debate in Somalia – unlike in other countries – rarely discusses the putative virtues and vices of the two systems. Theoretical and empirical arguments for and against each system are not presented; the efficacy and policy payoffs of the two systems is not hypothesized. The debate does not sufficiently interrogate the implications of these systems on social justice, rule of law, citizen participation, national integrity, peace and democracy. Nor does it probe which system has the strongest causal relation and correlation with good governance. Sectarian texture Predictably, the debate assumes a characteristic sectarian texture, giving the opposing views an unmistakable clan identity. Blogger Matt Freear somewhat captures this regional/clan dichotomy: “for many around Mogadishu, Federalism of any kind is seen as the dissolution of a proud sense of united Somali nationhood, an assault on historical H block clan dominance, a general fear of losing power, or misunderstanding of how federalism can work. For others, it is the only glue that will hold a damaged country together”. This clear-cut grouping does not always hold, but in general terms, it reflects the present division line, although the reference to “an assault on H block clan dominance” is misleading, unless Freear is talking about the last two decades. In reality, the “dominance” of the last two decades – in the form of more Presidents coming from H block clan – really did not mean much at the national stage, as these Presidents rarely controlled areas outside Mogadishu. Therefore, to call it a historical “dominance” is not correct. The divisions outlined by Freear notwithstanding, centralist Somalis who hail from all regions and clans, worry – with strong justifications – that because of the schismatic propensity of the Somali society, federalism could be used as subterfuge for tribalism by self-seeking regional politicians. These centralists fear that tolerating and naturalizing tribalism under the guise of regionalism would eventually lead to the disintegration of the country. Federalists contend that Mogadishu is no longer a national capital where all citizens have equal rights. With grisly memories of the civil war still fresh in their minds, the Federalists are not prepared to trust national leaders, especially when these leaders happen to be from Mogadishu. Cynicism, skepticism, paranoia, and conspiracy theories pervade the national political landscape. The Politics of Otherness In the ongoing national debate, the risks of a centralized unitary state have been scrutinized and expounded more intensely than the dangers of federalism. Federalists fear Mogadishu’s domination and encroachment, but ignore the potential threat independent regional states pose to national cohesion and possibly national security in a context where politicians tend to put clan interest before country well-being. For instance, during the transitional period, there was a perception that President Faroole of Puntland was using the Federal constitution to browbeat the national government into doing nothing or into acquiescing to his demands, although not all of his demands were unreasonable. If regions obsessively feel different to one another or to the center or conversely become indifferent to the concerns of the other or the center, a politics of alterity or otherness takes root. Such politics of alterity or otherness is dangerous because it emphasizes the rights of “the region” but neglects the “region’s” national obligation – as a constituent member of the Federal Republic of Somalia – which is to be accountable to the center. This politics of otherness – manifested by un-assimilative political tendencies of regions and recurrent region-center acrimonies – will likely escalate as more and more regional States enter the political scene and competition over national resources intensifies. It follows that while centralization of power in Mogadishu may lead to discontent and perpetuate sectarian divisions, unregulated regionalization would lead to the waning of national identity and pride, and the disintegration of the country in the long-run. Therefore, the dangers of regionalization outweigh the risks of centralization. But, ultimately, what matters most for Somalia is not the typology of the governance system. What matters is the existence of visionary and accountable leadership at all levels, the presence of citizens with solid civic loyalty to Somalinimo, and the existence and quality of national and regional governance institutions. Federalism as an expedient arrangement Nowadays, federalism is the dominant global normative theory of governance favoured by academics, politicians, and policy makers across the political spectrum. However, there are no conclusive evidences that indicate that federalism is more efficient or leads to better governance than a unitary state. In fact, some comparative studies have shown that federal systems generally tend to derogate the quality of public policy and bureaucratic efficiency and result in the adoption of suboptimal policies, as infinite compromises are sought to address competition between sub-national entities. In my opinion, in the long run, Somalia does not need a Federal system because it has a relatively small population, and is too fragile and too homogenous. However, in the current context of clan mistrust and bitterness, the Federal system can be used as an expedient arrangement – a temporary waiting station – towards a unitary state with fiscal and administrative decentralization. Muktar M. Omer WardheerNews Contributor E-Mail:muktaromer@ymail.com

Haatu;890727 wrote: Madoobe has this one in the bag unless the old Prof. pulls a miracle. Which madoobe Word on the street is saying Kenya wants Axmed madoobe and Ethiopia wants cali Madoobe.

Gaw

oba hiloowlow;890722 wrote: Malika i Said Hamas are like Al shabaab. Believe me i know a lot from the 7 days war till today Not true the people of gaza went to the ballot box and voted for Hamas in a democratic way i don't remember Unuka clan voting for Shabaab?

Malika iska ka riday afkaaga caano malab lugu walaaqay lugu qabay.

oba hiloowlow;890714 wrote: Kenyans(Hutu) Somalis (Tutsi) balaayo Hutus of rwanda are beasts Kenyans are masaaking no match for the skinny warrior

Alpha true there is little we can do but we can create awareness we can make sure the governments for those of us who live in the west to actively participate in anti Gaza bombardments protests. What we also can do is raise funds for the victims who were injured or badly wounded. There is so much we can do as fellow Muslims and Humans ofcourse. Well the thing is they cant do it alone the United states they say its the most powerful country in the world. The United states cannot even support the idea of a two state solution based on the 1967 boundaries. We have all seen how Netanyahu went to the senate and did his speech and told the American congress that the 2 state solution of the 1967 border can and will never happen and Israel will never accept it. The united states congress at capitol Washington last year was clearly told that Israel will not back down to defend it self and guess what Netanyahu his speech was welcomed with a standing ovation. So obviously America cant do anything its up to the Muslim/Arab world to support the Palestinians politically socially Military. We have to wait and see how President Morsi of Egypt balances his relations with Washington and the agreement with Israel.He already told his PM to visit Gaza but even morsi cant radically change his policies well atleast not now. Since he receives billion of aid from Washington every single year.

Hargeysa capital of Somaliland Maroodijeex region

Apophis;890689 wrote: XX are you it's Time 4 Sum Aksion ?? Now thats what i wanna hear:D

Maybe he thinks the Somali guy is playing or the boy is not smiling and just showing his ilko.

Borama Awdal

We all value life for what it is.

Ibtisam that was a bit harsh lol

Point taken but it still happened and its very sad to see kids are being killed.

deleted.

Somalis in Kenya bring out you're machetes this shit is getting serious Rioters attack ethnic Somalis in Kenyan capital By Richard Lough | Reuters – 25 mins ago Reuters/Reuters - An ethnic Somali man chases a man from a rival group with a machete during the second day of skirmishes in the Eastleigh neighbourhood of Kenya's capital Nairobi, November 19, 2012. Police …more NAIROBI (Reuters) - Kenyan police fired tear gas to disperse rioters who attacked ethnic Somalis in the Nairobi district known as "Little Mogadishu" on Monday, hurling rocks and smashing windows after a weekend bomb attack there killed nine people. The violence coincided with the start of voter registration for a general election in March, adding to security concerns ahead of the first national polls since 2007 when a dispute over the results fuelled ethnic slaughter that killed more than 1,200 people and forced some 300,000 from their homes. Angry mobs broke into Somali homes and shops in anger at Sunday's attack on a minibus which killed at least nine people in Nairobi's Eastleigh district which is dominated by Somali Kenyans and their ethnic kin who have fled fighting in Somalia. Ethnic Somalis, some armed with machetes, fought back and hurled rocks at their attackers who responded with sling shots and stones. Paramilitary police fired volleys of teargas to prise the battling factions apart. "We are trying to create a buffer zone so that people cannot cross over," Nairobi regional police commander Moses Ombati told reporters, pointing to a road that he said formed a rough boundary between the two communities. "These people are neighbors and business partners who need each other, so I don't think it will last long," he said. Gangs of looters ran amok as the security forces fought to quell the violence. One Somali trader, who gave her name only as Hamdi for fear of reprisal attacks, said she was worried the unrest would spread throughout Eastleigh's rundown estates. "I condemn anyone who carried out this heinous act," she said, referring to Sunday's bomb attack. "It's affecting many innocent civilians and is causing the Somali community to be targeted." Authorities have blamed Somali militants and their sympathizers for grenade and gun attacks in Kenya since Nairobi sent soldiers into neighboring Somalia last year to drive out al-Shabaab rebels, an Islamist group with links to al Qaeda. Attacks have intensified since Kenyan forces, fighting under an African Union banner, and Somali government troops routed al Shabaab from their last major urban bastion, the Somali port of Kismayu last month and forced the rebels to flee. Two Kenyan soldiers were shot dead in the eastern town of Garissa, which is a rear base for Kenya troops fighting in Somalia as part of the regional African Union force. "THEY SHOULD JUST CHILL" In the Eastleigh district of the capital Nairobi, crowds poured through the streets chanting "Somalis must go!", hurling rocks and smashing windows of some Somali apartment blocks. Rioters jeered police who fired warnings shots in the air, demanding the government improve security in a district that has borne the brunt of the grenade and gun attacks. Streets in Eastleigh, a congested residential and business area, were strewn with rocks and shattered glass. Shops shuttered their windows and most business were closed in what is one of Nairobi's busiest trading centers. People stood on rooftops while some ethnic Somalis gestured for assistance through their windows. "These Somalis are getting used to this. Every day there is a grenade attack," said Evans, a non-Somali resident of the area wearing sandals and a dirty t-shirt with a print of Che Guevara. Children in school uniform and their parents ran from school after being trapped in the unrest. Others ran with hands in air as police began arresting suspects. At least a dozen Kenyan men lay face down in one truck. Local businessman Godfrey Biketi who supplies meat to Eastleigh, urged his fellow Kenyans to be calm. "They should just chill. They're our neighbors," he said of the Somalis. "Even our country is fighting a war in Somalia. Now our country is becoming like theirs, it's not cool," he said. The Muslim Human Rights Forum said that even if the suspects responsible for Sunday's bombing were proven to be Somalis, it did not mean the whole community was involved. "The xenophobic attacks must be stopped at all costs lest they escalate to unmanageable mayhem at grave costs to the nation," the group's chairman Al-Amin Kimathi said. (Additional reporting by Mahad Diriye; Writing by James Macharia; Editing by Jon Hemming)

Oba Maybe because they see injustice maybe because they see the so called free world Europe and America taking sides in this conflict. And keep in mind most of these youth live in western countries. On Somalia what do they actually know about Somalia's conflict they know its based on clan, based on distrust between the various Somali entities and leaderships. How on mothers earth do you think they can talk and help Somalia when Somalis themselves are in an internal predicament.

Action reaction that's how it works i am not saying its the best solution but its been happening for the past six decades.

Oday wish for what i am just saying Puntland doesn't consider khatumites or its territory part of Puntland.

oba hiloowlow;890625 wrote: War thats because Hamas has the responsibility man, they shoot rockets into israelian territoriums and then hide under civilians. Hamas are like Al shabaab Maybe because Israel Killed the Military leader of Hamas you cant expect to have peace and at the same time assassinating people. It doesn't work like that.

Apophis;890615 wrote: Horta Xaaji, when you say things like this, they make you sound like a simple person. A secessionist should not be telling other secessionist they are wrong to want to the same thing they want. There's no logic there at all. Come on!! I am not a secessionist saaxib i am dissolving a union. On the Kurdish issue i think its better if they just let turkey be turkey , the same way iraqi Kurds have found themselves in the political culture of Iraq and they have their fair share of the resources of their country. Something Sadam Hussein kept from them for decades.

oba hiloowlow;890619 wrote: war i hate arabs ninyahow did you know that israel lobbied for italian somaliland quest for independence in 1960 while the arabs were pushing for somalias independence to be pushed back to 1970. Who is the enemy marka? Hate is a big word what can Arabs do Oba they were under European colonialism themselves.I am sure there is another reason why u dislike them Arab is a collective identity i don't like Egyptian Arabs but i like Moroccon Arabs or Omani Arabs or Iraqi Arabs or Palestinian Arabs.

The problem with the Israel Palestinian conflict is a conflict of two extremes on one hand you have the Hamas a political entity with a military wing who refuse till the day of today to recognize Israels right to exist. And on the other hand we have Israelis rightwing party likud benjamin netanyahu's party they refuse to negotiate a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders and they refuse to stop building new Jewish settlement on Palestinian territory in the west bank and then we have the Jerusalem dispute.