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  1. Readout of Under Secretary Sherman's Meeting with Ahmed Silanyo, President of Somaliland Media Note Office of the Spokesperson Washington, DC April 26, 2013 Share on facebookShare on twitter Yesterday, Under Secretary for Political Affairs Wendy Sherman met with Somaliland administration President Ahmed Silanyo. Under Secretary Sherman and President Silanyo discussed issues of mutual concern, including stability, democracy and governance, and the need to combat al-Shabaab. The United States expressed support for continued dialogue between the Government of Somalia and Somaliland authorities, as took place in Turkey on April 13. The United States reiterated its strong support for a peaceful and united Somalia.[ PRN: 2013/0471
  2. Readout of Under Secretary Sherman's Meeting with Ahmed Silanyo, President of Somaliland Media Note Office of the Spokesperson Washington, DC April 26, 2013 Share on facebookShare on twitter Yesterday, Under Secretary for Political Affairs Wendy Sherman met with Somaliland administration President Ahmed Silanyo. Under Secretary Sherman and President Silanyo discussed issues of mutual concern, including stability, democracy and governance, and the need to combat al-Shabaab. The United States expressed support for continued dialogue between the Government of Somalia and Somaliland authorities, as took place in Turkey on April 13. The United States reiterated its strong support for a peaceful and united Somalia. PRN: 2013/0471
  3. Three states in southern Somalia are keen to become an autonomous region known as Jubbaland.
  4. Halkan ka daalaco sawiradii Banaanbaxii ka dhacay madasha US State Department maanta oo ah May 17, 2012. Thank you for the beautiful pictures. SAWIRADII
  5. Somalia’s arduous twenty-year odyssey is fast approaching a defining moment. The long running national nightmare will soon reach a clearly marked fork in the road. Contrary to the witty Yogi Berra’s line, however, you can’t just “take it”; one has to make a conscious choice as to which way to proceed. The choices before Somalis, in this regards, are two and their differences are easy to recognize: one way is the continuation of the perilous passage to nowhere that the nation has been on since the fall of the central government in 1991. It is a particularly circuitous road that is full of hazardous twists and turns; a virtual dead-end leading to no destination that the long-suffering Somali people would want to go. Its journey has been and remains to be strewn with the ill-effects of all manner of destructive and anti-social behavior that rendered the Somali Republic the failed state by which all others are judged. The resultant dysfunctional system gave us brutality of warlordism, blinkered religious fanaticism, pirate activities, and political corruption; the kind of pathologies that, if not checked, could in due course spell certain doom for any nation. As a result, Somalia has, during the last two decades, been to the edge of an abyss a couple of times precisely because of that kind of systemic failure. The guides of this hellish road were bad political leaders lacking in knowledge and devoid of the kind of wisdom without which human society is lost. Typically, these are unethical folks given to power trips and are unabashedly narcissistic. They are the kind of individuals that are incapable of learning lessons from their mistakes. So this dangerous side road is not new to the Somali people. They have been forced to traverse it by those same corrupt politicians, longer than they would care to remember. The corrupt politicians, who are still very much with us, are folks who seem to know next to nothing about how to help restore hope and dignity to Somalis and who in all probability care even less. Consider their callous behavior during past 20 years—years of utter disorder and Confucian, much of it their own making. To this day, many of these politicians are unfazed by all the massing killings of innocent lives, the destruction of much of the nation’s property, including things that were fastened to the ground. Equally, odious is their continuous rejection of all efforts that could possibly lead to veritable reconciliation and national redemption. As the politicians’ world view is marked by endless despair, the other branch of the road heads the diametrical opposite direction—of hope. With minor tweaking, the Road Map can, Allah willing, be an arterial road charted to put Somalia on the path to restoration of full national sovereignty, reconciliation and redevelopment. It can also serve as an access road for the long subdued Somali national aspirations. And it can potentially become a thoroughfare to self-rule for communities and regions as well as to full citizenship rights for individuals. The Road Map has other pieces of good fortune associated with it. It has the full backing of the regional states, the AU, the UN and the International community. This has not happened before. And so it behooves Somalis not waste this unique opportunity but rather capitalize on the universal support and the commitments of all the various, important players. The Road Map will end the unworkable, eight-year transition period that functioned as black hole of available meager resources without corresponding achievements in security or social development to show for. The only growth industry during the anguished transition period has been escalating corruption and runaway sectarianism. Somalia can ill-afford the continuation of this unhappy process. It needs to end abruptly come August, 2012. Finally, the claim that the process that led to the Road Map was not perfect is not entirely without merit. But it is overplayed for sinister purposes. And that is unacceptable. In the initial stages the process, this writer, like many other Somalis had certain misgivings and the process and raised questions accordingly. As the process went on it became clear to most the stakes two high, the nation was too exhausted and the opposition was unnecessarily dismissive of the entire course of action that it became imperative that the Road Map had to reach its destination. The nation cannot continue to engage in the usual, incessant didactic arguments and endless debates that always end with certain politicians opposing change. Such a practice is a luxury that the country cannot afford at this critical juncture. Somalis should not have the perfect be the enemy of the good. Rather people of goodwill from throughout the country should support the Road Map and the Draft Constitution. There will, insha Allah, be plenty of time to tweak the draft constitution towards a more perfect system of governance that would make all Somalis proud. The alternative to the Road Map is bust! And that is, quite frankly, unacceptable. Source
  6. Hustler;818008 wrote: Saxib somaliland socotay soona noqonmaysee salaama Keep dreaming.
  7. However, it is important to note that operative Paragraph 6 of the communiqué of the London Conference calls for negotiations between ‘Somaliland and the TFG’, not between ‘Somalia and Somaliland’ as some die-hard secessionists claim.The import of this operative Paragraph is that the talks should take place in the context of the Unity and Territorial Integrity of Somalia. DETAILS .
  8. Rebuttal by Unionist [
  9. This paper is prepared by a group of unionists hailing from the NW region of Somalia (former British Somaliland). It is a critique of a discussion paper, titled "AFRICAN Game Changer? The Consequences of Somaliland's International (Non) Recognition", which was presented to The Brenthurst Foundation in South Africa on May 2011 by a group of academics following their "factfinding" mission to "Somaliland" Read the whole paper at this link:
  10. Come on Xaaji. You know what he is talking about. Remember Xadkii baanu soo xidhayna
  11. In Search of Solutions for Somalia: Prescription of A Unitary System, A Federal System And A Draft Constitution. By Ismail Ali Ismail Introduction In the year 1995 the European Union undertook a study whose purpose was to illuminate the field of options for Somali ‘politicians’ and ‘leaders’ (popularly known as ‘war-lords’) in so far as structural solutions to the country’s problems were concerned. They came up with four systems: the confederal; the federal; the unitary; and the consociational(1). They explained each of them and provided extant examples of countries using it. But, there were three things I did not like about the study: first, it wrongly assumed that Somalis were unaware of such systems, its approach, therefore, being didactic; secondly, while it explained the virtues of each system it was unbalanced in that it gave no warnings as to its pitfalls; and, finally, there was an underlying but fundamentally wrong assumption that Somalia’s internecine conflict within itself was such that it was amenable to structural solutions. Nothing could, of course, be farther from the truth. However, given the nature of the hostilities and the depth of rancor there was a clear and growing trend towards federalism, and in the wake of the failure of the Cairo Conference at the end of 1997 Puntland was created in the following year as an autonomous ‘first state’ of a would-be federal Somalia. ‘Somaliland’ had already declared its secession in 1991, barely five months after the collapse of the State. By the time the Djibouti Conference of the year 2000 was held federalism was widely accepted and indeed adopted in that conference. At that point, I wrote a paper on it pointing out its multifarious complexities and the challenges they posed.(2) My purpose in writing that paper was two-fold: to kick off a debate that would inform both the faction leaders and the public, especially those participating in reconciliation conferences; and to underscore the fact that even the simplest system would fail, as exemplified by the failure of the unitary system in Somalia, which brought about the demise of democracy to usher in a dictatorial military rule, and ended up with an implosion and the collapse of the State itself. My position then was, as now, that any system would fail if it is not properly managed. I do not deny that it is more difficult to manage a more complex system such as federalism, but the point about management as the determinant of success and failure is nevertheless valid. That point (which most astonishingly continues to escape the attention of many of us writing on systems of government with a view to recommending one or the other as a solution for Somalia’s problems) was seen more than two hundred years ago; and I always quote, in this connection, a relevant and illuminating couplet from Alexander Pope (1688 – 1744): “For forms of government let fools contest; Whatever is best administered, is best” With the foregoing partly in view, I shall now proceed to discuss a few assertions and recommendations made by some Somali professors and other intellectuals in an effort to guide their compatriots to choose a form of government that would, presumably, ensure political instability. I shall also point out a general but misguided criticism of the federal system. Read the complete analysis
  12. Cape Town journalists Chris Everson and Anton van der Merwe, who were arrested by security police in Somaliland as suspected mercenaries and detained for 10 days, arrived back yesterday saying they had simply “been in the wrong place at the wrong time”. The experienced film crew, who covered violence in the Cape Flats in the 1980s and conflict in the Gulf, Afghanistan and Pakistan, say with hindsight they should have found out more about their filming assignment in Puntland, a semi-autonomous region in northern Somalia. “We weren’t briefed on the assignment really except that it was about training of security guards. We got to Entebbe and were told ‘jump on this charter’, which had a Russian crew. We didn’t even know what was on board the plane. It was a big learning curve”, sound man Van der Merwe said from his Tokai home yesterday. The two often work for the American television network CBS’s 60 Minutes. But this assignment was commissioned by a friend and former CBS producer, Shawn Efran, who has his own film company. They flew Kenyan Airways to Entebbe on December 8 and were due to leave on the Russian Antonov charter the same day, but were told to wait until December 10 for cargo to arrive on an SAA flight. Everson said: “The only others on board were the six Russian crew, who couldn’t speak English. We didn’t know the flight plan, only that it was a nine-hour flight via Addis Ababa. After about three hours we landed in Hargeisa in Somaliland to refuel. “The back of the plane was down and we were waiting. Some guys in uniform arrived and they searched our stuff, then the cargo. In the boxes were T-shirts and boots and instruments for looking under cars, innocuous stuff, not military. I didn’t know what was in the boxes; they came off the SAA plane. Then suddenly they said we were under arrest,” Everson said. The security police took them to a hotel, confiscated their cellphones, laptops and satellite phone, and instructed the hotel staff not to allow them to make or receive any calls. “They said the T-shirts and boots were military stuff,” Everson said. The South Africans and Russians protested that hey they knew nothing about the cargo, but to no avail. “We had no way of letting anyone know what had happened, but then Anton remembered he had a cheap throw-away cellphone he had bought in Kurdistan. There was a little store next to the hotel and we bought a sim card and airtime, so we were able to phone our families, which was golden,” Everson said. “There was a New Zealand guy in the hotel and I scribbled a letter and said please believe me when I say what I am and I’ve got a CBS card and ID, and e-mail this to my wife.” They were restricted to the hotel, and if they went too near the gate, soldiers with AK-47s ordered them back. “Sadly, we’d left two bottles of whiskey on the plane, because that place is dry.” Days later, Matt Bryden, co-ordinator of the UN Security Council’s Monitoring Group on Somalia, arrived to question them, at the request of the Somaliland authorities. Bryden said there was a UN embargo on transporting military goods into Somalia and the clothing on the aircraft was considered military goods. “He said: ‘You’re under arrest and you’ve been charged. If I don’t agree with your story, I will report back to them precisely that. If I say you are what you say you are, I will say that, and the problem will be solved.’ After an hour-and-a-half he said he was satisfied with our story. ‘I can see you are in the wrong place at the wrong time and I will communicate that to the Somali authorities. You should be out of here soon’. Then he left. “We heard nothing until the next night; the CID guys came back and took us to an appaling place that was dark, dirty, smelly, with a bare bulb on a cord and said: ‘This is where you are staying.’ “We were at a pretty low point as clearly things had taken a turn for the worse.” But after a short while, they were marched out of the building to the Safari Hotel where they were left for eight days. “We made friends with the waiters, fine guys, and they brought us the best pawpaws and mangoes.” Meanwhile Bryden had travelled to South Africa and was in contact with the South African and Somali authorities and both men’s families. “He was keeping us all sane. He’s the most amazing man,” he said. Ten days after their arrest, they were told they could leave. Asked about reports that they were to film counter-piracy operations run by Saracen International, headed by Lafra Luitingh of the defunct South African mercenary company, Executive Outcomes, Everson said: “We have no connection with them at all. We were doing a legitimate story about security training in Puntland. I’m quite sure that the people being trained were in some way connected with the piracy threat, but we don’t know who was training them.” Source:
  13. The purpose of this paper is to discuss reality-based politics and how that essential feature is peculiarly missing from our political discourse. Meanwhile, I will not to turn this short piece into didactic and moralizing dissertation. It is common knowledge that beyond crisis, Somalia is in dire straits in all aspects of the country’s societal life. So there is no need to dwell on that. What I am interested in discussing is the apparent gaping hole that the Somali intellectuals habitually tiptoe around when thrashing out issues related to Somali politics. Specifically, the very notion of trying to reach for plethora of quotes of long dead men and ancient parables from cultural milieus far removed from Somalia in terms of social organization and history. Often the treatises put forth make for good reading as they are well crafted, even elegant. Their problem lies in the absence of much substance in bringing about clarity to the pressing issues of the day. The best of them identifies a well- known villain as stocking horse and rides it to death. In fact, if some of these pieces were food that one had to consume to get energy, their nutritional value would in all likelihood not be any better than the empty calories found in popcorn. Why? Because in the author’s rush to wax eloquent about amorphous philosophical concerns and far flung strategies, key elements including the reality on the ground, the historical record and the dictates of pragmatism, to say nothing of the imperative for fair play in social engineering are ignored. And, beyond the need to manage the present-day crisis, this issue of social engineering or its lack thereof is at the crux of Somalia’s political failure. The Need for Crisis Management In crisis situations, disputants are often forced to make important decisions. When an aggrieved party to an on-going political fiasco realizes what was a long brewing conflict is getting out of hand, the last thing this party needs to do is to delay corrective action. Under normal circumstances, strategic thinking is employed towards an optimum resolution. But when an entire society is lurching from crisis mode of operation to precipitously dysfunction, snap decisions are not only inevitable but in some cases necessary. Waiting until the situation is totally unmanageable is akin to pursuing fool’s errand. Imperative of Power Sharing Power sharing is too important a field to be left to debating societies given to chasing after idle exercises and trivial pursuits. Nor can the dimwitted policies of failed regimes such as the TFG in Mogadishu be expected to be magic potions or cure-alls; to many Somali communities they represent more like poison pills! In the civil war wracked Arab country of Iraq, even the recent relatively successful election failed to diminish the struggle for power between the various communities. As in Somalia, the shaping of the draft constitution remains a major bone of contention. This is because its outcome will determine the formula by which resources will be shared between the regions and allocated within the purview of the central government. Equally important, it will delineate the degree to which communities will retain self-rule to be able to manage their own affairs. This is the reason why contending communities require having adequate voices in the corridors of power so that their issues of interest would be heard and acted upon satisfactorily. In Iraq, the parties are all on record agreeing to a “federal system of governance that preserves the unity of the state, advances the aspirations of the ethnic and sectarian groups, and is administratively viable”. In other words, the federal states would control all affairs not explicitly assigned to the national government. No such luck in Somalia, which indicates that the situation is really as hopeless as it seems. Hence, self-interested obfuscation or over simplification will not lead to real solution; it can only delay the day of reckoning! Still, in many ways, Somalia’s situation is not dissimilar to that of Iraq. All one has to do is to substitute sunni and Shi’a Arabs for the extant Somali clans and you get the picture. What is called for, therefore, is for commentators to have the presence of mind to be able to examine the situation with the objective reality in mind. That’s all. No need to fulminate ad infinitum about unspecified offenders and tangential, free-wheeling issues of all stripes. There is a lot at stake. Not too many Somalis of good conscience would, under the current environment of excessive political corruption, be willingly to leave the fate of their communities to the tender mercies of the avaricious cabal in and around Villa Somalia. This is not so complicated a matter to appreciate. And no amount of over intellectualizing could conceal the simple truths that situation reveals about the low ebb into which the Somali society has fallen. Nor can we Somalis blame the whole sordid affair of repeated societal failures on Ethiopia’s reviled, ruling Tigre, minority regime—a community of mere three million members at best. (Somalis throughout the Horn of Africa and elsewhere are estimated to be over 20, 0000,000 strong). Congenital Problem Overlooked Somalia’s self-styled politicians have become renowned for deceptive practices interspersed with hastily contrived unilateral decisions that are typically presented to the public on take it or leave it propositions. This is dangerous in a land without institutional checks and rampant abuse of power. The habit of entrenched mendacity on the part of the present ruling clique, aka, TFG has gone on far too long. This is in part because on a number of occasions, aggrieved communities decided not to challenge their set up in the interest of national unity or in the hope of helping to bring about a genuine reconciliation. That gesture of moderation allowed the foregoing problem to continue unabated. As a result the corrupt practices began to develop longer tentacles, greased by bribes. If these practices are not cut root and branch, they would choke the life out of not only specific communities but the society as a whole (sooner rather than later). Conclusion By engaging in unrestrained indulgences of malfeasance and misfeasance, the two Shariifs, their minions, diaspora enablers and sympathizers are all but ignoring the predicates of true national reconciliation, namely equitable distribution of power. Is it any wonder then that the wretched state of affairs wrought by the two wicked Shariifs and their surreptitious diaspora supporters failed repeatedly to engender confidence in the Somali people. This is another compelling reason why no one in his right mind would find fault with the communities at the receiving end of the cabal’s abuse of power, such as it is, for rejecting out of hand their latest proposed administration—a team some of the key members of which were recruited directly from Sheikh Shariif’s personal staff—to prolong the current TFG misrule. In this context, the exemplar role played by people including Awad A. Ashare, MP, deserves praise for talking truth to power or, in this instance, to those wishing to usurp the power that belongs to the Somali people, collectively. Mr. Ashare along with other courageous colleagues reminded the would-be emperors masquerading as national leaders that they have no clothes. Finally, it has been said that geography is destiny. If corruption and mischief is going to be the order of the day in Somali politics for the foreseeable future then the Somali nation state will wither in the vine and may not make it to when and if sanity returns to the Somali peninsula. So it may very well become de rigueur that, to unite the Somali clans one day organically into a cohesive national polity, they may be justified to go their own separate ways (at least for the time being). Ali A. Fatah Source
  14. Here is the details of the indictments: Department of Justice Office of Public Affairs FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Thursday, August 5, 20107 Fourteen Charged with Providing Material Support to Somalia-Based Terrorist Organization Al-Shabaab Two Arrested in Minnesota in Connection with the Charges WASHINGTON — The Justice Department announced that four separate indictments were unsealed today in the District of Minnesota, the Southern District of Alabama and the Southern District of California charging 14 individuals with terrorism violations for providing money, personnel and services to the foreign terrorist organization al-Shabaab. In the Southern District of Alabama, prosecutors unsealed a superseding indictment charging Omar Shafik Hammami, a U.S. citizen and former resident of Alabama, with providing material support to al-Shabaab. Separately, prosecutors in the Southern District of California unsealed an indictment charging Jehad Serwan Mostafa, a U.S. citizen and former resident of California, with providing material support to al-Shabaab. In the District of Minnesota, prosecutors unsealed two indictments. One indictment charges Amina Farah Ali and Hawo Mohamed Hassan with providing funds to al-Shabaab . These two defendants, who are naturalized U.S. citizens and residents of Minnesota, were arrested today. Separately, prosecutors unsealed a third superseding indictment charging 10 men with terrorism offenses for leaving the United States to join al-Shabaab. Seven of these defendants had been previously charged by either indictment or criminal complaint. The remaining three defendants had not been charged before. The arrests and charges were announced by Attorney General Eric Holder and FBI Director Robert S. Mueller, III, as well as David Kris, Assistant Attorney General for National Security; B. Todd Jones, U.S. Attorney for the District of Minnesota; Kenyen R. Brown, U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Alabama; and Laura E. Duffy, U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of California. “The indictments unsealed today shed further light on a deadly pipeline that has routed funding and fighters to the al-Shabaab terror organization from cities across the United States,” said Attorney General Holder. “While our investigations are ongoing around the country, these arrests and charges should serve as an unmistakable warning to others considering joining terrorist groups like al-Shabaab – if you choose this route you can expect to find yourself in a U.S. jail cell or a casualty on the battlefield in Somalia.” “For those who would become terrorists, these cases send a strong message,” said FBI Director Mueller. “They underscore the need for continued vigilance against those who may seek to harm us and our way of life. Our agents and analysts will continue to confront this threat with a strong and coordinated effort as we work to protect all Americans.” Omar Hammami – Southern District of Alabama Today in the Southern District of Alabama, prosecutors unsealed a September 2009 superseding indictment against Omar Hammami, 26, a U.S. citizen and former resident of Daphne, Alabama, also known as “Abu Mansour al-Amriki,” or “Farouk.” The three-count indictment alleges that Hammami provided material support, including himself as personnel, to terrorists; conspired to provide material support to a designated foreign terrorist organization, al-Shabaab, and provided material support to al-Shabaab. Hammami faces a potential 15 years in prison for each of the three counts of the indictment. He is not in custody and is currently believed to be in Somalia. Jehad Mostafa – Southern District of California In the Southern District of California, prosecutors today unsealed an October 2009 indictment against Jehad Serwan Mostafa, 28, aka “Ahmed,” “Emir Anwar,” “Awar,” a U.S. citizen and former resident of San Diego, California. The indictment alleges that Mostafa conspired to provide material support, including himself as personnel, to terrorists; conspired to provide material support to al-Shabaab; and provided material support to al-Shabaab. Mostafa faces a potential 15 years in prison for each of the three counts of the indictment. He is not in custody and is currently believed to be in Somalia. Amina Ali and Hawo Hassan – District of Minnesota Earlier today, FBI agents arrested Amina Farah Ali, 33, and Hawo Mohamed Hassan, 63, both naturalized U.S. citizens from Somalia and residents of Rochester, Minn. Each is charged in an indictment unsealed today with one count of conspiracy to provide material support to al-Shabaab from Sept. 17, 2008 through July 19, 2010. Ali is also charged in the indictment with 12 substantive counts of providing material support to al-Shabaab. Hassan is also charged with three counts of making false statements. The indictment alleges that, as part of the conspiracy, Ali communicated by telephone with people in Somalia who requested financial assistance for al-Shabaab. Ali, Hassan and others allegedly raised money for these individuals by soliciting funds door-to-door in Somali communities in Minneapolis, Rochester and other locations in the United States and Canada. In addition, the defendants allegedly raised money by direct appeal to individuals participating in teleconferences that featured speakers who encouraged donations to support al-Shabaab. Ali also allegedly raised funds under the false pretense that such funds were for the poor and needy. The indictment alleges that Ali and others transferred funds to al-Shabaab through the hawala money remittance system. Ali and others allegedly used false names to identify the recipients of the funds to conceal that the funds were being provided to al-Shabaab. The indictment lists 12 money transfers allegedly directed to al-Shabaab by Ali. The indictment alleges several overt acts to carry out the fund-raising conspiracy . For example, on Oct. 26, 2008, Ali allegedly hosted a teleconference in which an unindicted co-conspirator told listeners that it was not the time to help the poor and needy in Somalia; rather the priority was to give to the mujahidin. Ali and Hassan allegedly recorded $2,100 in pledges at the conclusion of the teleconference. On Feb. 10, 2009, Ali allegedly conducted another fundraising teleconference in which she told listeners to “forget about the other charities” and focus on “the jihad.” On July 14, 2009, the day after the FBI executed a search warrant at her home, Ali allegedly contacted an unindicted co-conspirator and said, “I was questioned by the enemy here . . . . they took all my stuff and are investigating it . . . do not accept calls from anyone.” The indictment further alleges that when Hassan was questioned by agents in an investigation involving international terrorism, she made false statements. The defendants are expected to make their initial appearances later today in federal court in Minneapolis. If convicted, they face a potential 15 years in prison on the conspiracy count. Ali also faces a potential 15 years in prison on each material support count, and Hassan also faces a potential eight years in prison on each false statement count. Third Superseding Indictment – District of Minnesota In addition to the two arrests, prosecutors in the District of Minnesota also unsealed a July 2010 third superseding indictment that charges Abdikadir Ali Abdi, 19, a U.S. citizen; Abdisalan Hussein Ali, 21, a U.S. citizen; Cabdulaahi Ahmed Faarax, 33, a U.S. citizen; Farah Mohamed Beledi, 26; and Abdiweli Yassin Isse, 26 . These defendants are charged with, among other things, conspiring to and providing material support to al-Shabaab and conspiring to kill, maim and injure persons abroad. Faarax and Isse had been charged in a criminal complaint previously. Five other defendants who had been previously charged by indictment are named in the third superseding indictment. They are Ahmed Ali Omar, 27; Khalid Mohamud Abshir, 27; Zakaria Maruf, 31; Mohamed Abdullahi Hassan, 22; and Mustafa Ali Salat, 20 . These defendants are charged with conspiracies to provide material support to terrorists and foreign terrorist organizations; conspiracy to kill, kidnap, maim and injure persons abroad; possessing and discharging a firearm during a crime of violence; and solicitation to commit a crime of violence. The unsealed indictment alleges that the 10 defendants provided financial support and personnel, including themselves as fighters, both to a conspiracy to kill abroad and to the foreign terrorist organization al-Shabaab. Specifically, the indictment alleges that the five newly-added defendants traveled to Somalia in 2008 and 2009. In addition, the charges allege that Faarax solicited Salah Osman Ahmed, Shirwa Ahmed (now deceased) and Kamal Said Hassan to provide support to al-Shabaab, and that Faraax made false statements to the FBI in a matter involving international terrorism. The indictment also alleges that, in October 2009, Beledi committed passport fraud. An affidavit previously filed in the case alleges that, in the fall of 2007, Faarax and others met at a Minneapolis mosque to telephone co-conspirators in Somalia to discuss the need for Minnesota-based co-conspirators to go to Somalia to fight. The affidavit also alleges that Faarax attended a subsequent meeting in Minneapolis where he encouraged others to fight in Somalia and told them how he had experienced true brotherhood while fighting jihad in Somalia. Faarax was later interviewed three times by authorities and each time denied knowing anyone who had fought in Somalia or encouraging anyone to fight in Somalia. The affidavit also alleges that Abdiweli Yassin Isse encouraged others to travel to Somalia to fight. At a gathering of co-conspirators, Isse purportedly described his plans to wage “jihad” against Ethiopians in Somalia, and later raised money to purchase airline tickets for others to travel to Somalia for the same purpose. In raising this money, he allegedly misled community members into thinking they were contributing money to send young men to Saudi Arabia to study the Koran. The 10 defendants charged in the third superseding indictment are not in custody and are believed to be overseas. The charges against all the defendants in Minnesota stem from an ongoing, two-year investigation into the recruitment of persons from the United States to train with or fight for al-Shabaab. To date, a total of 19 persons have been charged in the District of Minnesota in indictments or criminal complaints that have been unsealed. Nine of these Minnesota defendants have been arrested in the United States or overseas, five of whom pleaded guilty. The remaining defendants are at large and believed to be abroad. * * * * The case in the Southern District of Alabama is being investigated by the FBI’s Joint Terrorism Task Force in Mobile, Ala., and is being prosecuted by Assistant U.S. Attorney Sean P. Costello, of the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of Alabama, and Trial Attorney Sharon Lever of the Counterterrorism Section of the Justice Department’s National Security Division. The case in the Southern District of California is being investigated by the FBI’s San Diego Joint Terrorism Task Force and is being prosecuted by Assistant U.S. Attorneys William P. Cole and Shane P. Harrigan of the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of California, and Trial Attorney Sharon Lever of the Counterterrorism Section of the Justice Department’s National Security Division. The cases in the District of Minnesota are being investigated by the FBI’s Minneapolis Joint Terrorism Task Force, with the assistance of the Dutch KLPD; the Dutch Ministry of Justice; the Justice Department’s Office of International Affairs; the State Department, including U.S. Embassies in the United Arab Emirates and Yemen; the Hague in the Netherlands; and the Department of Defense. The cases are being prosecuted by Assistant U.S. Attorneys W. Anders Folk and Jeffrey S. Paulsen, of the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of Minnesota, and Trial Attorneys William M. Narus and Steven Ward of the Counterterrorism Section of the Justice Department’s National Security Division. The public is reminded that an indictment contains mere allegations. A defendant is presumed innocent until he or she pleads guilty or is proven guilty at trial