Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)- Madaxweynaha dowladda federaalka Somalia, Maxamed C/llaahi Farmaajo ayaa markii ugu horeysay bulshada si toos ah ula hadlay xili maanta ay ku beegan tahay sanad guuraddii koowaad markii xilka loo doortay. Madaxweyne Farmaajo oo BBC la hadlayay isla markaana ka jawaabayay su’aallo shacabka soo weydiiyeen ayaa markii ugu horeysay faah faahiyay kiiska C/kariin Qalbi Dhagax, wuxuuna sheegay in arrintaasi baarlamaanka Somalia uu go’aan ka gaaray, go’aankaasina uu ku raacsan yahay. “Waxaan ognahay in baarlamaanka arrinta Qalbi Dhagax aad ugu hadleen, go’aan kama danbeysna ay kasoo saareen, maadaama hay’adda ugu sareysa baarlamaanka uu yahay, waxaana aaminsanahay in go’aanka ay gaareen uu yahay mid kama danbeys ah” ayuu yiri madaxweynaha oo aan wax faahfaahin dheeri intaas ka ah ka bixin su’aashii laga weydiiyay Qalbi Dhagax. Su’aallaha madaxweyne Farmaajo oo aad u badnaa halkaan hoose ka daawo jawaabahooda.  Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com The post Video: Madaxweyne Farmaajo oo si toos ah shacabka ugu jawaabay su’aalo xasaasi ah appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)- Waxaa caawa garoonka diyaaradaha Aadan Cadde ee magaalada Muqdisho ka duushay diyaarad rakaab oo ay la socdeen wafdi uu hoggaaminayo wasiirka maaliyadda xukuumadda federaalka Soomaaliya Dr. C/raxmaan Ducally Beyle iyo dad shacab ah. Wafdiga wasiirka maaliyadda ayaa garoonka ka raacay diyaarad dad shacab ah siday, taasi oo fiidnimadii caawa ka duushay Aadan Cadde, kuna sii jeeday magaalada Nairobi ee dalka Kenya. Wasiirka ayaa halkaasi uga qeyb galaya shir ku saabsan dhaqaalaha oo 13-ka bishan ka furmaya magaaladaasi. Wasiirka ayaa kahor inta uusan furmin shirka waxa uu si horudhac ahaan ula kulmi doonaa Madax ka tirsan Bankiga Adduunka iyo qaar ka tirsan Wasiirada Maaliyadda dalalka deriska ah. “Waxaa caawa farxad ii ah in xilli habeen ah aan ka duulo Garoonka Diyaaradaha Aadan Cadde, waliba aan raaco Diyaarad shacab, tani waxay cadeyn u tahay horumarka ay ku talaabsatay Dowladda Federaalka.” Ayuu yiri Wasiirka oo hadal kooban ku soo qoray bartiisa Facebooka. Wasiirka Maaliyadda oo maalmo kahor shir jaraa’id ku qabtay Muqdisho ayaasheegay in Dowladda Soomaaliya ay sameysay horumar dhanka Maaliyadda ah, ayna rajeynayaan in laga cafiyo deymaha Dowladda lagu leeyahay. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com The post Sawirro: Dad shacab ah iyo wasiirka maaliyada oo caawa ka duulay garoonka diyaaraddaha Muqdisho appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Munaasabad si heer sare loo soo agaasimay oo lagu xusayay sanad guurada koowaad ee 8 Febraayo oo ku beegan doorashadii madaxweyne Farmaajo ayaa lagu kala cararay, kadib markii kooxo careysan ay weerar kusoo baadden. Munaasabadaan oo ka dhaceysay hotelka Bin Cali ee magaalada Nairobi ayaa waxaa soo qaban qaabiyay taageerayaasha madaxweyne Farmaajo, waxaana soo weeraray dhalinyaro ka careysan kiiska C/kariin Qalbi Dhagax oo dowladda Somalia ku wareejisay dowladda Itoobiya. Sawirro laga soo qaaday ayaa muujinaayo kuraastii dadka fadhiisanayay oo burbursan iyo kala cararka meesha ka dhacay isla markaana meeshaasi la isku fara saaray. Dhalinyarada soo weeraray xafladda ayaa la sheegay inay ahaayeen taageerayaasha ONLF ee Nairobi oo ka careysan kiskas Qalbi Dhagax. Ciidamo ka tirsan booliska Nairobi ayaa goobta soo gaaray oo kala ceyriyay dhalinyaradii weerarka soo qaaday iyo dadkii kale ee munaasabada ka qeybgalay.

Djibouti, one of Africa’s smallest countries, has become China’s “strategic partner.” The Chinese have built a military base and a port, and is currently constructing a free trade zone, fast establishing it as Beijing’s gateway to the continent. Republic of Djibouti, Djibouti, 2017Buses line up during rush hour in the main bus station in Djibouti. A police car appears in a cloud of red dust on the dirt road between the boulders. A young man in uniform opens the window and starts grousing in French. The Chinese men he is rebuking don’t understand any of it, but slowly realize where the anger is coming from. They had forgotten to register with the sentry guarding the entrance to the large construction site above the coast. When the police officer turns away, Nicholas Li says, “Unbelievable, this is my company here!” The company, under the leadership of the China Merchants Group, is currently building Africa’s largest free trade zone in Djibouti. Li, the company’s 37-year-old head, kicks rocks from the dirt road. Rules are rules, he says, OK. Then the tour in the SUV over the field of boulders continues. Li has left his driver back at headquarters down in the city, and is driving himself. He likes to have things under control. Soon the site, where bulldozers with specialized tools are breaking up the rocky ground, will be home to factories, warehouses, office buildings and hotels – a city built from scratch, reaching down to the sea, a 48-square-kilometer invitation to investors from around the world. Djibouti is one of the smallest countries in Africa, but for several years now, people here have been thinking big. Many are dreaming of creating, with Chinese help, something similar to Singapore and the Gulf States. It may not be easy to make something of this parched land, but there is a true feeling of ambition here, a willingness to take risks and move forward. The Djiboutians are searching for a better life and for a bigger role for themselves in a global society that is in the process of reordering itself. The country practically serves as a laboratory setting for the global shift in power from the West to the East, and many vivid examples can be seen. Djibouti is more open and willing to experiment than other African countries. And even though Europe and the United States continue to be important for the people here, when they think about their future, it’s China that they look to. The country has witnessed first hand just how quick the Chinese are at turning plans into reality. A new port has already been built on the coast, and the gigantic cranes in Doraleh have become Djibouti landmarks. Meanwhile, the free trade zone Nicholas Li is building up in the rocky land is meant to deliver jobs and prosperity. In the evening, Li turns on a couple of switches in the entry hall of his headquarters, and tiny lights illuminate a model showing the first construction phase of the free trade zone. Li points to a high-rise next to the eight-lane access road. “A hotel is going in here,” he says. The adjacent building is to become the new company headquarters of the consortium. “We are moving in this July.” He says. The timeline is tight. Li has only been in Djibouti for six months. After completing his B.A. in finance, he moved from China to the Welsh city of Cardiff to complete his master’s degree. “There were so many Chinese people in my courses, I didn’t like it,” he says. He attended other seminars to meet international students. He speaks English with a British accent. The planned free-trade zone that Li is overseeing is important for Djibouti, because its aim is to create jobs for locals. “In a place where 50 foreigners work, 50 of our people should also be able to find jobs,” says Mohamed Abdullahi Wais, the secretary general of the presidency and an influential person in the government. Wais, who studied in France, knows how skeptical Europeans are of large Chinese projects, but he doesn’t share their concerns. “We have set up the zone so that it will be modelled after Jabal Ali in Dubai,” he says. In the Gulf, the sheiks’ riches literally bubble out of the earth, but Djibouti has neither oil nor any other valuable mineral resources. The land is hot and dry. And up until one or two generations ago, the people here lived as nomads. Goats and camels can still be seen today walking through the capital city. Location, Location, Location But Djibouti does have one major commodity. In the real estate industry, they have a mantra for it, too: location, location, location. One of the most trafficked shipping lanes in the world is located right off the country’s coast. Dozens of oil tankers and container ships head to the Red Sea every day, bound for the Suez Canal and the ports of Europe. This strategic location is one of the reasons the Chinese are here with their project managers, bankers and engineers and, most recently, with their army. And although they may only be the latest in a long line of foreign powers to set up quarters in Djibouti, they do think in bigger terms than the others. The tiny country serves as their gateway to Africa. Those who were here before the Chinese came have also stayed, mostly with their militaries. Countries from three continents have bases south of the capital, including the United States, Japan, Italy and, of course, Djibouti’s former colonial rulers, the French. Spanish and German forces are also stationed at the French military’s Base Aérienne 188. French still happens to be the most important language in Djibouti. Almost a million people live here, in a country a little larger in size than the German state of Hesse. They come from different cultures, speak Arabic or the languages of the neighboring countries of Somalia and Ethiopia. Two large population groups were long embroiled in conflict with one another, the Afar from the north and the Issa from the south, but things have been relatively peaceful since the civil war ended in 1994. Authoritarian President Ismail Omar Guelleh has proven successfully in keeping the country at peace. Guelleh finds the notion of political freedom for all too risky, and he has instead emphasized strictness and stability. In a conflict-filled region, stability is the other resource that Djibouti has to offer. The third is a certain amount of openness to the world. Islam may be the state’s official religion, but faith is generally a private matter in Djibouti. Services regularly take place in its Christian churches, and if a woman wants to walk through the streets in jeans and without wearing a headscarf, nobody takes offense to it. President Guelleh can also afford to distance himself from the Western powers. Although they pay a lot of money for the right to station soldiers, aircraft and drones on Djiboutian soil, they are dependent on Guelleh because of their desire to stay. In an interview last spring with the newsmagazine Jeune Afrique, he said that “the Americans constantly tell us that the Chinese presence is hindering their operations, and the Japanese are even more worried.” But he says those concerns are unnecessary. His dealings with the Chinese tend to be a lot more pleasant. Chinese President Xi Jinping gave Guelleh the highest honor in November, welcoming him to Beijing with all of the pomp of a state visit. Both presidents agreed to a “strategic partnership,” although this sounds a little bit odd given that one of the men governs 1,400 times as many people as the other. Economic Aid or Exploitation? Still, the use of the term “partnership” sends a political message. When a much bigger state treats a smaller one as a peer, it can be interpreted as a bow — a bow toward Africa. The Chinese have faced a lot of criticism since they began securing access to the continent’s mineral resources and financing ports, train lines and dams with billions in loans. In Africa, they are often viewed as neo-colonialists, as ruthless business fanatics who think only of themselves. Alternately, could one instead view these Chinese investments as a particularly efficient form of development aid? The conflict over this question — carried out between China and the West, but also within Africa itself — is a heated one. Critics are riled over the conditions under which Chinese loans are often provided — with little or no interest early on, followed by high interest for many years — a financial model they argue creates dependency. Ge Hua is familiar with the accusations. Ge is the Chinese counsellor on trade in Djibouti, an important representative of her country. All civil projects that China is involved in cross her desk. She is there when the contracts are negotiated, she explains Djiboutian positions to officials in Beijing and oversees the implementation of the finalized plans in the country. Like most foreigners here, she struggles with the heat. The windows of her office are totally darkened. But there’s a sincerity when she talks about her fondness for Djibouti. “I told my friends that they need to come here this year,” she says. “It is a very beautiful and unique country. Tourism is going to become very important.” Even more important, of course, are the construction projects. In addition to the free trade zone and the port of Doraleh, three cross-border facilities backed by lots of money are also in the works. They will bring Djibouti and Ethiopia, which carries out its international trade almost entirely via the ports of its seaside neighbor, even closer together. The Chinese are handling the development of that infrastructure. The New Silk Road The electrified train line connecting the two capitals has been finished for a some time now, though there isn’t enough electricity for regular operation over the entire line. The water pipeline from Ethiopia is already functioning, with its final completion approaching, and a gas pipeline is also in the planning stages. From the Chinese perspective, this is all meant to fit into a larger whole: the new Silk Road. Beijing has been investing in the construction of port facilities, roads, train lines and trade centers in Asia, Africa and Europe under the cumbersome English name, “One Belt, One Road.” The goal is to create a tightly interwoven economic zone under Chinese control. One Belt, One Road is, above all else, a geopolitical project. Djibouti also happens to be located along this new Silk Road. Nicholas Li’s headquarters are situated right next to the building of the Silk Road International Bank, founded in 2016. Ge Hua works nearby. The economic expert emphasizes that “the Chinese government has many financing projects in Djibouti, mainly concessional loan projects.” She adds that her country is also making sure that all people involved profit. “It is important that the Djiboutians make good income from the projects so that they will have a better life and are able to repay their debts,” she says. And — and this absolutely must be mentioned, she says — there is also a long list of aid projects, including schools, hospitals and sports facilities, that have been financed by China, without any loans. A few days later, an opportunity arises to view the biggest project: Sixty Chinese and 150 Djiboutian workers are building a national archive that will include a public library. A red-and-white sign points out that the construction site has been free of accidents for 355 days. In July 2019, the building is to be handed over to the Djibouti state, including furniture and stacks. You can talk with Ge about any of these things, just not the military. “That’s not part of my job,” she says. Protecting Strategic Interests Chinese soldiers are very present in the country, despite having holed themselves up behind cement walls. West of the port, the army opened a naval base last summer. It has been the subject of many rumors. It’s the first Chinese military facility to be located outside of Asia, and that alone makes it interesting. Officially, it’s a logistical support base for the Chinese fleet. Western military people like to call the imposing facility “Jabba the Hutt’s palace,” a reference to “Star Wars.” The building reportedly has three underground floors and can accommodate up to 10,000 soldiers. Chinese media regularly report about the new military base. In November, the soldiers marched out for weapon practice, which they held on a drill ground in the middle of the country. Afterward, Beijing’s state-run Global Times newspaper reported on the strategic purpose of those drills. “It’s natural,” the paper stated, “that the Chinese troops stationed in Djibouti must be always prepared for combat.” It pointed out that the country had already invested over $100 billion in Africa and that, for this reason, the military was dutybound to “safeguard China’s interests in the continent.” With military displays like the ones in Djibouti, China wants to send a double message: One of strength and one of peace. The army is showing what it is capable of. At the same time, the Chinese politicians emphasize at every opportunity that this is merely a question of defense. Despite these efforts to placate the situation, the Americans are suspicious. They worry that China will soon be an equal not only on an economic, but also on a military level. One of the noteworthy qualities of Djibouti is that the old and the new superpower are closer to one another here than anywhere else on the planet. Camp Lemonnier, the only permanent U.S. military base on African soil, is located only a few kilometers away from the Chinese fortress. From here, special forces head out on their secretive commando missions, and drones take off to chase terrorists in Somalia or Yemen. The approximately 4,000 American soldiers live in their camp in ways reminiscent of life on an aircraft carrier, viewing the land around them as an ocean filled with perils. They are only allowed to leave their base with special permission. And ,even then, the capital is mostly classified as a “no-go area.” A ‘Key Region’ Originally a French base, the U.S. military took over Camp Lemonnier in 2002, following the 9/11 attacks, after Paris determined it no longer needed the facility. The current French base north of the airport is still expansive. It’s a place where you can see soldiers in shorts cycling to stay fit and children on their way to school. The engines of the Mirage fighter jets can regularly be heard as they control the airspace above the capital. Thierry Duquenoÿ, the head of the French armed forces in the country, explains why Djibouti is so important. “For Asia, Africa and Europe, this is a key region,” he says. “The Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea don’t separate the Arab and Africa sphere so much as they connect them like a zipper.” Even if the size of the personnel has gone down in recent years, he explains, Paris is still convinced of the site’s importance. General Duquenoÿ emphasizes that point with a special detail: “I’m the only French commander outside of the country with three stars,” he says. He explains that his most important task is to fight terrorism, although he is unable to discuss that issue any further. It’s not only three different nations that come together in tiny Djibouti — the country also ties together three different eras. They include the period of European hegemony, embodied by the French, its former colonial rulers. Then, secondly, the still powerful American world order, supported by the military. And, thirdly, the future, which has already begun — the era of the Chinese. The Germans also have a presence in Djibouti, at least at the periphery. Together with a contingent of the Spanish armed forces, they are stationed at Base Aérienne 188. They are there as part of the European Union’s Atalanta mission to protect shipping traffic in the region from pirates. Using a P-3C Orion maritime surveillance aircraft, the soldiers observe whether anything suspicious is happening along the Somalian coast. Any conspicuous activity gets reported back to Atalanta headquarters. When the German-owned turboprop aircraft rolls to its takeoff position, one can hear German, English and French on the radio traffic. French jets and American aircraft can be seen to the left and right of the runway. As the aircraft returns to Djibouti from the northeast, one gets a view of everything beneath — the Chinese-built port, next to it the country’s secretive naval base, the future free-trade zone a bit further inland and then the American and French military bases. Everything here seems so close together, and yet so far apart. spiegel.de

Chairman of Somaliland’s National Electoral Commission yesterday affirmed to President Musa Bihi their vow to hold parliament and local council election on March 13th 2019. The Election Commission made the remarks during a meeting with the Head of State of Somaliland at the presidency. President Musa Bihi called on NEC to set a clear timetable for ensuring that credible elections be held in Somaliland. National election commission has a huge responsibility in overseeing that the upcoming general election is clean, free and fair. President Bihi has confirmed that the govt is ready to assist whatever they need from it in holding the polls on the fixed date. Somaliland is reprimanded by the int’l community for postponing elections without impediment.

A fishing boat with a permit issued by the breakaway Somali state of Puntland, bearing the Thai name of Chotechai Navy 35, was recently intercepted in Samut Sakhon on suspicion of illegal fishing and human trafficking, police announced on Thursday. The crew of 22 Thais and one Cambodian were detained and 500,000 kilograms of fish and other marine life seized. During a press conference in Bangkok, Pol Lt-General Jaruwat Waisaya, chief of the Office of Legal Affairs and Litigation, said the boat, captained by Pawit Kerdsuwan, had docked at Samut Sakhon’s Thachin Union Port to unload fish. SVG Fisheries Development Co had earlier made a request to authorities to allow the unloading. However, officials found that the boat only had a fishing permit from Puntland and also violated the catch limit of 270,000kg of fish, Jaruwat said. After Thai officials filed an inquiry, Somali authorities replied that the country had not authorised the boat to fish in its own waters and it was not registered in its system. Puntland is internationally recognised as a part of Somalia, although it declared independence in 1998. The boat was not equipped with the vessel-monitoring system that was legally required, Jaruwat added. Police proceeded with legal action on charges of bringing an illegal fishing vessel into the Thailand’s waters without permission, which is punishable by a fine between Bt1 million and Bt30 million. Charges were being filed against Green Laurel International, the legal entity registered as the boat’s owner; its executives Supachote Saengsuk-eium and Surakan Saengsuk-eium; another man identified as the boat’s real owner, Wanchai Saengsuk-eium; and SVG Fisheries Development Co, Jaruwat said. Both Supachote and Wanchai surrendered to police last week, denying the charges and saying they would testify in court, Jaruwat said. Surakan failed to meet police after a second summons, claiming she was ill, and promised to surrender on Friday, Jaruwat said. The Cambodian worker apprehended on the boat told police that he had escaped from hardship working conditions on another vessel named Chotechai Navi 55 and hitched a ride on the Chotechai Navy 35 to return to Thailand. Thai authorities have already sent the man back to Cambodia. Thailand has been conducting an ongoing campaign to combat illegal, unlicensed and unregulated (IUU) fishing since being hit by the European Union with a “yellow card” for harmful practices within the fishing industry. Nationmultimedia

The recently-launched iRise hub has opened applications for its first incubation programme, which aims to mentor and support local entrepreneurs to help create sustainable and scalable businesses in Somalia. Disrupt Africa reported in September on the launch of iRise, the first ever tech incubator and co-working space to be established in the Somali capital of Mogadishu. iRise is community-based innovation hub for Somali entrepreneurs, innovators, developers and investors to share ideas, connect and collaborate. It has now opened applications for its first incubation programme, which will offer selected startups access to iRise events and resources as well as customised training and mentorship to develop their business acumen as well as entrepreneurial and technical skills. It will include a three-month curriculum of general and sector specific modules for startups and entrepreneurs at different stages of their journey. The aim is to allow entrepreneurs to move from the idea stage to launching their businesses. Applicants are required to have a strong founding team, a validated idea, and strong product-market fit. Bizcommunity

By Ahmed Abdi Hargeisa —The government will find a possible solution to the future tribal strifes in Somaliland, the government announced at a fifth ministerial meeting chaired by president Muse Bihi Abdi on Thursday. Isaaq tribal infighting in Dararweyne at El-afweyne district of Sanaag region left at least eight dead last month. “The tribal strife will be solved through government channels,” the authority said in a press release today. The government also said that it has learned illegal wildlife trade and called for the protection of the species. “We learned that people have returned to hunting wildlife which can endanger the animal’s existence so that we urge them to refrain from this business, the statement reads.” Somaliland’s constitution does not permit hunting and orders the police to arrest and detain anyone caught in the business. In the statement, the government said that it will establish a new research center that will manage recurrent droughts.

Hon. Abdisalan Yasin, a member of National Consultation & Rectification Forum (NCRF) called on the suspension of Somalia and Somaliland talks. Mr. Abdisalan has made the remarks during a press conference and urged the current adminstration under president Musa Bihi to give priority to urgent domestic issues in the country. NCRF members has suggested that the new leadership must focus on the consolidation of unity and securing Somaliland borders. Mr. Yasin has reminded that Somaliland is an independent state that has broke away from Somalia and said that once Somaliland is invited to attend conferences then the leaders must go there while they are recognized as a country. He advised the govt should not attend conferences where Somaliland is invited as part and parcel of regional states in Somalia. Professor Abdisalan has called on Somaliland president to heed to the calls from Khatumo leader who argued that Somaliland should belong to all its citizens not part of it should be considered as true Somaliland citizens. The new government has taken important strides in the right where it is combating corruption and broadening its authority to border areas with Puntland which has been a destabilizing neighbor for the past years.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Sida ay daabaceen qaar kamid ah Jaraa’idyada kasoo baxa dalka Isutaga Imaaraadka, waxaa magaalada Muqdisho ee caasimada Somalia ka dhacay kulan khaas ahaa oo u dhexeeyay Madaxweynaha Somalia Maxamed C/laahi Farmaajo iyo Safiirka dalka Imaaraadka ee Somalia. Kulanka ayaa si gaara uga dhacay Xarunta Villa Somalia waxaana looga wadahadlay arrimo ay kamid ahaayen xiriirka labada dal, Amniga, Siyaasada, Iskaashiga iyo Isgarabtaaga Ciidamada. Madaxweynaha Somalia Maxamed Cabdullahi Farmaajo waxa uu dowlada Imaaraadka ku amaanay kaalinta ay ka qaadato arrimaha Somalia, markii laga soot ago tabashooyin yaryar oo ay qabto dowlada Somalia. Waxa uu Dowlada iyo Safiirkuba uga mahadceliyay sida Dowlada iyo Shacabkuba u taageeran Somalia, isaga oo ka sheekeeyay xiriirka taariikhiga ah ee labada dal. Madaxweyne Farmaajo, waxa uu Safiirka u sheegay in dowlada Imaaraadka ay uga fadhiyaan sida looga dhabeyn lahaa ballanqaadyo hore oo ay wada galeen labada dhinac. Sidoo kale, Safiirka Imaaraadka Maxamed Axmed Cusmaan Al Hammadi, waxa uu Madaxweyne Farmaajo uga mahadceliyay sida uu Imaaraadka u qadariyo, isaga oo ballan-qaaday in Abu-dhabi sii wadi-doonto taageerada ay siiso Muqdisho. Dhinaca kale, Safiirka ayaa bilowga asbuucan kulan kan lamid ah la qaatay taliyaha amniga, lama oga wax ay ka wada hadleen, iyada oo jirto in December 30, sanadkii tagay ciidamo ay Imaaraadka tababaraan weerar ku qaadeen guriga Senator Cabdi Qeybdiid, weerarkaasi oo baaritaankiisa socdo. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com The post Maxaadan Ogeyn oo ay kawada hadleen Farmaajo & Safiirka Imaaraadka ee Somalia ? appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Bosaso-[Puntland Post]-Mas’uuliyinta Shirkadda duulimayadka Diyaaradaha ee Jubbo Airweys oo shir jaraa’id ku qabtay xarunta shirkadda ee magaaladda Bosaso ee xarunta gobalka Bari, ayaa wax kama jiraan ku tilmaamay hadal dhowaan uu sheegay Wasiirka wasaaradda Cadaaladda Puntland Saalax Xabiib Jaamac. Wasiirka Cadaaladda iyo Arrimaha diinta Puntland Saalax Xabiib Jaamac oo dhawaan safar dalka dibadiisa ah dib uga soo laabataya ayaa sheegay in dadka Soomaliyeed Xajka ku tagaan lacag qaali ah oo uu arinta ku eedeeyey shirkadda Jubbo Airweys, Masuuliyiintan ayaa cadeeyey in arintasi ay tahaya waxaba kama jiran wasiirkuna uu hubsado hadalka uu lee yahaya isla markaana ay shirkado badan ay ka wada shaqeeyan Xajka. hoos ka daawo Muuqalka shirka Jaraa,id ee Masuuliyiinta shirkada Jubba Airweys. Cabdiqani Boos Puntland Post-Bosaso The post Shirkadda Jubbo Airways oo waxa kama jiran ku tilmaamtay hadal dhawaan ka soo Yeeray wasiirka Cadaalada Puntland appeared first on Puntland Post.

President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo rode into victory February 8 last year to become Somalia’s 9th President following a hotly contested poll pitting among others incumbent Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and former President Ahmed Sheikh Sharif. His win was greeted with jubilation and hope as Mogadishu residents burst into song and dance. Similar acts of excitement were reported in neighbouring Somali communities in Kenya, Ethiopia; and around the world. Somali’s genuinely had high hopes for the new leadership in Somalia. The president immediately vowed to crack down on the rampant corruption and declared war on Al-Shabaab militants, signalling a new way of doing things. The slogan for this new way of doing things would be ‘Nabad iyo Nalool”, or “Peace and Life”. “This is the beginning of unity for the Somali nation, the beginning of the fight against and corruption,” said Farmajo as he prepared to take over office from his predecessor Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. One year down the line, President Farmajo has achieved several positive goals while also running into roadblocks that damaged the image and confidence of his administration. Debt-Forgiveness process Somalia owes nearly $5.3 billion USD, most of it in interests and penalties on over three decades old loans accrued at a time the country was without a functioning central government. President Farmaajo’s administration has spearheaded the process towards debt relief which includes meeting several conditions set out by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. Ahmed Abdi Hadi, a political analyst in Mogadishu says Somalia is steadily moving towards debt forgiveness by winning the confidence of the IMF. “The country did not make amortization payment since the fall of Somali central government. Now the president and his prime minister have increased the local revenue income and carried out initiatives to relief the burden by negotiating IMF,” Hadi said. He pointed out the corruption which paralyzed the previous governments was still ravaging the country’s economy. “Despite showing commitment and will, the president has no capability to uproot the corruption. On the other side, his cabinet is incompetent making it difficult to rid the public sector of corruption and promote best governance practices,” he noted. Late last year, IMF hailed the 2017-2018 budget noting the $274 million budget met set standards and terms of the global lender. “From September until now, we see a strong commitment to reform. The authorities are more engaged on what needs to be done,” said Mohammed Elhage, head of IMF’s Somalia work who spoke to Reuters mid-December. Speaking to Financial Times, Somali Prime Minister Hassan Ali Kheire urged multilateral lenders to accelerate the debt forgiveness process. “Certainly, ours is a very tiny budget for a country of 10 million people, fighting terrorism needs good governance. It means providing services for our people. To do this cost money and that’s why we need international community.” During this period, president Farmajo convinced the international community to support Somalia which has been engaged in a decade-long war with Al-Shabaab. International donors such as UK, US, Japan, Turkey and Saudi Arabia among others have contributed significantly to propping President Farmaajo’s administration. Turkey opened its largest overseas military training camp in Mogadishu last year with the pledge to train up to 10,000 soldiers who will ultimately take over from the African Union forces. Freed Somali prisoners Somali government successfully convinced the governments of Ethiopia, Seychelles and India to transfer Somali nationals serving jail terms in these three countries. Between July 2017 and January this year, Ethiopia and India released a total 155 prisoners from their jail following extradition and bilateral agreements Welcoming India freed prisoners at Aden Adde Airport last month, PM Kheire said his government is committed to ensuring freedom of all Somali nationals jailed in various countries across the globe. “Our mission is to free Somali prisoners suffering in foreign countries. My government will do everything that can free Somali prisoners,” said Kheire. Galmudug-ASWJ deadlock One of the highlights of President Farmajo’s first year in office is breaking the deadlock between Galmudug and Ahlu Sunna Waljama’a (ASWJ). The two groups have been fighting one another for at least two years. During his tour to Somalia’s central and northern regions in last month, President Farmajo oversaw the historic power-sharing deal inked by Galmudug and ASWJ which culminated in the flag of Galmudug being hoisted in Dhusamareeb town for the first time since the inception of Galmudug state. Other achievements of Somali government include the adoption of National Security Architecture and transfer of Somali Airspace to Somali government after 27 years under the control of International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO). Growing discontent against Farmajo’s govt Following the extraordinary rendition of former ONLF commander Abdikarim Musa Qalbi-Dhagah, Farmaajo’s administration was faced with a public relations disaster as Somalis condemned the transfer accusing the president of betraying the cause for a greater united Somalia which many saw ONLF as championing. Mohamed Ali Warsame, a human rights activist in Nairobi said the handing over of Qalbi-Dhagah cost the government loss of support of many Somalis across the world. Somalis around the world are quite stunned about the controversy of illegal extradition of Colonel Abdikarim Sheikh Muse, known as Qalbi-dhagax/ FILE “There areseveral factors that led Somali government to lose support and the trust of many Somalis, one of them is extradition of former Somali military officer, Abdikarim Musa Qalbi-Dhagah,” said Warsame. The detention of opposition figures by Somali government marked another point in Farmaajo’s confidence slip. Hadi shares a similar view with Warsame on President Farmaajo’s approach political opposition. “Farmajo’s government deployed executive orders to silence his critics and perceived political enemies further alienating himself and losing the confidence of the public,” Hadi observed. The deadly October 14 truck bombing which claimed over 500 lives tested President Farmaajo’s resolve to deal with run-away insecurity in the country. He managed to secure international support among them commitments from Ethiopia, Uganda and Djibouti to up military support against the militant group Al-Shabaab. But winning the war against Al-Shabaab is still a long shot for President Farmaajo especially in light of phased withdrawals by the African Union as sanctioned last August by the UN Security Council. Source: Hol The post President Farmajo’s first year in office appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Minister: region is ripe for investment as new government aims to rebuild infrastructure destroyed during years of war A Somaliland government minister is in the UAE to drum up investment for power projects to stabilise the self-declared state’s precarious economy where energy costs are among the highest in the world. The self-governing region which broke away from Somalia in 1991 is seeking to build on its relationship with Gulf nations to improve its infrastructure following the election of a new president last year. The investment minister, Mohamed Ahmed Mohamoud, is in Dubai to meet investors and try to secure funds for renewable and traditional energy projects and for agricultural sector as 80-90 per cent of food is imported. He said there was great potential for international investors to tap into the country’s mineral wealth. He said he had spoken with “six or seven” energy companies seeking to invest in Somaliland as the government sought to build a secure and stable environment for investment. Somaliland, a region of four million people, has previously secured sizeable investments from the Gulf with its access to the international markets limited by Mogadishu’s refusal to recognise it as an independent state. No foreign government recognises its sovereignty. “When we were campaigning, we promised economic growth for Somaliland and we want to improve healthcare and education,” said the minister. “But we have one of the most expensive energy sectors anywhere in the world. When it comes to renewable energy, the sun and the wind, we have a great potential. “We can generate a lot of cheap electricity but what we need is investment. The potential is there, which is why a lot of Chinese companies and Middle East companies are coming to me and showing their interest in investment.” The country effectively broke relations with Somalia in 1991 and has held democratic elections since 2003. Its GDP per head is only about $500 after its infrastructure was destroyed during fighting in the run-up to the independence declaration. Its main export is livestock. Its push for foreign investment has seen the UAE establish a naval base in its port of Berbera, on the south coast of the Gulf of Aden. Dubai’s DP World last year signed a 30-year contract to develop the same port. DP World said it would also develop an economic zone in the region, modelled on Dubai’s Jebel Ali Free Zone. The new economic zone is aimed at positioning Berbera as a gateway port for East Africa, by encouraging investments and trade in the warehousing, logistics, manufacturing and related businesses. Source: – The National The post Somaliland minister seeks energy investment from UAE appeared first on Caasimada Online.

The leaders of Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt have agreed to continue their cooperation in the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam project (GERD) following a meeting at the end of January. To make further progress on outstanding GERD issues and nurture tripartite relations, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, President Omar al- Bashir and President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, agreed that: the heads of state would meet on an annual basis going forward; would explore a mechanism for the establishment of a tripartite fund aimed at enhancing cooperation through the realisation of common infrastructure projects connecting the three countries; and would establish a permanent technical committee to discuss all issues related to the GERD, specifically focusing on the filling and operation of the dam, with a view to reporting these results back to the leaders in one month. The leaders also reiterated their adherence to the spirit and letter of the Declaration of Principles on the GERD, signed in Khartoum in March 2015. They concluded their talks by highlighting the fruitful nature of their discussions and underscored their collective belief that cooperation on the GERD, based on a win-win approach, can and will meet the aspirations of their people. Source: – Water Power Magazine The post Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt renew commitment to cooperate over GERD appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Ethiopia’s year-on-year inflation rate edged down to 13.4 percent in January, the statistics agency said on its website. The Central Statistics Agency said food inflation was at 18 percent in January, versus 17.4 percent in the previous month. Non-food inflation was at 8.4 percent, compared with 9.4 percent in December, the agency said in a statement. Source: – Reuters The post Ethiopia’s inflation eases to 13.4 pct y/y in January appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Ciidanka Amniga Puntland (PSF) waxay hawlgal ballaaran oo dagaal oo ka dhan ah cadowga Al Shabaab ka fuliyeen Buuraleyda deegaanada Dhadhaabo, Ceeldibir, Durduri, Harweyn, Karin Xagarood, Madarshoon iyo Diindigle oo Buuraha Cal Madow oo qiyaastii 35-77km ka xiga dhanka Koonfur Galbeed magaalada Bosaso ee gobolka Bari,Puntland, Soomaaliya. Hawlgalkan dagaal oo socday afartii maalmood ee la soo dhaafay (05-8 January 2018) ayaa qorshihiisu ahaa sidii Al Shabaab looga sifayn lahaa loogana saari lahaa deegaanada ay kaga dhuumaalaystaan Buuraha Cal Madow. Ciidanka PSF waxay hawlgalkan ka gaareen guulo muhiim ah, waxay na Al Shabaab ka saaraan goobo ay kaga dhuumaalaysanayeen Buuraleyda Ceeldibir iyo Karin Xagarood. Dhanka kale,iIntii hawlgalkani socday, ciidanka PSF waxay gacanta ku soo dhigeen 3 maxbuus oo ka tirsan ururka argagixisada Al Shabaab, kuwaas oo loo soo gudbiyey xabsiyada magaalada Bosaso si baaris dheeraad ah loogu sameeyo. Ciidanka PSF waxay sheegeen inay ka go’an in ay sii wadaan hawlgallada ay kula dagaalamayaan kooxaha argagixisada ah ee ku soo duulay Puntland, si Puntland iyo guud ahaan Soomaaliya ba ay u noqdaan nabad iyo waddanka ka caaggan falalka kooxaha argagixisada ah. Puntlandi.com

Muqdisho (Caasimadda Online)-wararka ka imaanaya magaaladda muqdisho ayaa sheegaya in uu halkaasi kadhacay dagaal kooban oo udhexeeyo ciidamo kawada tirsan dowladda federaalka soomaaliya. Dagaalkaan ayaa waxa uu ciidamada dowladda ku dhexmara afaafka hore ee xarunta Wasaarada Hidaha iyo tacliinta sare ee Soomaaliya. dagaalkaan waxaa sabab uhaa sida ay goobjoogayaal inoosheegeen kadib markii ay ciidamo katirsan kuwa xasilinta muqdisho ay damceen in ay qori kaqaataan mid ka mid ah ilaalada xarunta Wasaarada hidda iyo Tacliinta sare ee magaalasda Muqdisho. Ilaa iyo hadda lama oga khasaaraha dhabta ah ee ka dhashay iska hor imaadkaas ee u dhaxeeyay ciidamo kawada tirsan dowlada soomaaliya. iskahor imaadyada iyo kalashakiga ciidamadda kawada tirsan dowladda ayaa kusoo badanaya magaaladda muqdisho. ugu danbayntii xaaladda goobtii uu dagaalku kadhacay ayaa ah mid dagan mana jirto mas uul ka hadlay dagaalka muqdisho ku dhexmaray ciidamada kawada tirsan dowldda soomaaliya Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com The post Ciidamada xasilinta magaaladda Muqdisho oo weeraray ciidamo ilaalinayay Wasaaradda … appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Mogadishu (HOL) - The National Security Meeting, which has been underway in Mogadishu since February 6, is set to be concluded today. Source: Hiiraan Online

MOGADISHU, Feb. 8 (Xinhua) -- At least two Somali soldiers were killed and several wounded in a roadside explosion near the town of Afgoye, about 30km south of Mogadishu, officials confirmed on Thursday. Source: Hiiraan Online

Warsidaha Puntlandi oo xiriiro kala duwan la sameeyay saraakiil dowladdeed oo katirsan madaxtooyada Puntland, ayaa beeniyay qoraal lagu faafiyay baraha internetka oo ku saabsanaa in shaqadii laga joojiyay taliyihii qeybta booliiska gobolka Bari, gaashaanle Cabdixakiin Yuusuf Xuseen. Saraakiishaan oo ka gaabsaday inaan magacyadooda xusno, ayaa Puntlandi u u xaqiijiyay inaanu jirin go’aan si toos ah ugasoo baxay guddiga amniga gobolka Bari oo shaqada looga joojiyay taliyaha, balse ay jirto soo jeedin ka timid guddiga amniga gobolka Bari oo loo gudbiyay madaxweyne ku xigeenka Puntland. Warar kale oo Puntlandi uu helayo waxay sheegayaan in madaxweyne ku xigeenku qorshahaas ka hor timid oo uu diiday in cid gaar ah dusha loo saaro masuuliyadda dhacdooyinkii amni ee ka dhacday gobolka Bari. Dowladda Puntland ayaa go’aan kasoo saaridoonto qorshaha xoojinta ammaanka gobolka Bari iyo la xisaabtanka hay’addaha masuul ka ah amniga magaalada Bosaso iyo guud ahaan gobolka Bari. Shirka golaha wasiiradda ee maanta ayaa arrintaan lagu cadaydoonaa. Puntlandi.com

Somaliland’s Auditor General, Hon. Ahmed Yusuf Dirir has announced the closure of offices of security company that provides security services to local airports in Somaliland. The AG has said that investigations are underway while a temporary closure has been imposed to the firms offices. Mr. Ahmed has asserted that the constitution has granted the AG to conduct investigations to firms. He also said that the administration office as well as the accountant department have been closed on temporary basis. The AG has added that the firm officials are in the UAE but said that while investigations are being conducted them the offices should remain closed. Somaliland administration under president Bihi’s government has issued a zero tolerance policy towards corruption in the country.

Puntland President Hon. Abdiweli Gaas has called on Somali president, Farmajo to form an independent administration for Sool, Sanaag and Ayn regions in Somaliland. This was disclosed by Khatumo leader, Dr. Ali Khalif Galeyr who was delivering speech to Somaliland diaspora community in Minnesota. Mr. Gaas had made the request to President Farmajo and Prime Minister Khaire during a meeting held in Mogadishu. Mr; Gaas has asserted that he is planning to hold a conference for Sool, Sanaag and Ain intellectuals to set up independent authority but urged the Somalia govt to fully recognize the administration. Mr. Gas has apprised Farmajo and Khaire about the covert plan in person while having met them in separate occasions. The president, Farmajo and the premiere, Khaire responded by reminding Mr. Gaas that the last time he was claiming that the constitution of Puntland says that the regions of Sool, Sanaag and Ain are part and Parcel of Puntland territory. They have told him that have you relinquished that. The Somali leaders have called on Abdiwali Gaas to return to his parliament and the government to confirm that the regions are not part of Puntland. Somali regional presidents are in Mogadishu, Somalia’s war torn capital to attend a meeting hosted by the Federal government. Puntland seems to take the case to Somalia amid territorial dispute over broader regions in Somaliland. Puntland has insisted on its claim that the inhabitants are part of their territory by kinship while the regions belong to Somaliland by border demarcation which date back to the colonial era. The international donors to Somaliland have urged president Bihi to withdraw his forces from Tukaraq and return to all barracks but Mr, Bihi has insisted that Somaliland army has no intention to invade its neighbor but the forces are doing a good job to maintain law and order in Sool with borders with Puntland. The hostility between Puntland and Somaliland which locked horns over the past years amid disputed regions have escalated the tension which led to skirmishes between the the forces.

Mogadishu (HOL) - President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo rode into victory February 8 last year to become Somalia’s 9th President following a hotly contested poll pitting among others incumbent Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and former President Ahmed Sheikh Sharif. Source: Hiiraan Online

Introduction Twenty-Four Soldiers from 426th Brigade Support Battalion, 1st Brigade Combat Team, 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault) were deployed to Mogadishu, Somalia from June through August 2017. Nine of the 24 Soldiers were logisticians of various occupational skills and the remainder comprised the security platoon. This deployment marked the first time conventional forces were sent to Somalia since 1993 – and logisticians commanded it. Being the first in Somalia often meant being on our own and it would later be likened to Romans sent to the “edge of the empire.” Our primary mission set was to train the Somali National Army (SNA) on basic logistics tasks such as driving heavy vehicles, preventative maintenance checks and services and the safe operation of fuel and water trucks. While our primary mission was to train Somalis, our team was also involved in many other logistics operations such as running a supply support activity (SSA) site and maintaining vehicle fleets. In Somalia, how you interact with your environment, subordinates and superiors requires much more ingenuity, trust, and a willingness to depart from conventional science of command techniques than in most conventional theaters. In this article I will first discuss Somalia’s operational environment and the parameters of my team’s mission. I will then go over how ingenuity, trust, and a willingness to depart from conventional science of command techniques is needed to operate in the Somali environment. To clarify terms between colloquial and doctrinal understandings of them: by ingenuity this article means general creativity and any sort of non-doctrinal thinking, by trust this article means the same trust described in mission command principles where subordinates are trusted to execute commander’s intent, and by science of command techniques this article is referring to the conventional means through which we disseminate commander’s intent and orders such as secure radios, blue force tracker systems, command post of the future systems, and the almighty PowerPoint. When discussing the environment, the article’s focus will be on the team’s interaction with its physical space as well as the various people and players in Somalia. After discussing the environment, the article will then review interactions between myself, as the officer in charge (OIC), and my subordinates. In other words, we will discuss the small team leadership dynamics involved in the Somalia deployment. Finally, the article will discuss the way the team interacted with various higher headquarters operating in the horn of Africa. US Flag at the team’s training site. Operational Environment The newly constituted Somali federal government elected its first president, President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed Formaajo, in February 2017. President Formaajo is the head of state and the head of all defense forces. In terms of national and international recognition, President Formaajo is the most visible political leader in Somalia. There are two key things one needs to understand about the political climate of Somalia. First is that clan alignment dominates politics and many other facets of Somali life. One in four parliamentary seats are automatically allocated to each of the major clans in Somalia.[ii] Second is that corruption is rampant in Somalia. The New York Times after the presidential election hailed the achievement as a “milestone of corruption” with about $20 million exchanging hands in Somalia leading up to the election.[iii] In fact, Transparency International rates Somalia as the most corrupt country in the world – with a world ranking of 176 out of 176.[iv] Clan politics and corruption dominate an operational environment in which most western-aligned powers are trying to either improve security and stability, fight terror, or a combination of the two. Any time expensive vehicles purchased by the US State Department were being moved for the Somalis it was amazing how many people showed up to see “what was happening.” When it comes to equipment given from foreign governments to Somalia many in the Somali Army have trouble understanding the difference between “for me” versus “for my army.” The Somali military, like its government, is newly established and immature in its development. Somalia’s conventional force, the Somali National Army (SNA), exists but the health, discipline, and organization of its force varies greatly. For example, when trying to muster a group of 80 SNA soldiers for training Somali military coordinators were not sure where some soldiers were coming from and if they were even in the military. Many SNA soldiers have received training from foreign militaries. SNA soldiers that have received formal basic military training, either at home or abroad, are not anywhere near the majority of the force. Generally speaking, the SNA requires foreign military assistance to be combat ready. Furthermore, the Huawiye tribe dominates the military forces while the Darod tribe dominates the government. This creates external and internal conflict within the military. There is some disdain towards the government due to clan differences. There is also disdain towards Darod officers in the military. During our mission I chose to discontinue an officer’s only small-group training program because SNA leadership would only send Huawiye officers to the class despite there clearly being capable officers from other clans. The SNA is not the only military force in Somalia. “Elite” Danab force are a subset of the Somali military in which the United States has invested heavily in compared to the rank and file SNA. While the Danab see themselves as the Somali version of special forces, a more accurate assessment of them would be better equipped SNA soldiers. However, one notable difference is that Danab units integrate members of all clans into their ranks. Another component of Somali military forces are the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA). Conflict between these different military organizations can often be as violent as their clashes with Al Shabab. There are multiple instances of NISA getting into firefights with Danab.[v]While deployed, my team was able to hear the gunfire between the two by a checkpoint near Mogadishu’s airport. The economy of Somalia is mostly agrarian but severe draught is causing starvation. Moreover, poverty is pervasive and most SNA soldiers have not been paid in months. Money would become an infrequent point of friction when my team would be asked to provide cash handouts to SNA soldiers that had rarely ever been paid. Somalia is located off the Gulf of Aden and has several ports along the coast. Roads offer inland transportation, however, much of the road system leading from the coast inland are threatened by or in Al Shabab territory making inland military movements at risk to attacks and pilferage. The Mission Our mission in Somalia as described by US Army Africa (USARAF) was simply to go to Mogadishu International Airport (MIA), and train two classes of 120 Somalis on basic logistics tasks. We were given a list of tasks and equipment to train on but we were also given wide latitude on how we wanted to accomplish our training. The wide latitude given was also due to the fact that no conventional forces had ever taken this mission on before. We chose to divide our training into two phases: driver’s training and military occupational skills training. In the first phase all trainers were on-deck to teach Somalis how to drive heavy vehicles. In the second phase, each trainer taught Somalis about their particular logistics specialty: specifically fuel operations, water operations, medical first responder, supply activities, wheeled vehicle maintenance, and generator maintenance. In true form to the unpredictable nature of the operational environment, little of the training equipment was available when we arrived. Additionally, the Somali Army had difficulty resourcing 120 soldiers for a single class and only mustered about 80 per training cycle. It took several days into the beginning of training for group of 80 trainees to be solidified. The question marks surrounding the attendees of the course presented security concerns of who we were even providing training to. Our security team did an excellent job of screening everyone and everything that entered the training site. While the Mogadishu International Airport (MIA) is considered one of the safest areas in the country, Somalia is still an inherently violent country. At the time of this article’s writing Mogadishu suffered its largest bombing in its history with over 350 casualties. The bombings occurred outside of the airport installation but within five miles of the team’s training site. It was critical to screen and secure any non-US personnel in the training area. After roughly two weeks we were able to settle into a comfortable training rhythm. However, that was not to say that our days were predictable. We knew how to execute the training mission but any day we would have to deal with trainees being sent to jail by their superiors, trainees arriving while having a seizure and foaming blood at the mouth, or a even dead body being driven around our site in the back of an ambulance. What did not fit into our routine was just about every other operation surrounding our mission. These “other” operations included establishing and running an SSA of $37 million of US State Department purchased equipment, running and maintaining a motor pool of 45 five-ton variant vehicles, and planning for and preparing myriad equipment for inland movement and distribution. These operations would drive the need to use ingenuity, utilize trust, and adjust typical science of command techniques. A photograph of the first set of trainees in formation. The two SNA Majors, the 426th BSB Battalion Commander and Command Sergeant Major, and the Detachment OIC and NCOIC are in the foreground. The trainers, interpreters, trainees, and security platoon are in the background. The Environment – Physical Space The space we took ownership of was our training site that was about the size of a football field. We made it into a multifunctional logistics hub. In addition to being an outdoor space with classroom trailers for training, it was also our personnel search area, field SSA, motorpool, maintenance bay, fuel point, wash rack, and unit supply room. When managing this space we had to be clever at how to place items out of each other’s way, but also how to manage multiple operations going on at the same time. In order to maximize the space we always tried to keep one group of trainees in a classroom setting while another conducted driver’s training outside. This reduced the number of people at risk walking around while heavy vehicles were moving in and around the training area. On many days we would also have one of our Soldiers operating a forklift and loading SNA vehicles with their equipment from our field SSA. By loading one vehicle at a time in the back corner of the site while keeping driver’s training up front we were able to run multiple operations at once and minimize the risk of vehicle collision or, even worse, a vehicle and pedestrian collision. When we first arrived, there were $37 million of military materiel and vehicles left unorganized in the training site. This photograph shows the same materiel previously pictured after the training team established a field SSA. Typically to run a multi-faceted operation like the one we created would require a large amount of staffing. An accountable officer would inventory every detail of each piece of materiel in the yard, utilize automation systems, and track data metrics as equipment moved in and out of the yard. A safety officer would inspect the barrels of fuel in the site. Leaders would create diagrams of the vehicle-parking plan for the motorpool. Whether in garrison or deployed, as a full brigade or higher, we would undoubtedly use powerpoint to track everything as it happened. In an underdeveloped theater like Somalia we either could not do those things, or chose to forgo the conventional science of control planning processes. While we were conducting operations that might typically be monitored at a battalion level or higher, we were not capable of conducting battalion level staffing – only platoon or company level troop leading procedures. How we handled the field SSA was a good example of this. A battalion could certainly have conducted the military decision making process (MDMP) but our team had neither the time nor the personnel to go through that. We did, however, realize we had a problem requiring troop-leading procedures to. We let the team know that we were going to start organizing the equipment in the next 24 hours. My NCOIC, SSA NCO and I came up with a pen and paper sketch of how to organize the training site and then issued the complete plan the next morning. By using a little ingenuity to organize the space around a training mission, trusting Soldiers to execute their role unsupervised, and by using troop-leading procedures we were able to create a sustainable system to store and issue equipment to three different African militaries. The Environment – The People Beware the westerner that believes Africans will bend over backwards with graciousness to learn from you and revere the training you are there to provide. Relationships in Somalia must be based on power and not just goodwill. This realization takes ingenuity to realize, trust with translators to utilize, and is not something taught in formal military education. Somalia has been in a constant state of conflict for decades. War and western aid in the region create challenging social dynamics. The difficulty in simply surviving creates toughness in Somalis: a toughness that reinforces their general belief that while the Somali Army may not be as strong as the American Army, the Somali soldier is equally tough to the American Soldier. Our team avoided discussions of geopolitical matters and we always approached conflict resolution carefully with the Somalis. Three examples of relationships based on power being critical to our relationship with the SNA are discussed. The first example was an issue that became an ongoing point of contention: personnel searches. In order to ensure that no one was entering out site with a weapon we conducted a search in addition to the one already conducted by the Ugandans at the gate. While we never found anything of concern from the trainees besides a ceremonial dagger or two, we felt the no-exceptions search policy to be necessary since we would frequently confiscate pistols from other SNA personnel visiting the site. Many of the SNA trainees, on the other hand, felt that we had learned who they were and therefore searches were unnecessary if not humiliating. It is, after all, Somalia and who were we to search Somalis in their own country? At first we tried to shrug off complaints by simply reminding with SNA leadership that we said from day one that everyone gets searched. However, it quickly became an issue that was not going to go away since we noticed that the trainees were becoming more irritable if not outright hostile when being searched. In one instance, an SNA soldier slammed his vehicle’s door back shut in order to resist a vehicle search – a dangerous proposition that fortunately we were able to de-escalate. In this conflict we were able to negotiate from a much more powerful position; we had the power to remove trainees, stop training, or be more aggressive doing searches. As a matter of force protections we were under no obligation to cease personnel searches. The SNA on the other hand demonstrated that they had the power to make searches difficult and potentially sour the positive relationships we had developed. Ultimately we found an appropriate resolution wherein we did not compromise on the thoroughness of our searches but agreed to simply search vehicle drivers inside the training site away from any public view, then escort them back out to their vehicles. While this compromise was made during an amiable discussion it was not settled upon because of positive personal relationships but based on the present power dynamic between our two positions. Another critical piece of the resolution was a trust translator that understood where we were willing to compromise and when to translate adamancy. In a second instance I wanted a trainee removed from the program because previously had a seizure and I did not want someone with medical complications in the hot sun training under our supervision each day. The SNA disagreed, and felt that he was fine, and wanted paperwork from me stating in writing why I was using my authority to remove the trainee. SNA leadership did not want to do it for internal political reasons. I was able to convince them that we did not need paperwork to remove the trainee since I removed an unpopular translator earlier that week without adding the red tape of paperwork. Their desire to match my power in this area drove them to agree and remove the trainee the next day. The third example is when the officer in charge of the first set of trainees wanted to end training at noon each day for “security reasons.” I was suspicious that the actual reason was simply to leave training early. I asked for details on the security reasons and he quickly recanted his request as merely “a suggestion.” In this instance there was no power or credible reason to consider the request in good faith and the request was denied and dismissed rapidly. When resolving conflicts with the SNA it was key to understand the power dynamics between the training team and the SNA trainees. Coming in peace is only part of the puzzle – power is the rest of it. Our team was successful because we utilized some ingenuity to realize this, trusted our translators to support the mission, and we were able to handle these issues on the spot on our level instead of debating every issue with higher headquarters. Subordinates The command structure for our team was slightly irregular. Two battalions within the brigade contributed Soldiers: an infantry battalion and the BSB. While the security force from the infantry battalion was the larger element, a logistics captain was placed in charge to ensure success of the logistics training mission. An additional challenge was that the BSB’s Soldiers came from multiple companies, with no organic chain of command transferring to the new task force. Creating task force capable of executing the assigned USARAF mission required ingenuity and the BSB was tasked the analysis to solve the problem. An early consideration was to build the team out of a single infantry battalion. This would require an entire squad from a forward support company (FSC), medics from the headquarters company, and a security platoon leader from a line company. Additionally, the team would still likely need a logistics captain resourced form the BSB since the only logistics captain available in an infantry battalion would be the FSC company commander. The chosen course of action of resourcing from the BSB and an infantry battalion avoided that possibility and kept the FSCs fully operational to support ongoing readiness training at Fort Campbell, Kentucky. A single unit was not able to meet the required capabilities of the mission, but with a little ingenuity and mission analysis a successful task force was formed. This article has already mentioned several examples of how trust between myself as the officer in charge and subordinate Soldiers was critical to mission success but this cannot be emphasized enough. Every Soldier on the team had a specific skill set with a specific task and purpose. While the dynamic operational environment required multi-purpose everything each Soldier was a subject matter expert in his or her function on the team, and in some cases like generator maintenance, perhaps the country. The need to trust subordinates was only compounded by the fact that we limited communications assets to rely on. We were equipped with two Motorola handheld radios on the unsecure United Nations network and a full set of secure communications from Multiband Inter/Intra Team Radios (MBITRs). While the MBITRs were secure, they did not have adequate range to communicate across the airfield, which spans an area of several miles. When an element from the team was working at the site while others were having lunch at our living area they were on their own unless they had one of two of the Motorola’s we had. The lack of reliable communications meant that trust had to compensate for the lack of command and control systems. Superiors The command relationships in Somalia between our team and other higher headquarters could be described as convoluted. While deployed, our team was still officially under the command of the 426th BSB at Fort Campbell while only tactically controlled by the Mogadishu Coordination Cell (MCC). USARAF supervised the progress of the mission and the Army Command Element (ACE) at Combined Joint Task Force – Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) in Djibouti took care of any administrative needs while also serving as our unofficial advocate to the rest of CJTF, a subordinate command of AFRICOM. To summarize, 426th BSB and the MCC were our two bosses, but many other entities across USARAF, AFRICOM, and CJTF-HOA were interested in our mission. The same way our team had to use ingenuity to negotiate our environment and truly trust subordinates in order to function efficiently, the same principles applied when dealing with our higher headquarters. They had to trust that we were going to figure out how to solve problems on our own. The major difference as we move from the tactical to operational level is how we had to depart from typical systems of command and control. Africa is a land of shorter planning cycles. The first thing we learned to do was to throw PowerPoint away. We submitted two PowerPoint slides weekly. The first was only sent to commanders to give an unfiltered report on how things were progressing. The second was a storyboard back to 426th BSB to highlight the good things we were doing while deployed. No other concepts of operation slides about training, current vehicle maintenance, or other deployment activities were produced with the exception of our redeployment plan which was handled by our liason officer in Djibouti. It is possible to operate a unit without the almighty PowerPoint. Handwritten and hand copied maintenance slants, diagrams, and commander’s intent can be sufficient. The main report that was sent through typical command and control systems was the daily situation report (SITREP). This report was sent to approximately 60 recipients and a broad range of stakeholders. To my frequent chagrin the report was not and could not be tailored to a specific stakeholder. What it lacked in terms of direct audience it made up for in simplicity. I only had to submit one report instead of dozens to each entity with an interest in my mission. The single SITREP was also critical when faced with our frequent lack of connectivity to the rest of the world. Even as the OIC I only had connectivity when at our living area or when at the MCC. There was even a month-long period when the country’s internet service was severed and satellite connection at the MCC was our only source of connectivity. Simplifying the reporting process was critical; simply logging on and sending one e-mail could take up to two hours. The relationship to our superiors around the world became very similar to the way I as the OIC interacted with my environment and subordinates. The difficulties with communications required a higher level of trust that my team would safely and effectively execution the mission unsupervised. Conclusion Somalia is a highly dynamic, violent, and as yet undeveloped theater of operations. Training, maintenance, and materiel management were just some of the more substantial of the plethora of problem sets we had to resolve. We succeeded because we trusted each other to use our ingenuity with the resources we had on-hand, not the resources we would expect in garrison or in a more developed theater. Divorcing ourselves from typical command and control systems such as PowerPoint, e-mail, radios, and even phones did not inhibit our ability to accomplish the mission. While it required some adapting to not get an immediate status update on every minor task, it allowed us to demonstrate that the principle of trusting subordinates in mission command works. Alone, unafraid, but with a task and a purpose; we accomplished our primary mission set and more. The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not reflect the official the view or opinion of the United States Army, the Department of Defense, the Department of State nor any agency of the US government. End Notes Jeffrey Gettleman, “Fueled by Bribes, Somalia’s Election Seen as Milestone of Corruption,” New York Times, February 7, 2017, www.nytimes.com/2017/02/07/world/africa/somalia-election-corruption.html. [ii] Safia Farole, “Somalia’s new president now faces 3 big challenges,” The Washington Post, March 7, 2017, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2017/03/07/somalias-n… [iii] Gettleman, “Fueled by bribes.” [iv] “Somalia,” Transparency International, https://www.transparency.org/country/SOM. [v] “Somalia: NISA, military soldiers clash in the capital Mogadishu,” October 4, 2017, http://www.garoweonline.com/en/news/somalia/somalia-nisa-military-soldie….

Ankara (Caasimadda Online) – Baarlamaanka Dalka Turkiga ayaa muddo hal sano ah ugu kordhiyay Ciidamada dalkaas ee ka howlgala Soomaaliya,Yemen iyo Gacanka Cadmeed. Kulan ay golaha Baarlamaanka ku yeesheen Xaruntooda Magaalada Ankara ayey markii 10aad muddo kordhin u sameeyeen Ciidamada Turkiga ee ka howlgala Bariga Afrika iyo Gacanka Khaliijka Carabta. Ciidamadan waxaa ay isugu jiraan kuwo ilaaliya Maraakiibta mara Biyaha Soomaaliya,Gacanka Cadan iyo Marin biyoodka Baabal Mandab,waxaana Baarlamaanka Turkiga uu isku raacay in ay sii joogaan ilaa 10ka Bisha 2aad ee Sanadka 2019ka. Marin biyoodka Baabal Mandab waa midka 4aad ee ugu adeegsiga badan Caalamka,waxaana ka gudba ama isaga kala goosha Maraakiibta Ganacsiga ee daafaha caalamka taga. Sidoo kale Baarlamaanka ayaa codka kalsoonida siiyay in Ciidamo dheeraad ah lagu daro Ciidamada Turkiga ee howlgalkaas ku jira kuwaas oo iyana ku biiraya 10ka Bishan February. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com The post Baarlamaanka Turkiga oo muddada u kordhiyay Ciidankooda Somaliya appeared first on Caasimada Online.