OdaySomali

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Everything posted by OdaySomali

  1. Such low expectations... I can't believe people are going nuts about a tiny low quality building. The rest of the world has infinitely higher standards. I'll give you some examples.. Constantine, Algeria
  2. Thanks Galbeedi, interesting insights. Like Safferz said, keep em coming.
  3. "Dunidii ka habsaanay oo Inagaa ugu dambeyna oo Dundumaan dhaqdhaqaaqin ee Dhamantiin dhergi weyney ee Isu dhiibnay dugaag ee Soomaaloo kala daadsan Hadaynaan isu duubin Durki mayno xadaawe Cidna daafici mayno. " Cabdulaahi Suldaan Timacadde
  4. Maba aysan garanin Gumeysiga sirtiisii Goboladii Dhulkeenii Hadba qolo loo koobay
  5. When I advocate for abandoning the independence agenda, I do so not because I think that a union with the southern regions will be immediately functional and beneficial, but because I can see what we can be and why it is important that we are united in the long term. I am not talking about immediate economic benefits, but in the long term there are potentially many economic/political/military/cultural benefits and advantages that Somalis could realise if we co-operated and worked together. These benefits and advantages I refer to are related to our population size and I shall detail below the ways in which Somalis would potentially benefit if we do not split up into a 100 weak and insignificant little ‘countries’. 1. Having a country with a larger population means: - Your country represents a larger [viable] market as it has a larger consumer base which means that it is easier to attract foreign direct investment. - Your country represents a larger [viable] market as it has a larger consumer base which means your domestic companies can potentially grow larger than they would be able to if your country had a smaller population, which in turn means they potentially can expand internationally and bring hard currency back into the country. - If you’ve got a larger population you’ve got a larger workforce within your economy and this means that, all other things being equal, your potential economic output is higher than a country with a smaller population. - A military is funded with the resources within that economy and military personnel are drawn from the populace within the country and this means that if you’ve got a bigger population this gives you a potential military advantage over a country with a smaller population. - A country that has a large population/economy/military potentially has greater political leverage and importance in the world which means that (a) it is more likely to be able to form meaningful and mutually beneficial relations with other countries and (b) it is more likely to be able to project and defends its interests domestically, regionally and internationally. 2. Having a small country with a small population means: - Your country represents a smaller [unviable] market as it has a small consumer base which means that it is extremely difficult to attract foreign direct investment. - Your country represents a smaller [unviable] market as it has a small consumer base which means your domestic companies cannot domestically grow larger than they would be able to if your country had a larger population, which in turn means they will find it extremely difficult to expand internationally and bring hard currency back into the country. - If you’ve got a smaller population you’ve got a smaller workforce within your economy and this means that, all other things being equal, your potential economic output is smaller than a country with a larger population. - A military is funded with the resources within that economy and military personnel are drawn from the populace within the country and this means that if you’ve got a small population this gives you a military disadvantage over a country with a larger population. - A country that has a small population/economy/military has less political leverage and importance in the world which means that (a) it is unlikely to be able to form meaningful and mutually beneficial relations with other countries and (b) it is unlikely to be able to project and defends its interests domestically, regionally and internationally. If you don’t get those things then you should honestly not be talking about politics. But all that is theoretical, let’s talk about the real tangible economic opportunities and benefits. - The southern regions have most of the estimated 8 million hectares of arable land in the Somali peninsula, able to grow a huge variety of crops – currently Somaliland imports agricultural produce from Ethiopia. SL companies could invest in the fertile regions in the south and transport the goods at cheap rates to the northern regions or exported abroad or processed and turned into consumer goods – without incurring import/export duties/levies/taxes. - The southern regions have a larger population and represent a market to which goods and services can be sold, without incurring import/export duties/levies/taxes e.g. soaps and detergents from the detergents factories in Burao and Boorama, tinned fish from Berbera, furniture from Hargeisa, construction companies from Las Anod etc. - Berbera’s deep sea port can be made accessible to and import/export services sold to the cities in the central parts of the Somali republic. Somaliland (and Puntland) has indeed achieved a lot and it should be commeneddd for being a region that is peaceful, stable and democratic, which is a world away from the Southern regions of the Somali Republic. And both the people, leaders and diaspora of SL deserve praise for the role that they have played in maintaining this stability and democracy, which is a source of pride for all Somalis. Having said that, independence is not the most important or urgent issue that SL needs to address. If anything the ‘politicians’ use the issue of independence to distract the populace from the real issues of extreme poverty, hunger, disease, lack of education/health/clean water/roads/jobs/infrastucture/economic development. And independence is certainly not a panacea that will magicallt solve all these things. So SL needs to build on the great achievements so far by focussing on economic development and seeking closer and improved relations with PL for a mutually beneficial relationship. SL is in the long term better off as an autonomous region within the Somali Republic than outside it, because demography is destiny and the smaller a country you are, the more vulnerable and politically/economically/culturally/militarily relatively weaker you are. Independence would be a grave mistake in the long term for SL. And when I advocate for abandoning the independence agenda, I do so not because I think that a union with the southern regions will be immediately functional and beneficial, but because I can see what we can be and why it is important that we are united in the long term. More focus needs to be put on economic development because the current situation is appalling. Somaliland has been persuing independence for close to 25 years, or a quarter century, which is a distraction that the people cannot afford. 3. Hadal haan ma buuxsho Together we stand, divided we fall. Hadal haan ma buuxshee, all I am saying at the end of the day is yaan xidhiidhka la goynin ee ha la adkeeyo xididada Soomaalinimo, gacalnimo, ummad-nimo iyo danta guud oo loo wada shaqaysto. 4. A video speaks a million words
  6. Some are obsessed with recognition while the whole country rots, though some parts rot more than others. You know my position very well Xaaji. 1. An existential threat The reality is that today the very existence of the Somali people is at stake. And as a Somali, you should realise that if you live in a house and in that house the room next to yours is burning, you are at risk of the fire spreading to your room and if nothing else, the smoke will reduce your oxygen take if it does not suffocate you. But if the person with whom you live in house prospers, you too are more likely to prosper. The Somali people’s existence is threatened in many ways and by many factors, which I will outline below: - Cataclysmic environmental degradation (deforestation, desertification, drought ultimately leading to hunger and famine) - Economic underdevelopment (no jobs, no income, no sustenance, no shelter, no food, no industry) - Social problems (qat addicition, FGM, tahriib, unemployment, lack of education, no healthcare) etc. 2. Risks and opportunities for Somaliland Somaliland is peaceful, stable and there are functioning government institutions and all these things deserve applause and encouragement. And although Somaliland may not be facing the direct security issues that the South faces, Somaliland is facing an existential crisis of its own, related to the threats I listed above. In some areas the current Somaliland leadership has not delivered social, political and economic development to its people or more importantly security (security is wider than just immediate personal safety). The ‘politicians’ use the issue of independence to distract the populace from the real issues of extreme poverty, hunger, disease, lack of education/health/clean water/roads/jobs/infrastucture/economic development. And independence is certainly not a panacea that will magicallt solve all these things. One of those areas where the Somaliland leadership has failed to deliver has been the lack of engagement, whether covert or overt, with the situation in both Puntland and South Central Somalia. Waxaa aad ka fursan waydo, horaa loo qabtaa, waa ta la yidhi. And you should realise that there are many benefits for Somaliland from engaging with North-Eastern and South-Central Somalia. I will explain how and why. Let me assert that the current Somaliland strategy has not deliver social, political and economic development to its people. I would add that I think this is [partly] because Somaliland spends at least 65% of government expenditure on security, rather than devoting those limited resources to other crucial areas relating to development and public services. What this highlights to me is that by engaging with and building mutually beneficial and respectful relations with the other Somali regions – Puntland in particular – Somaliland potentially stands to gain a lot by strengthening its security. In fact, Somaliland probably has more to gain from engaing Puntland/The Sourth than it has to gain from engaging donors or foreign entities. And Xaaji don’t underestimate the potential wealth that lies in agriculture either (through production of tradable commodities, edible produce that improve nutrition and health and raw materials that can be processed for sale) which Somaliland can tap into by engaging with the southern regions. So call it enlightened self-interest if you like. In addition, Somaliland and all Somalis alike are threatened by the arrogance, aggression and utter disregard and contempt for the Somali people and the Somali Republic from external actors involved in the Somali conflict and who seek to assert their authority over the country. And the latter is a long term threat which requires a long term solution, a threat far greater and more imminent than any threat or petty squabbling from small Somali sub-clan rivalry. Demographics are against us, for we are only a small nation compared to the 100m Ethiopians next door who are hungry for land and resources, more so than your average Somali sub-clan or group . To survive, to protect our land, our resources and our people we must work together as Somalis. This does not mean ruling each other or oppressing each other, it just means working together for danta guud and common interests. But Somaliland also faces threats from within the South Central regions of Somalia, from terrorists, militias and corrupt and self-serving politicians who will sell the whole Somali peninsula out to the highest bidder. And the gravest and most costly mistake that Somaliland can make it to choose to not engage and not seek to influence events, situations (and entities) the outcomes and actions from which can immensely affect its politics, economy and security. Its a head-in-the-sand policy to is and would be ludicrous to pursue. To stop the conflict in the South Central regions is in Somailand’s interests. To have strong relations with Pundland and other regions is in Somaliland’s interests. To work together to mutually beneficial outcomes is in Somaliland’s interests. 3. Let me not be misunderstood And let me not be misunderstood or misinterpreted. I am not calling for the dissolution of Somaliland or Puntland, I am not calling for Somaliland or Puntland to necessarily submit themselves to the corrupt and ineffective ‘government’ down south without udertaking due diligence, preparations and putting the necessary structures in place. Nor am I saying that the SFG parliament represents SL. I am just saying that working together we are stronger, politically/economically/culturally and militarily. And SL has so much to teach and share with the Southern regions. You see, the mistake that was made was to centre all the political and economic power in a specific part of the country which created imbalances and grievances within the country and later on led to conflict. What was needed was, clearly, local democracy and decentralisation. SL and PL can and should remain autonomous because, although their models have clear faults, they have shown that they have made local democracy work. But if the Somali people want to secure, as you say, their safety, economy and future of their land they will need to work together, pool their resources and minds and re-brand the Somali name as a whole. I do not believe that we can achieve political, economic, military success as 50 small, weak and economically and militarily unviable ‘states’. We will only be dominated by our much larger neighbours, and the writing is on the wall. 4. Build on what exists and what works What we need is a consortium of the northern regions to creep southwards. Instead of waiting for foreign countries, SL and PL have shown what Somalis can achieve and they have a leadership role to play in stabilising the southern regions, they have much experience and knowledge to share. But you will note that I have not specified a system of governance or a political solution to the age-old Somali problem of power sharing. And I am not saying that Somaliland or Puntland can’t be autonomous, within a Somali union, to the degree possible. I genuinely believe that the Somaliland aspirations can be accommodated within the existing Somali Republic. There are many ways in which a stable bottom-up political system can be built up, centred around existing structures such as town, city and province councils based around urban areas, which can then form so-called federal unions. Of course existing regional governments such as Somaliland and Puntland will be at an advantage as far as governing is concerned. 5. A slippery slope But haddii la aqballo, oo ay wax sahlan oo fudud noqoto in dalka marba qaybi iska go’do, inaga (Soomaali oo dhan) ayaa halis weyn ku jirna, madaama: 1 – Mar hadii la kala dhaqaaqo gacalnimadu iyo xididnimadu way iska baaba’daa, due to the passage of time (see Djibouti, maanta maba soo sheegato ama haybsato Soomaali). Oo dabeedtana waxaa dhacaya in marba cadow midh midh meel cidlo ah inaga helo oo la inaga dhergo, dabeedtana haddii aynu Sooomaali nahay, sidaas ayanu ku dhamaanaynaa. 2 – Dalkeennu ‘territorial integrity’ dambe oo sharciyaysan oo caalamka oo dhan laga aqoonsanyahay/aqbalsanyahay lama hubo’ inuu heli doono. Xittaa hadii taas la helo’, dalalka kale’ kuma qasabna inay aqbalaan xuduudo cusub iyo dowladdo cusub. Imikadan ayay Kenya baddeenna qaybo doonaysaa, dhulkeenuna wuu ku xigaa. 3 – After structural destruction and disintegration comes re-building and it takes a greater amount of time and effort to build something than it is takes to take something apart. So you may never achieve that utopian dream, you may never realise that vision which you aim for. And I am not talking even of tangible structural rebuilding (e.g. infrastructure) or even the building of governmental institutions, I am talking about (a) the building of links and relationships with foreign countries and the entrance and acceptance into international organisations; and (b) having built those links and entered those international organisations, being a country that counts, a country that when it speaks is heard a country that carries political/economic/military/demographic weight – and Somaliland would be none of those (whereas a united Somali Republic would have a much better shot). And I am not saying that Somaliland can’t be autonomous, within a Somali union, to the degree possible. 4 – Smaller countries are more vulnerable, economically, politically, socially and militarily. Again let me not be misunderstood, I am not calling for the dissolution of Somaliland, I am not calling for Somaliland to submit itself to the corrupt and ineffective ‘government’ down south, I am not saying that the SFG parliament represents SL. I am just pointing out the fact that together we are stronger, politically/economically/culturally and militarily.
  7. Nin Yaaban what's the purpose of this thread?... nin waalan indeed. Sick hobby.
  8. Honestly, this stuff makes me sick. 22,000 AMISOM troops @ $1,200-$1,500 per month = $26.4m-$33m. Yearly = $316.8m-$396m.
  9. By creating, funding and arming militias in Somalia's southernmost regions (that border Kenya), Kenya's leadership was instrumental in instigating the violence and banditry that took place along its border with Somalia. Kenya's misguided and corrupt officials should have engaged in some forethought before taking certain actions that would later come back to bite them in the behind and should not have recklessly endangered the lives and livelihoods of their citizens. For them to then complain about those very bandits they created - they later realised that they could not effectively control them, though they could conveniently blame the banditry on Al-Shabab - is incoherent and disingenuous to the extent possible. Another gross miscalculation and rash decision was the invading and occupying of the southernmost regions of Somalia, because they should have realised that in doing they had more to lose than they stood to gain. They stood to significantly damage their lucrative tourism industry for years to come and lose FDI due to the risk of terrorism. And now they are complaining that "the [tourism] industry which contributes 10 percent to the GDP is virtually on its knees"... well who would have expected that? [sarcasm]. Xaaji what do you think of the Kenyan troops and policemen harassing, arresting, detaining, raping and stealing from innocent Somalis inside Kenya in their hundreds? Or Kenya creating, funding and arming militias in Somalia's southernmost regions... do either of those two things, in your mind, give sufficient cause for a would-be Somali government to demand the invasion of the northern regions of Kenya, to "safeguard" its interests?
  10. President Kenyatta (of Kenya): "We all have a responsibility to bring this [terrorism] to an end. Tourism has been greatly affected by these terror activities. The industry which contributes 10 percent to the GDP is virtually on its knees," he said after a consultative meeting with members of the Eastleigh Business Community and elected leaders at State House. What did he think would happen to tourism? SMH.
  11. Key words:"qayb ka mid ah". The question is how significant and influential within the group is this "qayb".
  12. <cite> @Safferz said:</cite> I do, but not fluently. Why do you ask? Partly uut of curiosity, with you being a Canadian Somali and all, but also because I saw this video about Somali culture (its in French) and I wondered if you'd be able to understand it.
  13. Are you saying my English isn't?
  14. There's always room for improvement...
  15. lol @ you lolling @ this thread... what's funny? So I can speak the language properly <cite> @Alpha Blondy said:</cite> lol @ thread. why do you want to learn English, abti?
  16. BUMP! I am just getting through adjective identification. It all makes sense now.
  17. Maba aysan garanin Gumeysiga sirtiisii Goboladii Dhulkeenii Hadba qolo loo koobay Garyaqaanku waa kuma? Yaa gooyay go'aankani?!