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Islamic political thought: Ibn Khaldun

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Nice of google to feature Ibn Khaldun today... and an interesting read..

 

Ibn Khaldun lived in north Africa 1332-1406, about a generation after William of Ockham. His Muqaddimah ('Introduction', namely to a work of history) originated as an attempt to work out how to decide whether historical sources are credible. An important question to ask is whether what the source relates is likely to have happened, i.e. whether it is the sort of thing that happens in human affairs. This inquiry led Ibn Khaldun to write a lengthy treatise on the processes of social and political change (cf. Aristotle's discussion of revolution and stability, Politics, book V). Ibn Khaldun was not a 'philosopher' (in the sense of an avowed follower of the Greek philosophers), but his thinking is much influenced by Aristotelian ideas, in particular the idea of nature as a source of development toward a goal. Ibn Khaldun thinks that no individual dynasty or society can permanently remain at a high level of development; soon after maturity is attained decay sets in (just as individual plants and animals achieve the maturity natural to their species and then decay). There are drawbacks to the fully developed social state, even before decay sets in; progress in civilisation is made at some cost.

 

A factor that Ibn Khaldun emphasises as important in social and political development is 'a sense of solidarity' or 'group feeling' - the state of mind that makes individuals identify with a group and subordinate their own personal interests to the group interest. Without willingness to subordinate self to the group, peace and social development are not possible. Ibn Khaldun expects the sense of solidarity to be based originally and normally on kinship. A sense of solidarity can be powerfully supported by religion, and conversely no religion can make an impact unless its members have a strong sense of solidarity.

 

Ibn Khaldun is a Muslim, but his theory of history is intended to apply not only to Muslim societies but to all societies. He rejects Avicenna's argument (The Healing, Metaphysics, X, chapter 2, in Readings) that society must be based on the work of a prophet, i.e. on true religion; even the 'Magians' (equivalent to 'pagans' in Christian terms) have states. The drive for royal authority is natural to all human groups (like other medieval Muslim writers Ibn Khaldun regarded monarchy as the normal form of government). Ibn Khaldun bases the desire for royal power, not on philosophical benevolence, but on the animal part of human nature (the equivalent of Plato's thumos, 'spiritedness', 'irascibility'). He does not idealise political power: men seek it as a good, it makes civilisation possible, but civilisation is not an altogether good thing and will not last. Political rule is in one respect good for everyone: it 'keeps men apart', i.e. prevents them from attacking one another. Ibn Khaldun sometimes sounds like Hobbes.

 

The extracts in the Readings relate mostly to group feeling and to the rise and fall of dynasties. Ibn Khaldun's theory also extends to the rise and decay of cities and development and decay in economic life and in the sciences, showing the connection between the changes in these various aspects of culture or civilisation.

 

Further Reading: Mushin Mahdi, Ibn Khaldun's Philosophy of History: A Study in the Philosophic Foundation of the Science of Culture (D116.7.I3.M3). See p. 187 ff for a summary of the content of Ibn Khaldun's science of culture; for the Aristotelian foundations of his approach see p. 159 ff, p. 171 ff, and p. 225 ff.

 

 

http://www.humanities.mq.edu.au/Ockham/y67s17.html

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Much of that could be verified empirically: civilisation conveniences, comforts if not luxuries exert often a terrible cost on many fronts, eg diabete and cvd rates in the UAE, USA etc or psychological issues replacing material ones, eg depression rates exploding when deprivation recess (exactely as if higher affluence or less vital worries were leading to existential ones).

 

We can also observe that communal feelings and solidarity regress as people gain in self-sufficiency, rely on public services or insurances and seek greater private space, all factors potentially destructive health wise for everyone as the latest studies point out that constant and healthy interaction with various people is vital (ie as important if not more than factors such as not smoking, exercising etc).

 

Likewise, hardships prone peoples such as Somalis, especially those from areas such as Mudug, tend to be relatively more productive given the same opportunities (eg when they settled in town or emigrate); farming or urbanised groups were for their part more reluctant to arm themselves etc.

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