SOOMAALIYA IYO HABKA FEDERAALIGA AH

[miles-militis]

This is to inform the knee-jerking minority that not only are we, federalist majority, privy to the finer details of this system of government, consider it not to be a panacea in itself but a deservedly forward progression of sort interpretive of the prevailing conditions favoured by political groups in the land of Somalis, but are also truly acquainted with its shortcomings.

 

Not convinced? read the honourable Dr Dalmar’s narrative, objective and balanced pieces on federalism in Somalia, its shortcomings and virtues.

 

Best of luck!

 

SOOMAALIYA IYO HABKA FEDERAALIGA AH

W/Q: Mohamed Dalmar

 

Fadhiga dib-u-heshiisiinta Soomaaliyeed ee Eldoret, wajigiisii kowaad waxyaabihii lagu heshiiyey waxaa ka mid ahaa in la qaato habka federaaliga ah, laguna maamulo Dawladda Soomaliya ee dhalan doonta.

 

Waxaa la oran karaa waxaa sababay in la qaato habka federaaliga dagaalka sokeye, oo keenay in la kala miirmo oo qabiil walba salka la galo degaankii uu asal ahaan ka soo jeeday. Waxaa keenay tuhunka iyo cabsida laga qabo in awooddu gacanta u gasho hal qof ama hal qabiil oo inta kale cadaadiya iyadoo weli la xusuusto xukunkii diktatooriga ahaa ee xanuunka badnaa oo la soo maray. Haseyeeshee, waxaa moodaa in doodda la xiriirta habka federaaliga ay qayb ka noqotay loollanka loogu jiro qaybsashada jagooyinka iyo hantida dawladda iyo xarig-jiidka ka dhexeeya qabaa’ilka Soomaaliyeed. Waxaa moodaa in walwalku yahay Yaa xukumi doonaa dalka? Ee uusan ahayn side loo xumi doonaa? Waxaa markaas dooddaas ka maqan dareenka ah in habkaan loo arko inuu yahay qaab maamul-dawladeed oo dawlada badani ku dhaqmaan, kuwa kalena hadda ku tala jiraan inay qaataan. Waxaa haddaba habboon in la isweeydiiyo: Muxuu yahay habka federaaligu? Muxuu dheef iyo dhibaatba lahaan karaa? Sidee loo dabaqi karaa? Waxaan isku dayaya inaan maqaalkaan si kooban ugu faaqido arimahaas anigoo fikradayda ka dhiibanaya siday ila tahay.

 

Waa maxay habka feederaaliga ahi?

 

Habka federaliga ahi waa hab ku dhisan awood qaybsan iyo xukun baahsan. Waxaa awoodda wadaagaya dawladda dhexe iyo dawladaha gobollada. Saddex heer oo xukun ayaa ka jiraya dalka, awoodna ku yeelanaya shacabka: dawladda dhexe, tan gobolka iyo tan degmada. Awoodda iyo xilka dawlad kasta waxaa qeexaya dastuurka. Sidoo kale distuurka ayaa qeexaya hannaanka ay kuwada shaqeeynayaan heerarka kala duwan ee dawladdu. Habkaani wuxuu ka duwan yahay kan maamulka mideeysan “Unitary state” oo awoodda oo dhan siinaya dawladda dhexe. Gobollada iyo degmooyinku waxay hoos imaanayaan dawladda dhexe oo iyadu intay doonto oo awood ah siinaysa ama kala noqoneeysa hadba sidii loogu baahdo.

 

Faa’iidada iyo dhibaatada habka federaaliga

 

Faa’iidoyinka habka feedaraaliga ah waxaa ka mid ah:

 

1. Wuxuu baahinayaa awoodda. Waxaa markaas yaraaneysa halista ah in awooddu ku uruurto gacanta hal qf, ama hal koox oo dadweeynaha ku amarkutaagleeya.

 

2. Maamulka ayaa u soo dhawaanaya dadweeynaha. Gobollada iyo degmooyinka ayaa baranaya inay is-maamulaan oo wax ka qabtaan bahidooda intay xal ka sugi lahayeen xafiis ka dheer iyo biroqraadiyad aan u soo jeedin danahooda.

 

3. Wuxuu shacabka siinaya fursad ay siyaabo kala duwan uga qaybgalaan siyaasadda dalka iyagoo mar dooranaya dawladda degmada, marna tan gobolka, mar kalena tan qaranka.

 

4. Ma jirayso dawlad dhexe oo leh awood xad-dhaaf ah ooy ku cabburiso xuquuqda dadweeynaha iyo deegaamada.

 

5. Wuxuu abuuri karaa xamaasad ah in gobollada iyo degmooyinku ku tartamaan horumarinta degaankooda, ka dibna dalku sidaas ku barwaaqoobo.

 

6. Habkaani wuxuu u sii fiican yahay dalkii leh qowmiyado kala duwan oo qowmiyad waliba rabto inay hesho ilaa xad madaxbannani, iyadoo isla marahaantaas la dhawrayo midnimada qaranka. Soomaalidu waa hal qowmiyad. Haseyeeshee, qabiilkii ayaa noqday summad hari wayday oo la isku kala faquuqay.

 

Dhibaatooyinka habka federaaliga ah waxaa ka mid ah:

 

1. Waxaa dhici karta in gobollada iyo dawladda dhexe ay awoodda kala jiitaan oo ismari waayaan, halkaasna ay ku curyamaan danihii ummadu.

 

2. Waxaa dhici karta in beelaha ku nool degmooyinka aysan khibrad iyo aqoon-farsamo u lahayn maamulka laga filayo inay hantaan.

 

3. Waxaa dhici karta in hogaamiyayaasha gobolladu gooni-u-goosato noqdaan, sidaas darteedna ay ku wiiqanto midnimada qaranku, ka dibna dalku u nuglaado faragelinta shisheeyaha.

 

Sida kor ka muuqata, habka federaaliga ahi wuxuu leeyahay faa’iidooynkiisa iyo khasaarihiisaba, taasina waa caadi oo hab kasta wuxuu wataa dhibkiisa iyo dheeftiisaba. Waxay ku xiran tahay hadba sidii loo hirgeliyo. Waxaa jira dawlado ku tanaaday habka federaaliga iyo kuwa guuldarro ka raacday, kuwo ku hormaray iyo kuwo ku dibdhacay, kuwo xorriyad ka helay iyo kuwa diktatooriyadi ku habsatay. Waxaa muhim ah in la fahmo inuu yahay qaab maamuleed oo la adeegsanayo ee uusan ahayn yoolkii la rabay in lagaaro. Yoolku waa horumarinta iyo sare u qaadidda nolosha bulshaweeynta Soomaaliyeed. Qofahaan, waxaan qabaa in, haddii laga dhabeeyo, laga faa’iideeysan karo habka federaaliga iyadoo islamarahaantaas laga gaashamanayo dhibaatooyinkiisa. Haddaba, si loo hirgeliyo, waxaa loo baahan yahay in la helo shuruudo badan oo lagama maarmaan u ah dhaqangelintiisa.

 

1. Marka hore, waxaa loo baahan yahay in la helo heshiis buuxa oo ka dhexdhaca beelaha Soomaaliyeed oo idil. Waxaa loo baahan yahay in la wada fariisto oo si walaatinnimo iyo daacadnimo ku jirto loo kala garbaxo, la kala sheegto wixii la kala tabanayey, la isu celiyo wixii la kala haystey, la isuna cafiyo wixii la doono.

 

2. Waxaa lagama maarmaan ah in la helo nabad iyo xasillooni buuxda. Haddii kale ma jiri karo hab hirgela noocu rabo ha ahaadee.

 

3. Waa inay ka go’antahay bulshada iyo madaxda Soomaaliyeed in la dhawro sharciga. Habkaani maadaama uu qaybinayo awoodda wuxuu keeni karaa isqabqabsi badan. Waxaa markaas loo baahan yahay sharci lagu kala baxo iyo xeer la okoban yahay.

 

4. Waa in laga xoroobaa fikradda ah sidee wax loo qaybsanayaa, maxaa la siinayaa reer Hebel. Manfac la qaybsado meeshaan ma yaal ee waxaa taal hawl.

 

5. Waxaa loo baahan yahay in lagu shaqeeyo niyad iskaashi iyadoo xoog la saarayo adeega bulshada. Habka federaaligu wuxuu ka duulaya fikradda ah in adeegyada qaarkood ay u faradhuudhuuban tahay degmadu, qaar kalena gobolku, qaar kalena ay ku habboon yihiin inay fuliso dawladda dhexe.

 

6. Hab kasta oo la qaato wuxuu dalbaya maamul toosan oo ilaa xad hufan. Haddii kale wuxuu ku dambeeynayaa burbur sida Soomaaliya ka dhacday.

 

Hiregelinta habka federaaliga ah

 

Hirgelinta habka federaaliga ah waa arrin qotodheer oo u baahan daraasad, waqti iyo tijaabooyin badan. Ma aha wax aan halkaan ku soo koobi karo ama aan u leeyahay aqoon ballaaran oo aan kaga baaraan dago. Waxaan jecleeystay inaan halkaan ku soo qaado qodobo dhawr ah oo aan u arko muhim, waxaana ka mid ah: qaybinta xilalka, tirada gobollada iyo wadaagga dakhliga.

 

Qaybinta xilalka

 

Sidaan kor ku xusay, waxaa jiraya saddex dawladood oo wadaagaya xukunka dalka, saddexdabana waxaa sii toos ah u dooranaya dadweeynaha. Waxaan hoos ku liisgareeynayaa xilalka dawlad kasta, anigoo ka shidaal qaatay dalka Kanada oo aan ku noolahay.

 

 

 

Xilalka Dawladda Dhexe:

 

1. Gaashaandhigga

 

2. Lacag soo saaridda iyo Siyaasadda dhaqaalaha

 

3. Xiriirka caalamiga ah

 

4. Boostada iyo isgaarsiinta

 

5. Socdaalka (immigration)

 

6. Furdooyinka (customs)

 

7. Jinsiyadda (citizenship)

 

Xilalka Dawladda Gobolka:

 

1. Waxbarashada

 

2. Caafimaadka

 

3. Boliska gobolka

 

4. Waddooyinka gobolka

 

5. Ruqsada gaadiidka

 

6. Ilaalinta bay’adda

 

7. Guriyeeynta

 

8. Horumarinta dhaqaalaha

 

9. Khayraadka dabiiciga ah

 

Xilalka Dawladda degmada:

 

1. Ruqsada shatiyada ganacsiga

 

2. Ruqsada iyo nidaaminta dhismayaalka

 

3. Booliska degmada

 

4. Dabdemiska

 

5. Nadaafadda iyo qashin uruurinta

 

6. Waddooyinka degmada

 

7. Nalka iyo biyaha

 

Tirada Gobollada

 

Waxaa muran xoog lehi ka taagan yahay tirada gobollada iyo xuduudooda. Hadda ka hor, waxaa la soo jeediyey in Soomaaliya loo qaybiyo ilaa shan gobol, distuurka Dawladda Kumeelgaar ahna wuxuu aqoonsan yahay 18 gobol. Waxaa marar laga sharqamiyey in loo noqdo sideedii gobol oo kacaanka ka hor jirey. Waxaa kaloo jira gobollo iyagu isku haysta degaan oo qarka u saaran inay dagaallamaan. Sidee loo xalliyaa mashkiladaan? Aragtiahaan, waxaan qabaa in xalka arrintaan loo daayo dadweeynaha gobollada deggan ooy iyagu ka taliyaan masiirkooda, aftina lagu weeydiiyo siday rabaan inay isu raacaan. Qabashada aftida waxay qaadanaysaa waqti, kharash iyo hawl badan. Waase istaahishaa waayo waxaa dib loo dhisayaa qarankii Soomaaliyeed ee dumay, waxaana loo baahan yahay in loo dhigo asaas iyo saldhig adag. Aftida waxaa laga bilaabi karaa labada dawlad-goboleed oo kala ah Somaliland iyo Puntland, oo isku haysta labada gobol ee Sool iyo Sanaag. Xalku wuxuu ku jira in dadweeynaha reer Sool iyo Sanaag la weeydiiyo waxay rabaan. Waxaan kaloo tusaale u soo qadan karnaa degmada Baraxley ee Gaalkacyo. Sidoo kale, dadweeynaha halkaas deggan ayaa la weeydiinaya meeshay raacayaan Puntland ama gobollada dhexe. Waxaa loo baahan yahay in la beddelo maskaxdii hore oo ahayd badso degmooyinka si aad ku heshid kuraas iyo awood badan, laguna beddelo fikrad cusub oo ah: Ma u adeegi karta bulshada halkaas deggan? Ma ka haqabtiri kartaa baahidooda? Ma qaadi kartaa xilkooda? Waxaa markaas soo baxaysa aragtida ah: Daa dadku ha raaceen gobolkay ka helayaan adeeg ay ku kalsoon yihiin.

 

Wadaagga dakhliga

 

Saddexda dawladood ee uu ka kooban yahay habka federaaliga ahi, mid waliba waxay u baahan tahay dakhli u gaar ah ooy ku socodsiiso hawlaha loo xilsaaray. Badi dakhligaasi wuxuu ka imaanayaa canshuur laga qaaday isla dadweeynaha ku dhaqan degmooyinka iyo gobollada dalka. Haddaba, su’aashu waxay ka taagan tahay: Side ugu habboon ee loo uruuriyaa dakhligaas, sideese loogu qaybiyaa heerarka kala duwan ee dawladda.

 

Intaanan u gudbin qaybtinta, waxaa muhim ah in hoosta laga xarriqo inay lagama maarmaan tahay in la yareeyo baaxadda dawladda, laguna soo kobo tiro yar oo la maalgelin karo. Macquul ma aha in la dhiso gole wasiiro oo boqol hahaabanaya, gole shacbi oo dhawr boqol kor u dhaafay, shaqaale iyo ciidamo ciidaas ka badan. Waxaa loo baahan yahay in la dhiso dawlad aad u kooban ha ahaato mid dhexe ama mid goboleedba, iyadoo la tixgalinayo awoodda dhaqaale iyo kaalinta qaybta gaarahaaneed (private sector) ka qaadato fulinta adeegyada bulshada.

 

Haddaan u soo daadago xagga qaybinta dakhliga, waxaa mudan in la xuso in canshuurta furdooyinku tahay isha ugu weeyn oo dakhligu ka soo xeroodo madaama aayan jirin ilo kale oo micno leh sida canshuurta dakhliga (income tax). Si loo uruuriyo, loona qaybiyo canshuurta furdooyinka, waxaan soo jeedinayaa in la dhiso Hay’adda Dakhliga Furdooyinka (Customs Revenue Agency) oo ah hay’ad madaxbannaan oo dalkoo idil ka hawlgasha. Weliba waxaan ku dari lahaa in hay’addaas muddada hore ay hoggaamiyaan saraakiil ka tirsan hay’adaha caalamiga ah sida Qaramada Midoobay si loo helo kalsooni. Hay’addaas ayaa uruurinaysa canshuurta furdooyinka, dakhliga halkaas ka soo baxana waxaa loo qaybinayaa dawladda dhexe iyo dawladaha gobollada. Qaabka loo qaybinayo wuxuu ku saleeysnaanayaa ‘formula’ aad looga baarandagay oo lala kaashaday khubaro ku xeeldheer maamulka arrimaha federaaliga ah. Waxyaabaha ‘formula’hu tixgelin karo waxaa ka mid ah tirada dadka ku nool gobol kasta, baahida gobollada saboolka ah, mashaariicda heer qarameedka ah iwm. Sidaas oo kale ayaa loo qaybinayaa deeqada laga helo dibedda. Goballadu waxay toos u qaadanayaan dakhliga ka soo gala canshuurta barriga, gaadiidka, shirkadaha iwm. Degmooyinku iyagu waxay qaadanayaan canshuurta ka soo xeroota guryaha, shatiyada ganacsiga, seyladaha iwm. Waxaa intaas dheer kaalinta Soomaalida dibedda ku nool ay ka qadan karaan dhismaha iyo maalgelinta gobolladooda.

 

Gabagabo

 

Waxaa la yiri ereyga ‘Federal’ wuxuu ka yimid luqada Laatiinka, micnihiisuna waa: Heshiis, ballanqaad. Aan ku heshiinno oo ballanqaadno inaan dib u taagno qarankii Soomaaliyeed ee burburay.

 

W/Q: Mohamed Dalmar

 

 

DHABTA IYO DHALANTEEDKA HABKA FEDERAALKA

M. Dalmar

Dhalanteedka: Habka federaalku wuxuu kala googooynayaa dalka, wuxuuna lid ku yahay midnimada qaranka.

 

Dhabta: Federaalku ma kala googooynayo dalka. Bil caksi, federaalka waxaa loo arki karaa xal dhexdhexaad ah oo la isugu soo dumi karo gobollada iyo belaaha kala tagay ee Soomaaliyeed. Federaalku ma sameeyo dawlado kala gaar ah, balse wuxuu baahiyaa awoodda xukunka oo uu gaarsiiyaa gobollada iyo degmooyinka. Habka maamulka mideeysan (unitary) isaga qudhiisuu wuu baahiyaa awoodda. Farqiga labada u dhexeeyaa waxaa weeye, habka federaalka ah, baahinta awooddu waxay ku timaada heshiis, waxaana lagu qeexaa distuurka. Habka maamulka mideeysanse, baahinta awooddu waxay ku xiran tahay doorashada dawladda dhexe iyo hadba intii xilal ah ooy u wakiilato gobollada. Waxaa moodaa in federaalka lagu khaldayo habka konfederaalka oo ah mid ka kooban ah dawlado kala madax bannaan, haseyeeshee, wadaaga dano qaarkood sida lacagta, xeerka socdaalka iwm. Haddii dhabahaan loo qaato hadbka federaalka ah, waxaa dalka ka jiraya hal dawlad qaran oo keliya ah sida Maraykanka, Kanada iyo dalalka kale ee ku dhaqma habkaan. Waxaa intaas weheliya, habka federaalka waxaa loo jaangooyn karaa hadba sidii ugu habboon ee loogaga hirgelin karo Soomaaliya, waxaana lagu talagali karaa inuu tadawur qaadan karo isagoo la saanqaadaya duruufaha dalka.

 

Dhalanteedka: Federaalku wuxuu dhiirigalinaya qabiilka, maadaama gobolladu isu raacayaan hayb qabiil.

 

Dhabta: Siday degmooyinku isu oggol yihiin ama isu raacayaan kuma xirna habka la qaadanayo ee waxay ku xiran tahay garashada, kalsoonida iyo biseeylka bulshada. Qabiilku, sida la ogsoon yahay, waa dhaqan ku xidideeystay mujtamaca Soomaaliyeed oo ka facweeyn nidaamyadaan casriga ah sida federaalka, maamulka mideeysan iwm. Qabiilku waa kan hadda la go’aansaday in lagu saleeyo dhismaha dawladda cusub. Haddaba, la iskuma heli karo in qabiilka marna la dareensado marna la dugsado.

 

Dhalanteedka: haddii maamulka lagu baahiyo gobollada waxaa la gaaraya horumar.

 

Dhabta: Magac la qaatay laguma gaaro horumar. Horumarku kuma yimaado hab la qaatay oo keliya ee wuxuu u baahan yahay ficil dhab ah, dadaal dheeri ah iyo daacadnimo. Wuxuu u baahan yahy hoggaan toosan, maamul aan musumaasuq lahayn iyo qorshe cilmiyyesan oo ku wajahan horumarka dhaqaalaha iyo bulshada. Waxaa jira dawlado qaatay habka federaalka oo dib u dhacay iyo kuwa ku horumaray. Waxay isku dhaafeen waa tacab, tacliin iyo tashiil.

 

Dhalanteedka: Federaalku waa hab cusub oo aan weli la tijaabin, sidaas daraadeedna waxaa shaki ku jira dhaqangelintiisa.

 

Dhabta: Haddii dhabahaan loo darso, federaalku ma cusba. Waxaa la baahiyey awoodii maamulka ee hawlihii iyo adeegyadii waa isla kuwii. Haddaan mitaal u soo qadanno, dugsiyada waxaa awal laga maamuli jirey magaala-madaxda. Haddii federaal la qaato dugsiyadu waxay hoos imaanayaan gobollada. Marwalba hawlihii waxbarashadu waa isla kuwi. Haddii daacad laga yahay wax kasta waa la higelin karaa. Sida Ingriisku ku maahmaaho: Haddii niyadi jirto farsamo lama waayo. Teeda kale, hirgelinta habkaan waxaa lala kaashan karaa aqoonyahannada Soomaaliyeed oo tirada badan, iyo beesha caalamka oo taakuleeyn, iyo talabixin diyaar la ah. Waxaase la isweeydiin karaa, haddii aan hab cusub la tijaabin oon la baadigoobin, ma waxaa la rabaa in dib lagu noqdo hab-ku-sheeggii sababay masiibada manta taagan.

 

Dhalanteedka:. Haddii la qaato federaalka oo awoodda la baahiyo, waxaa laga badbaadi doonaa diktatooriyad.

 

Dhabta: Federaalka oo la qaataa damaanad uma aha in laga badbaado diktatooriyad. Diktatooriyadda waxaa laga badbaadi karaa markay jiraan hay’ado dawladeed oo rasmi ah oon maqaarsaar ahayn, sida garsoor madax bannaan, barlamaan awood leh, doorasho xor ah, saxaafad xor ah, sharci loo siman yahay iyo dadweeyne wacyi leh oo xisaabtamaya.

[India]

Samuria,

 

 

"1. Marka hore, waxaa loo baahan yahay in la helo heshiis buuxa oo ka dhexdhaca beelaha Soomaaliyeed oo idil. Waxaa loo baahan yahay in la wada fariisto oo si walaatinnimo iyo daacadnimo ku jirto loo kala garbaxo, la kala sheegto wixii la kala tabanayey, la isu celiyo wixii la kala haystey, la isuna cafiyo wixii la doono."

 

 

"2. Waxaa lagama maarmaan ah in la helo nabad iyo xasillooni buuxda. Haddii kale ma jiri karo hab hirgela noocu rabo ha ahaadee."

 

--------------CASE CLOSED-------------------------

 

Dusty.

[miles-militis]

Dear Mr Oodweyne,

Because of the civility in style and maturity in manners of your posting, a response to your questions in alike fashion is demanded, thus I shall indulge you for courtesy if nothing more. Before I delve into the underlying principles of your queries, allow me to reiterate that this type of governance “ … consider it not to be a panacea in itself but a deservedly forward progression of sort interpretive of the prevailing conditions favoured by political groups in the land of Somalis ”. Along with that let me also share that “ ... nothing is more certain than the indispensable necessity of government, and it is equally undeniable, that whenever and however it is instituted, the people must cede to it some of their natural rights in order to vest it with requisite powers” John Jay.

 

Having set that aside, I admire how you managed unlike your colleagues in the anti-federalist camp to address not the system itself but the manner in which it is to be implemented in the case of Somalia, parts of southern regions inhabited by the USC clan in particular.

 

I shall try to remain as brief as possible. First thing first, let us take a tour in the recovering zone, this being crucial to the discussion, (bay, bakool, galgaduud, hiiraan,shabeelada dhexe) and crisis regions (banaadir, jubooyinka) of southern Somalia so as to unearth responses interpretive of the present day Somalia. In the recovering regions, there are clearly emerging forms of administrations in existence, relatively embryonic and genuinely progressive longing, though some lacking strong leadership, for indigenous administrations similar in principal to those of the northern recovery zones (Somaliland and Puntland). A congruous political maturity and cohesion at the local level are viewed as a resolution to the predicament in the regions concerned. Here, one could see how 6 out of the 9 regions are already in due process, supported by the locals and only requiring the means and influence to instil institutionalised governmental agencies autocratic in nature to further deepen the values of a system of governing, which a federal system would definitely play the role of assisting leaders in these 6 regions in delivering what others in the northern recovery zones have managed: earn the trust of the locals and provide basic services including security and institutionalised form of governance. It is not to dictate as to how, but to influence and facilitate as regards to the manner in which it should be conducted.

 

I am of the opinion that the issue for implementing federal principalities, it be states, regional or units, is a political process which ought to be approached by way of political course and addressed through the application of politically conducive process, engaging and acceptable to political groups both for and against federalism. It is, however neither a technical issue as debated by the likes of A/Qassim, nor is it a legal matter as argued by Prof Samatar and co. Political leaders on the ground are the ones who should be deciding upon the genus of the desired end result. Crucial and challenging as it is in attaining, it certainly will influence others in the opposite camp.

 

Mere prescriptions stemming from the desperate, yet perfectionist yearning of the expatriates suffering from passive syndrome disconnected from daily actualities are neither suitable nor applicable, and as such whatever one’s inclination as to how best implement the system, or shape the principal units are impertinent to the least in my opinion.

 

It is my understanding from observations of own derived from social trends of the present that there had been continuous dialogues taking shape in the regions concerned that whilst the general public might not be quite ripe for the implementation of such a system of governing, which mind you is not necessary, the political machinery that is in motion appears rightly receptive to the adoption of a system of government deemed conducive to the needs of the public. It is a matter of interest to note that 6 out of the 9 regions (based on the 18 regions formulae) in the recovering and crisis zones have exhibited signs of state forming political movements at the turn of the century (prior to Arte) as indicative of the prevalent longing for a cohesive institutional building process amongst all concerned.

 

Therefore, dear Oodweyne, based on such social developments and political maturity, I am convinced whilst the implementation is not going to be a walk in the park as it were, it shall be received by the majority on merit for the benefactor is the average man, not the politician, yet shall not only be challenging in practical, but also informative in theory.

 

Now, the issue of USC clans in disagreement with the formation of a single state, I must disagree with you there. If you were to look at the reconciliation conference, you will note that only Yalaxow is vocal and against the historical accord of the 5th of July. Aideed jr, Qalad, Xabeed, Finish, Qanyare, Caato have all endorsed the agreement. This is an indicator that the USC clans are not only in favour but all supportive of the federal movement. Yalaxow who is only opposing because of his absence of this historical moment shall be brought into the fold, and not alienated. And so far as Xabeed and Finish are on the scene, Yalaxow, an ex-member of the SRRC, who sees himself as the champion of his clique will not only come in from the chill, but will be the first to facilitate the implementation of the system contrary to his politically naiveté views, he is very much in favour.

 

And another thing, though it appears that USC territories are vastly larger which is partly due to there missing of a recognised authority and disorientation amongst political groups, on the geographical level, theirs is not larger than those of Somaliland, Puntland or Southwest. The impression popular amongst the geographically challenged is simply because of the aforementioned reasons along with the fact that Mogadishu in Banadir (crisis zones) being the former capital city of the desecrated republic of Somalia.

 

Political heavy weight to force the implementation of federal principalities is not necessarily what is required. A suggestion would be to have a council similar perhaps to that of the SRRC bringing all USC factions in formally predisposing issues of concern and taking turns of the dice if you will. Force is not to be used. Cajoling and introducing incentives of sorts ought to be utilised.

 

It is a dilemma I concur, but not one that could not be tackled. A dear friend of mine whom we used to tussle in the boxing ring in our weekly sessions used to say “ if it doesn’t hurt, it ain’t working. And if it ain’t working, it ain’t worth pursuing”. Therefore, my dear chap implementing federalism and deciding upon which and what in the recovering and crisis zones shall be challenging, thus worth pursuing.

 

Hope I was able to answer some of your questions. Do notify me should you still feel unconvinced as I shall be more than happy to continue the discussion.

 

Got to dash mate,

Cheers.

[Sophist]

With delight I have read both of your arguments! Samaruai, my old chat, your retort is one that makes an utter senseI wonder where Mr oodweyne would join this circus! it should be an enchanting to read more of your arguments.

[miles-militis]

My dear Sophist – This I reckon is simply an extension of the dialogue that went on between you and Oodweyne under a different thread, but perhaps from a different angle. Jump right in with your contributions as I am certain yours shall be of value and interest. Cheers.

[Sophist]

Salaams,

 

Good evening Samurai,

 

My old chap, this anomalous but (to some) sacrosanct hostility tended to drive the good willing generation of federalist into alliance with the advocacy of this 'sacred' entity would only breed more obscure verbal condom in social intercourse that I am sure many would find it fervently intimate; thus my decision to observe from the above balcony and to witness the blood soaked virgin -intellectual virginity. As able red blooded man with immense ability, no help would be required from my part to break the feeble outer shell of such frail composition.

 

My old boy, I am sure you will be riding the waves of logic only to COME on the mountain of elation with your satiated ferocity.

 

My old chap, don’t stop to enchant us with you wit and logical ascethesim.

 

Sophist

[General Duke]

Samurai Warrior, well done you have a good grasp of southern realities which escapes Mr Ooodweyn and the anti federalist camp so far.

 

I agree 100% the USC regions can form a asingle state like Puntland it only takes will and that it seems has arrived.

[miles-militis]

SmithNW – Thanks old chap.

This is not something that our friend Oodweyne could find in the dusty shelves of modern seats of knowledge, read from glossy pages of contemporary textbooks, or discuss in the cosy, cushy settees in bars in North America or Western Europe. One ought to have one’s feet firmly soiled on the ground, care genuinely for the plight and welfare of the populace in the land of Somalis.

 

You would notice if your were to peel off gently the skin a bit deeper that their antagonistic attitude is not one of principal rather a pure fear of the x factor.

 

Deriding one’s fellow countrymen in their endeavours to mounting up the ladder of social progression, political evolution and historical fruition in kind, and in overcoming converging matters of importance, which is the commodity that our friend Oodweyne is ostensibly marketing though to no success, is a pictogram of malignant bug impeding in kind found in many sons and daughters of Somali descent. Therapeutic treatment by scientific linctus is found not as of yet, thus their being in the herein is surely marred by ignominy and regrettable existence. May the Benevolent salvage their souls!