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Clan Lords Dominate Talks

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A Delicate Balance As Somali Clan Lords Dominate Talks

 

 

The Nation (Nairobi)

 

September 29, 2003

Posted to the web September 29, 2003

 

Chege Mbitiru

Nairobi

 

Former US ambassador to Kenya, Smith Hempstone, once described Somalis as natural guerrillas. It wasn't quite clear why he poked his nose in Somali affairs.

 

That was someone else's docket. Anyway, he rightly warned his president against embracing what he called "the Somali tar baby".

 

 

Mr Hempstone was referring to classical guerrilla warfare. At the time the Somalis were doing just fine. They got much better when UN and US troops showed up. The lot left ignominiously. Guerrilla warfare continued. Casualties still add up.

 

What Mr Hempstone and others missed, and still do, is that Somalis are also masters of another form of guerrilla warfare: verbal.

 

The latest round of skirmishes is in Mbagathi, just outside the Kenyan capital, Nairobi. No faction has won yet. But then none has done so outright at home.

 

The gathering is under the auspices of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD). The group's Eastern Africa member states have precious little cash. They depend on handouts from wealthy nations in Europe and the Americas.

 

The purpose of the powwow is to find ways of establishing some order in southern Somalia. Presumably once this is accomplished northern Somalia, which now calls itself a republic and is reasonably stable, could be persuaded to rejoin their brothers and sisters, the Republic of Somalia will be reborn.

 

Since the overthrow of dictator Mohammed Siad Barre 12 years ago, many nations have nearly choked in a bottomless pit of patience. They have listened to rounds of clan poetry recitals disguised as political and constitutional discourse. Each round has cost money. These nations have coughed it.

 

It isn't that they love the colour of Somalis eyes. It's just too expensive to have 637,557 square kilometres of lawlessness. Moreover, the human race isn't bad, deep inside. Starving and sick people tap wells of tears and unbutton wallets. So do images of youngsters totting guns instead of reciting nursery rhymes.

 

Last July there was a modest euphoria in Igad quarters. Somalis in Mbagathi had signed an accord considered "historic". The deal included a federal parliament that would name a president. The president would then appoint a prime minister.

 

The euphoria was understandable. The round of talks, in its tenth month, is one of more than a dozen so far.

 

Unfortunately, some sensible pronouncements from past talks vanished in volleys of gunfire and vitriolic verbiage.

 

Some meetings had comical results. One in Djibouti produced a Transitional National Government. The president ended up with a few blocks of rubble in Mogadishu to govern. He still earned an invitation to the United Nations in New York.

 

The Mbagathi accord didn't excite some strongmen back home. Mogadishu faction leader, Musa Sudi Yalahow, explained. The signatories lacked clout. Mr Yalahow took a leaf from Mr Barre.

 

When Mr Barre seized power, he was the only police or army general from his Marehan clan. By the time he was ousted, the number was nearly a half of the 103. The Marehans were well-lubricated cogs in the general's dictatorial machine. It was disguised as socialism.

 

Moreover, Mr Barre routinely manufactured hostile clans and turned the ones friendly to him against his perceived enemies. He manipulated the clans in order to remain in power. He turned Somali clans into what they never were: fighting machines.

 

Somalis' allegiance to clan is legendary. There is nothing wrong with that. Belonging to a clan is a biological accident and an inevitable socialising and survival necessity, at least in origin. Traditionally, Somali clans didn't fight for the sake of it. They fought for something and then stopped. More than anyone else, Mr Barre demonstrated clan loyalty's manipulability. He had good students.

 

The late Mohamed Aideed and businessman Ali Mahdi, for example, belonged to different clans. They manipulated them against the master. It wasn't difficult. Mr Barre's brutality made the manipulation even easier. When it came to sharing spoils, Mr Aideed and Mr Mahdi read Mr Barre's script, manipulated their clans for personal gains, reduced Mogadishu to rubble and enlarged cemeteries.

 

Early this month, five prominent faction leaders, including Mr Yalahow, met in Mogadishu. The purpose, they said, was to salvage Mbagathi talks. The message was clear. Those with clout on the ground call the shots.

 

Now Igad is stuck with the "tar baby". Mr Barre is dead, but the baby's guardians are known. They've got clout.

 

It's time Igad told them to negotiate seriously or take the baby, clans and all, and cuddle it at home.

 

 

http://allafrica.com/stories/200309290078.html

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OG_Girl   

Thanx wallalo, every day learning new stuff ... by the way who is Mr Yalahow ? don't tell me he is a new warlord!!

 

 

salaam

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Baashi   

Mr.Chege Mbitiru hit the nail on the head. Harsh commentary? Yes, but true characterization of the actors in this latest drama. Start from the strongman in Puntland to lords in Mogadishu they all fit quite well what Mbitiru delineated in that peace. Shame on us :(

 

I had high hopes in this particular peace conference but it seems all the effort from the participants and the goodwill of IGAD are going to end up in the waste basket. I'm very disappointed nomad.

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Gabbal   

Og Girl, Yalaxow is one of the more older, most ruthless warlords there is. He's in league with Abdulahi Yusuf, Hiraale, and Morgan.

 

Baashi I still have hope bro.

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