Abtigiis

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Everything posted by Abtigiis

  1. I used to hear from other people and used to wonder if it is true. I am talking about people who call random numbers just to talk to the opposite sex. This is usually the case in some towns in Somalia, and the wayfarer I am, I end up in these towns from time to time. It was Saturday. I spent the Friday night watching TV to escape loneliness and decided to sleep late. I slept at about 1:30 a.m. Usually, I must sleep for at least 7-8 hours a day. I know when Napoleon was asked how many hours people need to sleep, he said: "Six for a man, seven for a woman, and eight for a fool". Because I know I am not a woman, it means I am a fool. But both my mother and my wife say I am not one. Some of my friends say so too. So, Napolean must have forgotten some nuances to his rule. Anyway, my phone rang at about 5:45 a.m in the morning. I was very upset I forgot to put it on silence. And as always I keep my phone next to my pillow, because I can't sleep if I am not listening to radio - usually BBC (not Somali). But, because I did not recognize the caller, I thought maybe it is an emergency. I rubbed my eyes and took the call. This is the conversation that followed. "hello", a woman's voice. "hello, wa ayo?" I could sense there is no emergency, hence my abrasiveness. “Waa anigee. Ima garanaysid?” a sort of laughter…, “I could not sleep because of an enticing dream”. “Maad ila yaabtay…?” War anagaa wax aragnay, was the first word that invaded my mind. I lifted myself up and sat on the edge of the bed properly. The initial reaction was to insult her and off the phone. But then one of my longstanding weaknesses has been talking harshly to women, especially to those who are not married to me. So, I cooled down. And then my mood transformed… from calmness to cheekiness. Why don’t I see where this takes her…and me. “haye.”, I said. “de what haye?! …wax na seexiyaan rabnaa!?”: She. “So do you know me?”: I. After few exchanges on this, I gathered that this is somehow who has no clue nor cares about the identity of who she is talking to. “Ok, i noo wad. What I can do for you now?” “I want to feel like a woman. I want a man” she said. Ma saasaa? Ok, I dhagayso. And without shouting at her, I took a leaf from my trademark civilized and courteous lectures. “Dear Ceebla, I have no idea why you think a stranger can help you. Nor do I know why you wake up people who are sleeping, and particularly me, for I have not registered myself as "amicus female genitals" when I bought this number from a local telephone center. As you know, I have not seen you, so you would agree that I cannot be having a carnal urge simply because I heard a feminine voice. I don’t even know if you are a woman. In the phone, I treat all strangers as androgynous – neither male nor female. As you also know, for all its greatness and imagination, one field in which technology has failed, is the art of surmounting the impossibility of remote love-making. Unlike urgent espionage matters, or office communications, it cannot be handled by teleconferences, by skype, by emails, by text… by face time. Like courts demand of prison authorities when they are unsure of the welfare of the detained, it requires a habeas corpus – the physical presentation of the prisoner in penal law, the physical attendance of the lover in matters of passion. I am sure you know advances have been made in the field of counter-terrorism, and today enemies thousands of miles away get wiped out by a man chewing nuts and using a keyboard. But even this aeronautical ingenuity fell short of addressing our present need. There are no ‘Drone’ phalluses that can fly, make a woman feel like a woman, and then return to their base. I am not even sure if they will be a good idea, for I believe they will be afflicted by the same side-effect of real drones, which is indiscriminate shelling that destroy lives and families. So, please let me go back to sleep; as for you, please seek home-grown, local solutions to your problem. Thank you and good bye for now. " P.S. 75% authentic story.
  2. YoniZ;955406 wrote: This country badly needs to be blessed with a pragmatic leader that can play unifying role in extremely sensitive and polarised society. A leader that can heal and bridge the widening gulf of difference that kept increasing over the past two decades. A leader that doesn’t surf with the layman’s emotional waves. However, can carefully pick and choose his words, timing and actions. I don't know President Hassan is the leader you described. But I know anyone someone who thrusts his whims over agreed laws, someone who micro-manages, someone who suffers from messianic complexity of "I alone is the savior, and the rest should follow me", someone with inflated ego, someone who cannot admit shortcomings and mistakes, can not be the leader you described.
  3. Oodweyne;955362 wrote: I think Hassan Sheikh is playing a hard-ball politics in here. In the sense of trying to take his "wind-behind-sail" advantage in which he received in that IGAD meeting, into a proper diplomatic goal. And by that I mean he wants to cripple any support the Kenyans may give to Ahmed Madobe and Co. if he through his proxies in Kismayo and what he could cobbled together from his forces, were to move to establish themselves as the regional government short of a federal state pending a proper region-wide reconciliation which is what he promised to do. Secondly, he also wants to "telegraph" to Western powers that since he is not confident that the Kenyans are going to do his political bidding then he wants them to accept that a replacement for the Kenyans must be found soon enough and they must be ready to financially underwrite that. And thirdly, he wants the local actors in Jubbaland to know their diplomatic room of "leaning" on Kenya is at end and therefore it will be only time before he gets the wherewithal to do as he "envisaged" for that region. So the message between the lines is that they (i. e., Ras-Kambooni clique) must better start entertaining to deal with him, and not behind Kenyans muscle. All in all its a version of diplomatic hard-ball. Which means it's a high stake game for him to try to play, since if he loses (which means the Western powers decline to push Kenya in the manner he wants them to be pushed) then all will be lost for him and he will be a powerless to impose himself in Jubba region. Hence let's see if his hard-ball diplomacy will be as successful with the western powers as it has been with IGAD's states. 1- I think Oodweyne you misread the IGAD communique. While it was a clear cut support for the Government, it was not entirely unexpected. It merely re-affirmed the lead role of the internationally recognized government on the domestic political issues of Somalia, including that of Somaliland. If you go to the "Implications of the IGAD report" which I posted here, I have explained why the report meant very little in terms of altering the parameters of the conflict over Kismaayo. 2- I forgive you for thinking Kenya will allow to be replaced in Kismaayo. Perhaps you haven't heard the emerging stories that Kenya will not allow any other international force to protect its border with Somalia. Simply stated, it does not want to transfer the responsibility of defending its borders to other nations. In effect, your "eastern Congo" scenario may be on the offing. Mainly so, when SAHAL MPs already warned the President that asking Kenya to leave the Jubbas and risk the return of Alshabab gives the impression the President wants certain communities to be enslaved, while working hard to liberate other regions. 3- The situation is getting bad. As HAG regionalizes the Kismaayo issue, SAHAL is internationalizing by putting it at the heart of the global war on terror where national jurisdictions and sovereignty matter very little. But the most important point we are missing in this confusion is was this where we wanted to be when we elected President Hassan on 10 September really? Have we moved forward, or we made giant leaps backwards? President Hassan was an activist before he become a President. when he was elected, I have said in this forum, his biggest undoing will be if he fails to tell the difference between activist politics (saying everything you think is right) or strategic politics. Old habits persist, and it looks the President is clashing with so many actors - Puntland, Jubbaland, Somaliland, Kenya, soon Ethiopia, and if the British support Kenya even Britain itself- that he will soon find himself cornered.
  4. President Hassan is right to criticize or stand up to Kenyans if they refused to protect SFG officials. We should support him on this because our loyalties are for the people of Somalia and he is the duly elected leader of Somalia. But if President Hassan wants the Kenyan contingent to impose his officials on the people by overwhelming Ahmed Madoobe's militias who most likely will attack the officials if they leave the airport or their hotels, then, it is a different matter. He will have to get a Parliamentary law outlawing Ahmed Madoobe's militias and declaring war on them. My point is the individual position or belief of even a President must not be allowed to dictate the directions this failed country is to take. If the parliament declides to outlaw RK, then, the President will have a legal basis to ask Amisom to support his crackdown on Ras Kambooni, of course fully aware where that will leave him politically. On the Kenyan contingent, they are in Somalia on the basis of the UN resolution. Their deployment was done under the chapter 7 clause. As unfair as it seems, even the Somali Government can not order their withdrawal. The UN and international actors will have to agree to it. Of course, they cannot disagree with the wish of the sovereign government of Somalia, and they will probably heed the government's call, but they could also re-assesses their support to the government if key regional allies (who have the ears of the west more than the Somalis) convince the UN that this government does not have enough ground support from various clans and therefore the fight against Alshabab cannot be continued with the current format.
  5. It is good to know the government delegation has landed. This removes one confrontation which will have caused immediate conflict. But a government's task is to govern, not to land! Waxaan uga fadhinaa xal siyaasadeed oo dadka ka badbaadiya dagaal! Hadii ay xal u arkaan inay xoog wax ku maquuniyaan, xal ma noqon doonto.
  6. Only a fool misses what is on the offing! War is inevitable sadly. From what I understand, Mogadishu's strategy is to send a delegation led by a man from Gedo, if all other things fail, and dare Madoobe to stop them. Obviously, Fartaag will be asked to do that job, but this move has the potential to anger Gedo-ans and as the two sides start shooting at each other, Mogadishu will send reinforcements. Taas kama fursan doonto, hadaan xal siyaasadeed la gaadheen. I am not in the mood of blaming any side at this stage. I am more worried about the vitriol and vilification of one Somali clan - Faroole's clan - who are singled out as the Jews of Somalia - in the same way Hitler singled out Jews for all ills in Europe. HAG propaganda against this clan is worrying. Likewise, SAHAL's hate for anyone that shares lineage with HAG (although does not share same philosophy) is also alarming. The end of IGAD as a scarecrow has caught HAG propaganda strategists by surprise. But they have regrouped rather well and have now turned the torch on a new villain - the MJs. In the coming few weeks, expect more stories about who started the first rebellion against Siyad Barre (implying revolting against dictatorship was wrong), who led Ethiopia to Mogadishu (as if Ali Gheedi was not on the first Ethiopian chopper that landed in Mogadishu along with Yusuf), and who is the lupus of Somalia's politics. Do you sense a Deja Vu, here! Don't worry if none of Sheikh Ahmed Madoobe and Fartaag are not MJ's. The omnipresent, the immanent MJ's are the cause for all that goes wrong in Somalia.
  7. Maaddeey, you have just repeated a narrative I heard before from HAG extremists. Apparently the HAG believe in the civil war HAG defeated SAHAL. I think SAHAL left HAG territories and went back to its regions. I don't think one defeated the other. Goobaanle soo daa, bir buu ka sameeysan yahaye. Gabbal, nimankani in dagaalkii 90 ka lagu kala adkaaday bay aaminsan yihiin.
  8. Xinnfaniin, the Tolka has made horrendous political miscalculations over the years and not reputed for political shrewdness. But they have won many poetic duels in the past centuries and it is hard to imagine anyone will beat them on that front anytime soon. The victory on this front compensates for any political loss on Kismaayo. However, I am of the opinion that the IGAD declarations impact or lack of it will come clear in the coming few weeks. It is one thing to get the diplomatic endorsement of regional powers, it is quite another to quell a rebellious domestic clan. It been a good weak for President Hassan, but what he does from here onwards will determine whether he has won or not. I believe if he new re-constitution still puts a long-foot on the top, Gabbal will be displeased. For once, I want to see a man from Gabbal's village given the mantle, so that we see how Gabbal reacts, even if other clans still cry foul.
  9. Maar-ku-nool Xinnfannin, Indeed, this is the thing of the past and part of the usual clannish vitriol of the civil war era. Like you, I am a sucker for poems and art and when I post poems I like a farmer like Miskiin Macruuf Aqyaar with no sense of what poetry is about talks about clan names being posted and what not! Somali poetry is largely about clan stereotypes and it is hard to find good poems that do not include references to clans. Arinta Jubboyinka, I saw your post in the other thread and I share your views.
  10. Apophis, let us be fair to him. Give him time. Now he has solved the IGAD problem, let us see whether he takes the bulldozer approach or he takes a different route. Whichever way he goes, we will judge him by the RESULTS. Isn't that fair? Mida kale, I see for many of us, getting one over the other cyber rival seems to be a big thing. The people in Somalia need peace and we should be motivated by the search for peace and restoration of the Somali state, not by ego. If Gabbal wins the argument we had the other day and his ways work, it is a good thing. I will not sad, because my ideas did not win.
  11. Cambuulo & Bun, Walaal dacaayada Xinnfaniin ha ii maqlin. Professor waa title bah dilaad ah oo la igu weerarayo. Waan ka daalay inaan iska difaaco, laakin adigu ha isticmaalin. Professor somaalidu kolba qof ay rabto ayey siisaa, markaa inaan kuwaas ka mid ahay been been ta ah mooye, ma ihi professor iyo wax u dhaw toona. On the issue, we are Somalis. Despite our domestic political divisions, if a Somali Parliamentarian is facing a foreign army, surely we must support him. Also Hosh is not only an MP, he is a very close friend of mine and I trust his judgment. He is an extremely intelligent man. He knows what he is talking about.
  12. Kenya's contingent must obey the national government. That is right as a matter of principle. And my good friend Hosh is right. But Hosh must be careful. Kenya can destabilize Kismaayo easily as long as it can support one side clandestinely, even if it withdraws. For now, I believe Hosh's position is correct.
  13. Dear Oodweyne, Perhaps you should give that advice to Madoobe and those who champion a clan interest. Unlike you, I do not care about the political fortunes of men who share lineage with me, which is not to say I do not care about the welfare of my community. Like any other Somali or human being for that matter, the plight of a long-foot pains me, but not more than the pain I feel for a distressed Somalilander or Ethiopian or Ugandan. It is of no significiance, if Gabbal's clan, or my clan, or the "looters", or the myriad of other clans become governors and power-brokers in Kismaayo. As long as I can work there withour fear (should I ever need to work there), or invest, or swim in its shores, and as long as the people in that par of Somalia and the entire country enjoy peace and good governance, I am pleased. These petty things that bother you about clan pride and which clan is inherently politically superior to which is things that really doesn't come to my mind. I suppose our different experiences and upbringings could account for this variance of priorities. As you know by now, I grew up with Amhara's and grew up being called a Somali. That identity suffices for me. I do not want to wear denominations of it. But I also know I do not escape scrutiny and labels because I say so. Every political statement one makes is bound to displease someone in this insanely polarized society. So, when my political opinions coincide with the positions of my lineage, I get names. When they don't, I am a patriot. This is the rule of the game of political commentary in Somalia. I can't change it.
  14. Those of us who are somehow claiming that President Hassan Sheikh and the Federal Government of Somalia made a mistake in seeking the position of IGAD on Kismaayo must stop this disingenuous spin. The President was right in confronting IGAD. He got what he wanted now and to me if we say we will judge him by results, he has delivered on the diplomatic front. IGAD's recognition of the sovereign rights of the FGS is a win for Somalia. The days of public humiliation are behind us, hopefully. BUT, and I do not intend to lessen the impact of the diplomatic victory, a lot awaits President Hassan at home and the IGAD report will not help him in any way in solving the deficit of trust, clan animosity and domestic political conflict. The same way we acknowledged and appreciated the fruits of his diplomatic manouvers, we will not begrudge him of praise and recognition, when and if he solves the domestic problems. Waa balan. Few days ago, I said if the President thinks Kenya and Ethiopia are the reasons why he can't solve Kismaayo problem, he should make his position known and stand up for what he believes is right. He has done that without being confrontational. Now that he got his wish, let us see with what care he delivers the domestic prize: peace and harmony. The essence of highlighting weaknesses in the FGS is not to count how many things they got it wrong, it should be to help them to focus on the problems.
  15. Dear Oodweeyne, I am telling you this not because I want you to believe me or because I want to play to the gallery. I want to speak the truth. I do not seek solutions that will ensure the political fortunes of Tolka in Kismaayo or elsewhere. I seek solutions that are just and that can help Somalia move forward. The welfare of human beings comes before anything and if Hassan Sheikh can solve the Kismaayo enigma by deposing Ahmed Madoobe and imposing Barre Hiiraale and if that can somehow help Somalia to regain its sovereignty and statehood again, I am for it. All this puffery about clan X against Clan Y is nonsense and I do not believe it is the case. Whoever governs Kismaayo, or Garowe or Baidoa, my singular interest is in seeing law and order return to Somalia. Of course, I am not naïve and I do recognize that context matters and in the present context it may be better for President Hassan to seek some sort of agreement with the real power-brokers in the regions. Madoobe just happens to be one and hence my recommendation is coming from that wider consideration. Secondly, I do not believe any community can be entirely used by another community and I think you have insulted a whole community as morons by your assertion. I think as you can see from the video posted, the long-foot community had taken different sides in the conflict over Kismaayo and has picked sides that it thought could advance its interest. I believe convergence of interest is what dictates alliances, not smartness of one and the ascribed daftness of the other. Hadii aan kaftan ka dhignana, dee awalba reeruhu askar unbay ahaan jireene, hadana haday cid kale askar u noqdaan, it is in line with tradition. It is our culture. Our heritage. We are proud of it. I think this last line will please you, more than the serious reply I gave you.
  16. Maadeey, adigoo Somali maanta xaalkeeda og baad hebel baa qabyaadleeyste ah la meeraysanysaa. Ma cid eedaas ka badbaaday baa jirtaa? Adiguse fartaad fiiqi inay afar kale ku soo eegayaan soow ma ogid oo soow ma tihid ninkii shanta best Somalis ka dhigay eedooyinkii iyo adeeradii soow. Let not no go there, let us enjoy poetry. I thought adeerkeey Makeeytee's died without leaving anything behind, this is a video that brought tears to my eyes. I will keep it for a long time, and will pass on to his children. Gabay kale oo wuxuu leeyahay la yidhaa, "maantana maskii waxaa u xidhan, ina Makaahiile". Xinn, ma hayno caawa. Cidii noo soo sheegta waxay mutaysatay abaal marin!
  17. In other countries, it is called political satire. It is a profession for people. In Somalia, unfortunately, because of our delicate situation, it is dangerous. Still, if you remove the vitriol, from poetic point of view, it is a terrific gabay. The message is bad, but so were many of the most memorable poems in the Gubba series and other classical Somali poems. I loved when he said "datsuur iyo maxaa nooga dan ah wararka ". Maaddeey, stop this nonsensical calls for censorship. Gabay iyo wixii jira waa la dhagaysan karaa. It is not like posting a gabay means endorsing it. Afterall, if it were your decision, we know you have chopped some girl's hands in this site for writing private messages to boys. Meesha mintidnimada iyo censorship ka kala tag.
  18. Maaddeey, salaan sare mujaahid. Maalinkii dhawaa ninkii London askariga ku dilay nin af-somali ku hadlayaa ag taagnaa markaan maqlay waxaan is idhi tolow ma Maaddeey baa oo waan walbahaaray. Soow ma nabad qabtid? Tan kale, tol iyo cali aniga wax igama galine, gabay'ga ayaa eesh calaa ah. Xinn ooy ka jajaban tahayna waan sii mud mudayaa. What Tolka lacks in political shrewdness, they more than make up with poetic pedigree.
  19. Kayd Media is working hard to upstage Rwanda's Mille Collins in the business of fanning sectarian division and genocide. This week they dig up yet another video whose main purpose is to reap some political capital by creating friction between two D block clans who apparently fought on different sides during the civil war. Extremist website Waagacusub posted this video. http://www.markatimes.com/daawo-video-saraakiil-iyo-abwaaniin-uu-ka-mid-yahay-ahmed-madoobe-una-dhashay-********-oo-**********-caay-u-dhiteeyay-1992/ I am reposting this video for three reasons: 1- I like poetry however bad the message may be...I look at the poetic cadence not the message; 2- I want to show that Kayd media and those who are doing the same from the other side (like those who posted the video of President Hassan's satire poem) are enemies of Somalia; 3- One of the poets in this video, the gentleman on the left (with the afro hair) is my second uncle, Mohamed Sheikh Ahmed Oogle, alias Makeeytee. Regardless of his political views, which like most Somalia poets changed from time to time, he was an extremely loveable person with a lot of humour. He died few years back. I was devastated. The views he expresses in this video are the views many people held during the civil war. He was in no way a man filled with hate. For him, fun and entertainment was his food and drink. Ilaahay hakuu naxariisto adeer. The last reason why I posted this video is because I want Xinnfannin to listen the following lines, which the other poet (Gandaal) said about the pirate community: "Masago iyo bariis moos, horaad beer u madhiseene Warshadihii mareer, mugaambe iyo mareereeyba Macdantiyo birtii waad rarteen, maar ku nool yahawe :D Maar-ku-nool Xinn, your attention please.
  20. I agree with Ngonge's reading of the report. I also agree with Johnny B's recommndation. Zack, naga daa dee inaadeer. You know a recommendation is not drafted without consulting the principals in IGAD! Report ga intaan la qorin ka hor position ka Ethiopia iyo Kenya waa la ogaadaa, kadib ayaa la qoraa. Why are you pretending you don't know this pretty mundane matter, ugaas?!
  21. That is the sad thing about us. But it is a hurt long administered into our psyche. We have no principles, we have narrow interests. The same Gabbal who was nearly about to hang himself a week ago, allegedly because Kenya, Ethiopia and IGAD were undermining the sovereignty of Somalia, will embrace Ethiopia and Kenya if that means this time around they will be imposing Barre and not Sheikh Ahmed Madoobe. The same man celebrates when foreigners tell the Somali Government how it should handle an internal political conflict. IGAD has exonerated itself with this report, and therefore will not remain a scarecrow that the FGS will use to excuse its inadequacy.
  22. The IGAD fact-finding mission to Jubbaland has issued its report. Spins notwithstanding, there can be little doubt that the report supported the Federal Government’s position. It recognized that the Government should have led and still should lead the process of establishing regional states. It has recognized that the process’s inclusivity is contestable. It has called on the interim regional administration to enter into dialogue with Mogadishu. On the surface, it is a clear diplomatic victory to the Federal Government of Somalia. It should please all Somalis if neighbouring countries, who had been undermining the sovereignty of Somalia, are reversing their negative policies. But has the IGAD report altered the power equation and reality in Jubbaland or Somalia in any significant way? Does it change the status quo? Will the actions of the IGAD member countries – particularly Ethiopia and Kenya – be consistent with their political statements? These are an answered questions, which should be interrogated. It is my opinion that the IGAD report: 1) Has put President Hassan on the spotlight by denying him the “foreign meddling” scarecrow. Whether calculated for this effect, or by default, the IGAD move shifted the political stage from Addis Ababa and Nairobi to Mogadishu and Kismaayo. Mogadishu will have to own up its failure henceforth. 2) Did not move the essential parameters of the political conflict between Mogadishu and Kismaayo that much. If the FGS calls for reconciliation conference in Mogadishu, and Sheikh Madoobe and Fartaag refuse to attend, they will be outlaws but as long as AMISOM and Kenyan forces do not move to fight Ras Kambooni militia, they will remain outlaws who rule their fief. They have already withdrawn to the castle of their clans, and that constituency will remain with them. 3) If the President asks foreign forces to attack Somalis who disagreed with him, it is a worrying reversal of his pronounced political belief. A President using foreigners to impose his will on a rebellious political constituency – not terrorits like Alshabab – in a fragile country, can lead to the break-up of the country. More so when the national healing agenda has not moved an inch forward. For him to be able mobilize international forces against Ras Kambooni and the interim Jubbaland adminstration, he will need to have the support of at least some sections of the D block, so that it is not seen as persecution against a clan. 4) Any potential reconciliation or reconstitution of the Jubbaland adminstration will have to include Ahmed Madoobe and Fartaag, and has little chance of succeeding without yielding ground to their core desires. In short, the President will negotiate with the same people he wanted to avoid, only after losing so much political capital by way of sulking clans. In conclusion, there are no new beginnings. We are back to square one. Compromise and negotiation between Somalis is the solution.
  23. Oodweyne;954117 wrote: Abtigiis And I suspect it's Kenya and Ethiopia way of making sure that they are not accused of running constant interference in Somalia's affairs while at the same time having a "maximum" room to manoeuvre in running their "Somali proxies" inside Somalia. Affirmative! Which is good news for you and Somaliland! Rejoice British nomads.
  24. Apophis, I will not. It violates the terms under which I received the report. Oodweyne, no spin. That is the understanding me and friends who saw and discussed it with me agreed on. On the surface, the report is clearly supporting the Government's position; except where it says "both sides agree that the government should have led the process, but both sides have presented strong reasons why this did not happen". Cabdi na gar leh, Cali na gar leh. What is crucial is what Kenya and Ethiopia want to do clandestinely, not what IGAD report says. This is my theory supported by information I have about the intentions of Ethiopia particularly. The report also says "the process (jubbaland) has been useful in fighting Alshabab". Those are not the exact words. Perhaps the most important recommendation is this (I quote it as it is): " recognizing the fragility of the situation in Kismaayo, the Federal Government should timely convene and lead a reconciliation conference with support of IGAD while consulting key stakeholders in Kismaayo. meanwhile, the mission calls upon the stakeholders in Kismaayo to go to Mogadishu and dialogue with the Federal Government regarding the interim regional administration".
  25. IGAD has issued a report, not yet released, but the draft shared has been leaked yesterday. I have a copy of it, and indeed it is in line with what Xaaji Xundjuf posted. It says the government should speed up the legislative process and finalize the rules that govern the setting up of regional adminstrations. It says the Jubbaland process's inclusiveness is contestable, particularly among minority groups. BUT whoever expected IGAD to formally recognize Jubbaland is either a fool or have very little grasp of modern politics. The more I read the report, the more I am convinced it was done to pre-empt and blunt any potential move by President Hassan. It places all responsibilities on the President (to say we have recognized the government's lead role and we have not undermined it) but CRUCIALLY it has not rejected the Jubbaland administration. Those with sharp political mind can read between the lines: The report is not saying anything! The goat-skinners, predictably, will read the lines as they are and will drive useless conclusions from it. It is good Somalia's role is acknowledged and it is a plus overall, but the report does not move the issues at hand forward in any way. Still, President Hassan and whoever is in control of Jubbaland will need to negotiate and compromise. There is no short-cut.