3-Maxaa loo arki waayay go`aanadda ay qaadato Puntland oo ay ku doonayso saamigeedii federal ahaan u lahayd dad aqoonyahadda deegaandda muqdisho iyo goboladda dhexe oo Puntland ku taageera mise arintu waxay ku wareegaysaa xifiltankii dalka burburiyay barisamaadkii? Waa suaal u baahan jawaab miyirqabta oo ka fog caadifad qabyaaladeedkii ina burburiyay waxaana ka sugaynaa walaalaha ay khusayso inay ka jawaabaan arintan? 4-Maxay Puntland ugu mashquulsantahay isku keenidda soomaalidda halka ay jaarkeeda(somaliland) ku mashquulsanyihiin aqoonsigooda arintan malooga saxanyahay puntland mise maya? Waxay puntland ku mashquusantahay sidii loo asaasay maamulkeedda in ay ka shaqayso soomaali isla doonka waxayna soo martay heerar kala duwan ilaa ay qabatay sanadkan gudahiisa sadax kulan oo aad muhiim uhaa ummadda soomaaliyeed sida shirkii culimadda kii haweenka iyo kii ciyaaraha goboladda oo ay ugu danbaysay bari samaadkii qabashadiisa aadna loogu riyaaqay. Intaa oo dhan waxaa laga helay waa maamulkan iyo shacabkiisa oo dastuurkooda ka dhigtay isla baadigoobka soomaalidda qodob kamid ah qodabadiisa waana asaaska lagu asaasay Puntland. Dhanka kale doodaha qaar ayaa oranaya maamulka Somaliland waxay ku mashquulsanyihiin sidii ay aqoonsi u helilahaayeen hadii ay waayaana waxay soo raacayaan soomaali oo isku daashay waxna qabsanwayday intii ay isku mashquulsanaayeen hadaba puntland iyadoon iclaamin go`id sida somalind waa in ay danteeda ku mashquushaa iskana deysaa koonfurta aan bislaan una marayso meeshii lagu kala tagay.

2-Shacabka Puntland sidee ayay u arkaan go`aanka Dowladda Puntland? Maamulka hadda kataliyo Puntland waa maamul muujiyay karti waana kii ugu taageeradda badnaa oo soomara deegaanada puntland wuxuu kadhabeeyay waxqabad muuqda waxay waxka qabteen amniga waxay dib u dhisku sameeyeen ciidamadda qaybaheedda kala duwan waxay ka shaqaysiiyeen wasaaradaha lafdhabarka u ah dowladnimadda waxay hagaajiyeen xiriirka dibadda ilaa ay dowladdo waa wayn ay amaaneen kartidooda siiba kuwa daneeya soomaaliya sidoo kale UN ka waxay ku amaaneen puntland waxqabad iyo karti intaba. Waxaa maantay hormuud ka ah Puntland aqoonyahano karti leh waxay wadaan waxqabad lagu diirsaday oo soo jiitay indhaha dadka ku nool deegaankadda ay ka taliyaan iyo inta jecel soomaalinimadda dhamaantoodba. Waxaa la`orankaraa shacabka Puntland aad ayay isugu duubanyihiin maantay iyaga iyo maamulkooda waxaana dhamaan ka muuqato qaangaarnimo iyo bisayl dowladnimo waxayna ku qanacsanyihiin shacabka goaanka ay qaadatay Puntland.

Go`aankii puntland ee xiriirka loogu jaray dowladda federaalka wuxuu ku yimid dulqaad diiwaan galin mudan. January 20, 2011 // Faallooyin 1-Suaal:Burburka hishiiskii u dhaxeeyay Puntland & dowladii federaalka ahayd yaa ka masuul ah? Waxay taariikhdu reebtaa goaano ay qaataan hogaan iyo ummadd meel ku nool go`aankaas oo noqda mid wax ku ool leh marka laga eego dhinaca waxtarka iyo mustaqbal ummadeedba.Waxaa cad in aysan dowladda puntland go`aankeedii ku salaysnaa xiriir u jarka dowladda ku meegaarka ee kataliso madaxtooyadda muqdisho( dhul ilmaha socod baradka ahi uu gurguurasho ku mari karo) kaydka kaliya ay haysataana uu yahay aqoonsiga caalamiga ah sida ay wada qirsanyihiin dhamaan soomaalidda iyo inta danayso arinteeda. Dhanka kale waxay taageero ka haysatay wixii hada ka horeeyay Puntland oo dhulka ay kataliso uu yahay dhulka ugu wayn inta harsato calanka soomaaliyeed ee buluuga ah bal waa dhulka kaliya ee calanka buluuga ahi kataaganyahay kana lusho iyadoon cidna laga baqaynin alle mooyee. Dowladda federaalka waxay lagashay Puntland hishiisyo rasmi ah waxaana kamid ahaa hishiiskii gaalkacyo kaas oo aysan meel marin ku dhaqankiisa kana sagsaatay meel marintiisii. Waxay kaloo muujisay inaysan ahayn dowladd u dhaxayso umadda soomaaliyeed markay hor istaagtay hishiisyadii caalamiga ahaa ee puntland rabtay inay lagasho wadamadda shisheeye ama ay u fududeeyso inay iyadda u ogolaato si loo hormariyo deegaandaas nabdoon waxaana cad xataa hadii ay gar u lahaan lahayd hishiisyada noocaas oo kale iyaddu gasho (federal ahaan)waxaana soo baxday inaysan u soo jeedin wax ka qabadka deegaanadda nabdoon waxaana muuqatay inay hor taagan yihiin horumarka dhulkaas soomaaliyeed ee Puntland .Marka la eego inta jeer ay puntland muujisay dulqaad xaga federaalka iyo sida ay u doonayso xaqeeda oo kaliya federal ahaan intay doontaba ha`ahaato laakiin waxaa la waayay federal daacad ah oo ummaddu u simantahay. Sidaa awgeed federal qaran majiro ee waxaa muuqatay waa koox danaysato ah oo hadana soomaalida u kala sokeeyaan laguna aamini Karin masiir umadeed. Mida kaliya oo ay ku qaldanyihiin puntland waa inay waqtiga kaga lumiyeen ummadda ay hogaanka u hayaan federal hogaankiisa ka sagsaagayo waajibaadkii ummadeed diyaana u ahayn waxqabad iyadoo muuqato inaysan gacanta ku hayn talo iyo itaal toona .Carabtana waxay ku maahmaahaan faaqidu shay laa yucdiih oo micnaheedu yahay qofaan waxba haysan waxba mabixinkaro. Shariif iyo maamulkiisa dhul ay kataliyaana mahaystaan dhulkaan puntland ee diyaarka loogu ahaana waxaa u diiday damiirkii burburiyay qaranimadii soomaaliyeed labaatankii sano ee ugu danbeeyay.

^^^Who are you and why does what you think matter?

^^^Thy are the junior partners..

Aftermath of Puntland’s New Position Puntland’s minister for planning and international cooperation, Daud Mohamed Omar, who has taken the role for the administration of explaining and defending the policy shift, explained the move on January 16 as a response to Sh. Sharif’s “interference” with a donor meeting in Djibout, in which the T.F.G.’s president attempted to marginalize Puntland. According to Omar, Sh. Sharif has been troubled by Puntland’s increasing access to donors following the May 2010 Istanbul Conference – Sh. Sharif’s attitude, Omar said, was the straw that broke the camel’s back. As speculation mounted about the import of the new position, Omar clarified the administration’s position in a January 18 interview with the B.B.C. Somali Service in which he said that the “international community” had been informed in advance of the shift, but that there had been only “minimal contact” with the T.F.G. He underscored that Puntland was not contemplating secession and reasserted the administration’s proposal for a national reconciliation conference hosted by Puntland. The stage was set for the response by the T.F.G. and the Western great-power donors. The T.F.G. weighed in first, on January 19, through its prime minister, Mohamed Farmajo, who said that his government would open talks with Puntland in which “we can easily sort out what has really forced them to be a free state.” Farmajo expressed confidence that Puntland would revoke its decision and “reunite” with the T.F.G., and then proceeded to attack that decision, rather than conceding anything to Puntland. Saying that the “sudden decision” (which as has been shown was anything but that) would demoralize the Puntland population, could give “moral support” to al-Shabaab, and could hinder the T.F.G.’s efforts to bring peace to Somalia, Farmajo warned that the Puntland population “will not be pleased to hear their officials declaring separation from the rest of Somalia.” (Of course, Puntland did not declare separation from Somalia, but from the T.F.G.). Puntland’s president, Abdirahman Mohamud Farole, was quick to rejoin that Puntland would “never negotiate” with the T.F.G., having “completely disconnected relations and agreements” with it. Farole advised Farmajo to stay in his own “limited area.” The great-power Western donors entered the picture on January 20, when Farole traveled to Djibouti at the invitation of the U.N. Political Office for Somalia (U.N.P.O.S.) and met with the U.N.’s special representative for Somalia, Augustine Mahiga; and French diplomats and, most importantly, U.S. diplomats. Mahiga expressed the “shared concerns of the international community” about the rift between Puntland and the T.F.G., attempting to assuage Puntland by calling it a “role model” for Somalia and assuring that it has a “legitimate role to play in building consensus” on the actions regarding the T.F.G.’s mandate expiration. Farole discussed anti-piracy activities and development projects with the French. He addressed the major issue of non-cooperation with the T.F.G. in his meeting with Washington’s ambassador to Djibout, James Swan, justifying to Swan and Chryl Sims, Somalia affairs officer at the U.S. embassy in Kenya, Puntland’s opposition to term extension for the T.F.G. and pressing for a share of donor resources for training security forces. Farole also justified to Swan and Sims Puntland’s earlier decision to allow a non-Western donor state (according to a closed source the United Arab Emirates) to fund the training of a Puntland marine force by the private security firm Saracen International, which had caused concern in Washington. The latter’s response has not been reported. On January 22, with Farole having returned to Puntland from Djibouti, the administration announced that it had banned T.F.G. officials, civil servants, and members of parliament from entering Puntland, and had ordered all government departments to enforce the order, “including airports.” On the same day, Farole announced that he had submitted a letter of complaint against the T.F.G.’s failure to honor agreements with Puntland to countries “involved in Somali affairs,” particularly the U.S., Japan, France, and the African Union. He vowed that Puntland would be involved in the “formation of a new Somali government. It appears that Western/U.N. efforts to bring Puntland back on the T.F.G. ranch had at least temporarily failed. Has the T.F.G. or any “permanent” government growing out of its process any standing, viability or sense in the absence of Puntland? At present, it appears that Puntland’s break with the T.F.G. is strategic rather than tactical. The unmanaged process of devolution has reached a further and deeper phase, and external powers seem to lack the will and, perhaps, the ability to resist it.

In the South, the Italian colony found similar willingness in two loyal tribes: the ********** of the ****** clan and the Mudulod, sub-clan of the ******. These two southern tribes helped the Italians without reservation. In return, Italian and British colonies enabled these clans to claim some superiority over the other clans in terms of wealth, scholarship for their children in London and Rome, and future government influence in the (sic) post-colonial era.” Asked abut Somaliland’s search for secession, he said it was not appropriate to refer to “past colonial hegemony” to justify secession. Mr Mohamed has praised ‘Somaliland’ people for their achievements. However, his portrayal of one of the Somali clans in ex-British Somaliland in his thesis makes him the wrong person to preach Somalis against secession. Another quote from the prime minister’s 2009 thesis with relevance to ‘Somaliland’ is this: “Most importantly, when European imperialist decided to give up their colonies in Somalia, they rewarded top leadership positions to the tribes and individuals closest to them. For instance, in the Northern colony of British Somaliland, the ***** tribe was awarded virtually all of the best jobs for its collaboration with the imperialists.”

Puntland’s New Position Puntland’s announcement of non-cooperation with the T.F.G. is a clear case of the revolt against the center, indeed the clearest case of the phenomenon that can be noted – Puntland, as the writer of section I C. puts it, is a prime example of an “impatient community.” Puntland’s announcement of non-cooperation with the T.F.G. shows why the revolt is taking place – the T.F.G. as representative of the “center” has not performed its role. That is not to say, as the I.C.G. argues, that the T.F.G. has failed to bring Somalia’s regions together; failure means that there was a possibility to succeed given the balance of power and conflicting interests among the “stakeholders”/players – we cannot know that this was the case and there is even reason to judge that it was not. It is enough to say that the T.F.G. would not or could not perform a unifying role; indeed, it has proven incapable to unifying itself. What is clear is that Puntland finally became “impatient” enough to make a break with the T.F.G. as representative of the center, if not with “Somalia” as an idea to be realized. Most of Puntland’s statement of its “new position” is taken up with explaining/justifying its break – Puntland has not participated in drafting a consitution meant to replace the T.F.G., it did not participate in the 2008-9 Djibouti Peace Process that set up the present expanded T.F.G., the T.F.G. did not honor its August 2009 agreement with Puntland defining relations among the two entities, and the T.F.G. attempted to monopolize donor military and development aid. Puntland’s announcement of non-cooperation is simply the culmination of a series of slights – its patience finally ran out under circumstances favorable to a break: the announcement of Washington’s “dual-track” policy, which opens the way for Puntland to receive donor aid directly; and the scheduled expiration of the T.F.G.’s mandate in August 2011 and its replacement by a permanent government (which is by no means assured, but which might disadvantage Puntland’s perceived interests). That is, Puntland had incentives and reasons to make the break at this time. One must ask E.J., if we insert an editorial note to him: How can you say that Puntland’s new position is tactical and rhetorical, rather than strategic and serious? Puntland’s move is to detach itself from the T.F.G. and its fate, whether that fate is extension of its term by the donors (through the United Nations) or the establishment of a permanent constitution. Puntland’s new position rejects term extension unequivocally and substitutes for the draft constitution being considered by the T.F.G. a national reconciliation conference to be hosted by Puntland that would presumably institute a “federalist” political formula favored by Puntland. Such a conference would throw “Somalia’s” political future open. That it is likely to take place is another question. What is clear is a revolt against the center. Puntland’s “shot across the bow” is its call to the West/U.N. not to treat the T.F.G. as Puntland’s representative, but to deal with the latter separately. The donors (and the I.C.G.) must be asked: What are you willing to do [donors]/recommend [i.C.G] to bring Puntland into some “manageable” process? What kind of process do you have in mind for “centering” decentralization if the periphery peels away from the T.F.G.? There is a vacuum opening up – an absence of any representative of “Somalia,” any point of reference for external actors. How will the process of transition be managed? Does Hogendoorn have to be “Convinced” that “Chaos” is afoot? Why does the IC.G. place the emphasis so much on blaming the T.F.G. and Sh. Sharif, while ignoring the gross irresponsibility of the Western great powers (donors)? (That is simply to indulge in a rhetorical question.) Puntland’s new position is not a “shot across the bow,” a provocation, a warning; it is a challenge. It poses the fundamental practical question: What political formula(e) will the territories of “Somalia” have? Of course, the Islamists – al-Shabaab – have an answer. The donors/powers (and the I.C.G.) do not. Indeed, the best that the I.C.G.’s draft report can do is a brief final statement suggesting “a much more decentralized system, where most of the power, and resources are devolved to local administrations (preferably multi-clan) while the federal government only performs minimal functions and acts more to coordinate the activities of the different local administrations.” An editorial note asks: “Do we want to talk about a strategy for defeating Shabaab?” One can understand why the I.C.G. might want to leave discussion of al-Shabaab out of the text. One can ask: How does the I.C.G. propose that a (con)federal government be set up? Will it adopt the Puntland plan? One can understand why an editorial note has been inserted in the concluding section advocating a “much more decentralized system”: “Discuss how this should be done – Jo Morrison’s project. E.J. will write the first draft.” Good luck, Jo Morrison.

Somalia: “A Huge Revolt Against the Centre” In section I C. of the report, which faults the T.F.G. for “Refusing to Share Power or Federalise,” the I.C.G. goes to the heart of present “Somalia’s” political dynamics: “Because the current T.F.G. has failed to lead the devolution process and is too hamstrung to make any move in that direction any time soon, impatient communities in the periphery have began [sic.] organizing and creating their own local administrations. In effect what we are witnessing all over Somalia is a huge revolt against the centre – a chaotic, unilateral, clan-driven process.” The writer of this section of the draft concludes: “To let the periphery take charge of the devolution process, as has happened, is a recipe for further chaos and instability.” That sentence has been highlighted in the draft and a marginal comment made by EJH (presumably E.J. Hogendoorn): “Do you want to take the argument this far? If so, you need to convince me.” Hogendoorn’s style is to hedge his bets, to play it safe, not to get ahead of the major external (Western) political actors. Yet if there is a “huge revolt against the centre,” the conclusion follows. When the I.C.G.’s report appears, we will find out whether or not Hogendoorn was “convinced.” At present it is enough to say that the revolt against the center is in full swing. Indeed, the most important event in Somalia thusfar during 2011 has been the issuance on January 16 by Puntland of its “New Position Towards the Transitional Federal Government in Somalia,” in which the semi-autonomous authority announced that it would not cooperate with the T.F.G. until a representative federal government is established in Somalia and is agreed on by legitimate stakeholders. It is just this kind of move –unmanaged devolution – that the I.C.G. fears. Indeed, when Michael Onyiego of Voice of America interviewed Hogendoorn after Puntalnd’s announcement, Hogendoorn attempted to downplay the shift. He called the “new position” a “shot across the bow, saying that if you do not start giving us more political consideration or more resources, we can go our own way.” Although Hodendoorn admitted that Puntland’s secession from Somalia “is certainly a possibility,” he did not think it likely – he suggested that one look at Somaliland: “Why go down that road?” Hogendoorn’s reluctance to draw the obvious conclusions from the I.C.G.’s draft report’s revolt-against-the-center thesis – that Puntland’s “new position” is a manifestation of the more general “revolt” – is reflected in the draft by the fact that its section on Puntland’s relation to the T.F.G.’s “refusing to federalise” had not yet been written; in its place was an editorial directive to insert a paragraph on why Sh. Sharif’s “relations with Puntland are at an all time low” and to cite “reports Farole threatens to withdraw from T.F.G. Garowe Online?” Events overtook the draft, which was dated December 2010, when Puntland declared its new position. Puntland is always an embarrassment to the I.C.G. We shall see what the I.C.G. does with Puntland this time around. For the moment, one can indulge oneself by writing the missing section: Puntland’s new position in light of the revolt-against-the-center thesis.

Somalia: Puntland’s Break with the T.F.G. and the International Crisis Group’s Draft Report 24 Jan 24, 2011 - 12:46:15 PM By: Dr. Michael A. Weinstein A draft, provided by a closed source, of a major report on Somalia being prepared for publication by the International Crisis Group (I.C.G.) comments on the deepening political-territorial fragmentation of the country and makes the consequent judgment, in light of the conjuncture of actors involved in its conflicts, that “Somalia” has been brought into question as a possible organized political entity. The report is concentrated on the failure of Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government (T.F.G.) to unify the country, and particularly on the ineffectiveness of T.F.G. president Sh. Sharif Sh. Ahmad, and has the aim of advocating the abandonment of the T.F.G. by stakeholders and their adoption of a decentralizing strategy. As is often the case, a major think tank has expressed the policy shift of (Western great-power) actors – in this case, an extension of Washington’s “dual-track” policy toward Somalia, which, closed sources report, is being followed by the Europeans. The I.C.G. report backs up the policy shift by discrediting the T.F.G. and Sh. Sharif, opening the way to stakeholders dealing directly with regional and local political organizations. Yet the authors of the report are aware that unmanaged decentralization that hyper-Balkanizes Somali territories would create dangerous instability for stakeholders. Therefore the I.C.G. wants somehow to hold on to “Somalia.” The present analysis is not concerned with the I.C.G.’s discrediting of Sh. Sharif, which provides rhetorical ammunition for players who wish to use it. The analysis is concerned with the I.C.G.’s proposal for managing decentralization, to the extent of showing its utopian character and, therefore, revealing it as a thought of desperation. The analysis is concentrated on the I.C.G.’s diagnosis of “Somalia’s” political situation of fragmentation, which it defines accurately.

^^^Not sure who you are speaking to, but Sharif has been a god sent to Puntland. Now we are ready to throw the rubish out, and you are just mere spectators, watching a fine game of football. Garowe is Somali'as power house today and it will bring the nation back to its hay days, when Somali's looked good.

Xarun Lagu Baranaayo Dhaqaalaha Islaamka oo laga Furey Bosaaso (Sawiro) Posted: 2 hours ago | 1 comment ShareMachad cusub oo lagu baran doono dhaqaalaha Islaamka isla markaana lagu magacaabo (College of Islamic Finance) ayaa si rasmi ah laga furey magaalada Bosaaso ee xarunta gobolka Bari. Xaflad xariga looga jaraayay machadka ayaa ka dhacdey Hotelka Jubba ee magaalada Bosaaso,waxaana kasoo qaybgalay masuuliyin uu kamid yahay Wasiirka Amniga Puntland Gen.Yuusuf Axmed Kheyr,Duqa degmada Bosaaso Maxamuud Faarax Beeldaaje,Culimaa’udin,maamulka machadka,martisharaf iyo dadweyne kale. Munaasabada waxaa lagu furey aayado qura’aan,waxaana hadalo kasoo jeediyey Sheikh Fu’aad Maxamuud Xaaji Nuur kaas oo sheegay in muhiim tahay barashada dhaqaalaha Islaamka isagoo dhalinta ku booriyey in ay bartaan kana faa’ideystaan xirfadaan. Maamulka Machadka Mudane Xassan Cumar Axmed iyo Drs.Ca’isho ayaa ka hadlay xaflada,waxaana ay sharaxaad ka bixiyeen qaabka ay ku aas aaseen machadkaan. Drs.Caa’isho oo iyadu u dhalatay dalka New Zealand ayaa sheegtay in machadkaan ay ka fureen hore magaalada Kuala Lampur ee dalka Malaysia,waxaana ay sheegtay in markaana ay ka furayaan magaalada Bosaaso iyadoo ku baaqday in laga faa’ideysto. Sidoo kale waxaa ay sheegtay in machadkaan lagu bari doonaan culuumta kala duwan ee dhaqaalaha Islaamka iyadoo casharada ay bixin doonaan macalimiin kayimid dalka Kenya isagoo sheegtay in dhowaan ay rajeynayaan in machadka la balaariyo oo la gaarsiiyo magaalooyinka kale ee Puntland iyadoo lix bilood kadibna ay xarun kale ka furan doonaan magaalada Khartoum ee dalka Sudaan. Duqa degmada Bosaaso Maxamuud Faarax Beeldaaje ayaa bogaadin weyn ujeediyey dhamaan dadkii aasaasay machadkaan oo uu ku tilmaamay mid wax badan u tari doonto bulshada reer Bosaaso. Wasiirka Amniga Dawladda Puntland Gen.Yuusuf Axmed Kheyr oo gunaanadkii munaasabada ka jeediyey hadal ayaa ugu baaqay dhamaan Umadda reer Puntland in ay bartaan aqoonta gaar ahaan dhalinyarada,isagoo sheegay in aqoonta ay tahay wax muhiim ah. Machadka lagu baranaayo dhaqaalaha Islaamka ayaa noqonaaya kii ugu horeeyey ee noocaan oo laga hirgeliyo degaanada Puntland. Maxamuud Cabdi Ibraahim Horseed Media Bosaaso

Garoowe:(Allpuntland)-Madaxweynaha Dawlada Puntland ee Soomaaliyeed Dr.Cabdiraxmaan Sheekh Maxamed Maxamuud (Faroole) ayaa duhurnimadii maanta dib ugu soo laabtay magaalada Garoowe ee caasimada dawlada Puntland kadib safar labo cisho qaatay oo uu ku tagay wadanka Jabuuti isagoo ka jawaabiyey casumaad rasmi ah oo uu ka helay Qaramada Midoobey xafiiskeeda Soomaaliya. Madaxweyne Cabdiraxmaan Sheekh Maxamed oo ay safarka ku wehelinayeen Sadex Wasiir oo xukuumadiisa & Saraakiil katirsan aqalka madaxtooyada ee Puntland ayaa waxaa garoonka diyaaradaha ee Garoowe kusoo dhaweeyey madax badan oo katirsan dawlada Puntland & boqolaal shacab ah kuwaas oo uu uga mahadceliyey soo dhaweyntooda. Madaxweynaha Dawlada Puntland oo aqalka madaxtooyada ee Garoowe warbaahinta kula hadlay ayaa sheegey in safarkii gaabnaa ee uu ku tagay dalka Jabuuti uu guul kusoo dhamaaday islamarkaasna ay is arkeen madax sarsare oo katirsan beesha caalamka gaar ahaana Igad,Midowga Afrika,Midowga Yurub,Maraykanka,madaxda Jabuuti & Wakiilka gaarka ah ee Qaramada Midoobey u qaabilsan Soomaaliya oo isagu waftiga Puntland ku casumay dalka Jabuuti,waxaana uu sheegey inay u sharxeen go’aankii dawlada Puntland ee ay xiriirka ugu jartay xukuumada kumeel gaarka ah ee Soomaaliya. Wuxuu madaxweynaha Puntland intaas kudaray in ay dawlada Puntland ku adkaysatay kana noqonaynin go’aankii ay qaadatay,wuxuuna mahadcelin balaaran u jeediyey shucuubta Puntland ee dal & dibadba joogta oo si isku mid ah u taageertay go’aanka xukuumadiisu ay qaadatay,waxaana uu sheegey intani ay muujinayso isku xirnaanshaha shacabka & dawlada. Cabdiqani Xayir Allpuntland

Puntland shuns Somali government 18 Jan 18, 2011 - 12:54:21 PM Autonomous region says it is breaking away from the federation until 'legitimate' one is put in place. The autonomous region of Puntland in Somalia has announced that it will break with the federal government based in the embattled capital, Mogadishu. After a special meeting of Abdirahman Mohammed Farole's presidential cabinet on Sunday, the government issued a statement saying that the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) "does not represent Puntland in international forums" and that the United Nations Political Office for Somalia should "reconsider its position and support for the TFG at the expense of other Somali stakeholders." Puntland, unlike the breakaway region of Somaliland to the west, does not consider itself an independent country. Until now, it had supported the federal government, which is backed by the international community but has been greatly weakened by an ongoing war against rebels who are seeking its overthrow. The statement, read by Daud Mohamed Omar, the planning and international cooperation minister, criticised the Mogadishu government for its "unwillingness to actively support federalism for Somalia in violation of the TFG charter," according to a report by Radio Garowe, a community radio station based in Garowe, the Puntland capital. Losing Puntland is a blow to the government in Mogadishu, which is led by 45-year-old president Sharif Ahmed and exerts very little control over Somalia, relying on military support from Western governments, such as the United States, to keep rebels from the Al-Shebab movement from overrunning the capital. Al-Shebab has declared that it is fighting to overthrow the federal government and institute sharia, Islamic law. Miffed In its statement on Sunday, the Puntland government complained that Ahmed had left it out of the recent UN-led Djibouti Peace Process, which laid out the terms of cooperation between the federal government and other groups within Somalia. "Puntland shall not cooperate with the TFG until a legitimate and representative federal government is established and agreed upon by the legitimate stakeholders in Somalia," the statement said, adding that Puntland also opposed any extension in the TFG's authority, which is set to expire this year. Puntland is regarded as one of the most stable areas inside Somalia. Many people displaced from the southern parts of the country have moved to Boosaaso, a major port on its north coast. Puntland also recently organised and hosted a national football tournament, the first of its kind in Somalia in 23 years. Source: Al-jazeera

Somalia: Intellectual dishonesty of the Somali prime minister 23 Jan 23, 2011 - 4:02:55 AM By: Liban Ahmad The BBC Somali Service interview with the Somali Prime Minister, Mohamed Abdi Mohamed (Raiisul Wasaaraha oo ka hadlay go'aankii Puntland) was a poor prime ministerial response to Puntland’s decision to stop working in partnership with the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia although the BBC let him off the hook by not asking his reaction to Puntland’s stance against renewing the TFG mandate beyond August 2011. The prime minister cited the reconciliation efforts that members of his cabinet undertook in Mudug region last year where members of two neighboring sub-clans clashed. “No one has ever conducted such reconciliation before”, he told the BBC Somali Service. In 1993 former TFG president Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed (then head of emergencies in Mudug and Nugaal and Bari regions) and the late warlord General Mohamed Farah Aideed signed an agreement to which Puntland and Galmudug administrations are still committed. Mr Mohamed said he had not listened to the news about Puntland communiqué against extending the TFG mandate “but if it is true , it is unfortunate. It empowers Ahmed Godane [ Emir of Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen] and foreign jihadists.” Mr Mohamed likened Puntland to Al Shabaab supporters but this is hardly surprising. “ Puntland people are patriots who had a role in the Somali Youth League, ( the independence movement) and made their land peaceful” he said but in his U.S. Strategic Interest in Somalia: From Cold War Era to War on Terror, (2009) “ a thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the State University at Buffalo in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Department of American Studies”, he put forward the following baseless argument: “In the South, the Italian colony found similar willingness in two loyal tribes: the ********** of the ****** clan and the Mudulod, sub-clan of the ******. These two southern tribes helped the Italians without reservation. In return, Italian and British colonies enabled these clans to claim some superiority over the other clans in terms of wealth, scholarship for their children in London and Rome, and future government influence in the (sic) post-colonial era.” Asked abut Somaliland’s search for secession, he said it was not appropriate to refer to “past colonial hegemony” to justify secession. Mr Mohamed has praised ‘Somaliland’ people for their achievements. However, his portrayal of one of the Somali clans in ex-British Somaliland in his thesis makes him the wrong person to preach Somalis against secession. Another quote from the prime minister’s 2009 thesis with relevance to ‘Somaliland’ is this: “Most importantly, when European imperialist decided to give up their colonies in Somalia, they rewarded top leadership positions to the tribes and individuals closest to them. For instance, in the Northern colony of British Somaliland, the ***** tribe was awarded virtually all of the best jobs for its collaboration with the imperialists.” It is not only Somali warlords who divide Somali clans ; many Somali ‘intellectuals’ like prime minister Mohamed, have written either lies about Somalia or justified victimising Somali clans. The Holy Koran1 cautions the learned against intellectual dishonesty: “ Do you enjoin right conduct on the people, and forget (to practice it) yourselves, and yet you study the Scripture? Will you not understand? 02:44 (Surat al Baqarah; verse 44). Somalia’s Prime Minister, Mohamed A. Mohamed, had better pluck the courage to address his inconsistencies and intellectual dishonesty before discussing the merits of unity and governance for divided Somalis. By: Liban Ahmad Libahm@gmail.com

Somalia: Intellectual dishonesty of the Somali prime minister 23 Jan 23, 2011 - 4:02:55 AM By: Liban Ahmad The BBC Somali Service interview with the Somali Prime Minister, Mohamed Abdi Mohamed (Raiisul Wasaaraha oo ka hadlay go'aankii Puntland) was a poor prime ministerial response to Puntland’s decision to stop working in partnership with the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia although the BBC let him off the hook by not asking his reaction to Puntland’s stance against renewing the TFG mandate beyond August 2011. The prime minister cited the reconciliation efforts that members of his cabinet undertook in Mudug region last year where members of two neighboring sub-clans clashed. “No one has ever conducted such reconciliation before”, he told the BBC Somali Service. In 1993 former TFG president Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed (then head of emergencies in Mudug and Nugaal and Bari regions) and the late warlord General Mohamed Farah Aideed signed an agreement to which Puntland and Galmudug administrations are still committed. Mr Mohamed said he had not listened to the news about Puntland communiqué against extending the TFG mandate “but if it is true , it is unfortunate. It empowers Ahmed Godane [ Emir of Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen] and foreign jihadists.” Mr Mohamed likened Puntland to Al Shabaab supporters but this is hardly surprising. “ Puntland people are patriots who had a role in the Somali Youth League, ( the independence movement) and made their land peaceful” he said but in his U.S. Strategic Interest in Somalia: From Cold War Era to War on Terror, (2009) “ a thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the State University at Buffalo in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Department of American Studies”, he put forward the following baseless argument: “In the South, the Italian colony found similar willingness in two loyal tribes: the ********** of the ****** clan and the Mudulod, sub-clan of the ******. These two southern tribes helped the Italians without reservation. In return, Italian and British colonies enabled these clans to claim some superiority over the other clans in terms of wealth, scholarship for their children in London and Rome, and future government influence in the (sic) post-colonial era.” Asked abut Somaliland’s search for secession, he said it was not appropriate to refer to “past colonial hegemony” to justify secession. Mr Mohamed has praised ‘Somaliland’ people for their achievements. However, his portrayal of one of the Somali clans in ex-British Somaliland in his thesis makes him the wrong person to preach Somalis against secession. Another quote from the prime minister’s 2009 thesis with relevance to ‘Somaliland’ is this: “Most importantly, when European imperialist decided to give up their colonies in Somalia, they rewarded top leadership positions to the tribes and individuals closest to them. For instance, in the Northern colony of British Somaliland, the ***** tribe was awarded virtually all of the best jobs for its collaboration with the imperialists.” It is not only Somali warlords who divide Somali clans ; many Somali ‘intellectuals’ like prime minister Mohamed, have written either lies about Somalia or justified victimising Somali clans. The Holy Koran1 cautions the learned against intellectual dishonesty: “ Do you enjoin right conduct on the people, and forget (to practice it) yourselves, and yet you study the Scripture? Will you not understand? 02:44 (Surat al Baqarah; verse 44). Somalia’s Prime Minister, Mohamed A. Mohamed, had better pluck the courage to address his inconsistencies and intellectual dishonesty before discussing the merits of unity and governance for divided Somalis. By: Liban Ahmad Libahm@gmail.com Liban Ahmad is the editor of Somalia Research Report

Somalia: Puntland bans TFG officials, dispute escalates 22 Jan 22, 2011 - 1:38:52 PM A political dispute between Somalia's weak Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and the state government of Puntland in northern Somalia escalated Saturday after Puntland banned TFG officials from visiting the peaceful state, Radio Garowe reports. Puntland's deputy interior minister, Mr. Ali "Gaab" Yusuf, told reporters in the Puntland capital of Garowe that the Council of Ministers has voted in favor of banning TFG officials from Puntland. "We have informed all government departments including airports that TFG officials cannot set foot inside Puntland," Minister Ali Gaab said. The press statement comes a week after Puntland's government declared that it had stopped cooperation with the TFG, which is battling an insurgency in Mogadishu with the support of African Union peacekeepers (AMISOM). Puntland, located in northeastern Somalia, has been the TFG's main domestic backer since the latter was established in 2004 at the conclusion of a two-year peace process in Kenya. TFG officials have not responded to Puntland's latest move. But Prime Minister Mohamed Ali Farmajo said during an interview that the people of Puntland "do not share" the Puntland government's views on the TFG. Prime Minster Farmajo's comments sparked protests across Puntland's major towns, including Bossaso, Qardo, Garowe and Galkayo. Protestors condemned the TFG Prime Minister's comments and supported the Puntland government’s position. Puntland President Abdirahman Farole returned home Friday from a two-day working trip to Djibouti, where he held meetings with international community representatives, including the UN Special Envoy to Somalia, Amb. Augustine Mahiga.

^^^The fact remains brother, that NW Somalia is still part of the republic. There is no country called, Somaliland..

^^^Your lack of understanding is gothic. Siilanyu himself was a servent of Siyad Barre. The secessionist argument does not hold. To compare it to South Sudan is just another dishonest view point. The only problem is that you are laying to yourslef.

The secessionist dont even know whats going on in Juba.

^^^What have they liberated? SNM won the war only for Riyaale to humiliate them for a decade and get rich over the poor taxes of old ladies in poor Hargaysa? Your delusional, the most successful men in Hargaysa politics over the past 20 years where Siyad Barre lackeys, and anti SNM individuals. Like Egaal, Riyaale, Ducaale [cawil] all became milionairs while the poor clan consripts are rotting in Gheto's. SNM won what war? A generation have been left poor, destitute and living high on Qad, much like their fellow Somali's everywhere in the republic. Again, how do you compare, the clan nonsense in Hargaysa, to the landmark historic event taking place in Juba?

^^^lol, so the problem is not unique in NW Somalia, you just made the point for the unionist. Its ironic that whats happening in Sudan today and the problems it will cause, will put an end to the dreams of many secessionists in the continent. Forget about NW Somalia breaking away, the Igbo, Oromo, Yuruba, Kukuyu and many powerful tribes of Africa can not become nations, how will the reer Traingle of Somalia become one.