HJ has never lost a tribal territory to an enemy clan in their entire history as they have taken cayanbo and haven taken gar adag the garaad clan have never pushed the hj around through the history. but it was always the ohter way around if they want war or dont war , war is one way or the other coming they are the one begging for the SL army not to be allowed in hj land to attack the garaad clan. What countrymen are u talking about didnt they say they are no longer part of Somaliland how are they country men then

This is more accurate tribal demographics of Somaliland republic

war is going to happen one way or the other ha sugi wayin by the way caada and jidali isn the garaad clan tribal territory lasasurad and waqdariya are also Gadhweyn territories . it isnt their tribal homelands qarxis south of it is also ciise riyoole territory galgal in hawd buhoodle district is also habar love territory

ssc wa sool iyo sanaag cayn is togdheer Somaliland owns all these 3 regions and sits in alll of these 3 regions and controlls all of them with the exception of laasqoray district laascanood and taleex districts out of SL control at the moment but will be back again.. why else do u think ina bixii is stockpiling arms and sending more troops around oog . Do u think he is doing that for Military excirses the mother of all wars is coming soon

Washington’s “One Somalia” Delusion Writing in this forum, Tibor P. Nagy, Jr. and Joshua Meservey made an eloquent case for why the agreement granting Ethiopia—the world’s most populous landlocked country—naval access on Somaliland’s 740-kilometer coastline “has the potential to benefit the entire Horn of Africa region, Egypt, and the security of the Red Sea.” If such is the case, why are some of the harshest criticisms of the deal coming from the U.S. government, with National Security Council director of strategic communications John Kirby describing the White House as “troubled” by it? The Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs also reiterated the State Department’s support for “Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.” Alas, the case is another example of the foreign policy bureaucracy entrenching policy that is not only decidedly not in America’s interests but also appears hopelessly detached from any political realism. Realpolitik must start with the facts. Somaliland was a British Protectorate that became independent on June 26, 1960 and received immediate recognition from three dozen states, including a congratulatory message from U.S. Secretary of State Christian Herter. Five days later, the former Italian colony-cum-trust territory of Somalia received independence, and the two newly independent countries attempted a union that was so botched that it might have qualified for farce if the subsequent human toll had not made it tragic. As even the African Union Commission has acknowledged on two separate occasions, “The fact that the union between Somaliland and Somalia was never ratified and also malfunctioned when it went into action from 1960 to 1990 makes Somaliland’s search for recognition historically unique and self-justified in African political history. Objectively viewed, the case should not be linked to ‘opening a pandora’s box’” [italics in the original]. Since the de facto breakup between Somaliland and Somalia more than three decades ago, the two have gone along very different paths. Somaliland has largely succeeded in maintaining peace and security in its claimed territory and establishing a stable government based on one-person-one-vote elections. Unusual for the region, Somaliland’s incumbent presidents have been defeated at the polls, and the political opposition now holds the majority of seats in the legislature. Somalia, on the other hand, has undergone extended periods where its territory has been a haven for pirates and terrorists. Its so-called government can best be described as coopted, and the last election even approximating a “free and fair” contest with universal suffrage took place in 1969. Given this context, there is no scenario remotely moored to reality under which the 5.7 million people in Somaliland—the majority of whom were born after Somaliland proclaimed its renewed independence in 1991 and have never lived under the “administration” of Somalia—would conceivably opt for a new union. Mogadishu’s claim to legitimacy could only be brought about by force, unleashing the conflict and bloodshed critics of the Ethiopia-Somaliland deal wish to avoid. In fact, between the collapse of the Siad Barre dictatorship in early 1991 and the second term of the Obama administration, the United States did not recognize any government of Somalia until 2013. In 2010, a brief before the U.S. Supreme Court by then-Solicitor General Elena Kagan even went as far as to specify that while the United States supported “the efforts of the TFG [Transitional Federal Government] to establish a viable central government,” it “does not recognize the TFG as the sovereign government of Somalia.” Although the legal brief did not delve into detail, there were well-grounded strategic and international legal reasons for the United States’ position. First, sovereignty carries with it not only rights but also obligations, many of which, notwithstanding the Obama administration’s 2013 facile recognition, the unelected regime in Mogadishu still struggles to meet in any meaningful sense. The Chief of the General Staff of the Ethiopian National Defense Forces, Field Marshal Berhanu Jula, underscored this point in an Addis Standard interview: “the Ethiopian military controls around 60 percent of Somalia’s land mass,” enabling the so-called government to stay in Mogadishu, and that “if the Ethiopian Army were to withdraw, [he] doubted that the federal government would remain.” bureaucracy’s dogged insistence on “one Somalia” when such an entity has not existed for more than three decades—a period now longer than the unhappy cohabitation between the former British Somaliland and Italian Somalia. Unfortunately, in the real world—where terrorism, conflict, and famine loom large over the Horn of Africa—such fantasies exact an all-too-heavy toll. Ambassador J. Peter Pham, a Distinguished Fellow at the Atlantic Council and a Senior Advisor at the Krach Institute for Tech Diplomacy, is a former U.S. Special Envoy for the Sahel and Great Lakes Regions of Africa. The National interest

Do you think the war is over

if u really think SL is just going to sit there and let the khatumu militia roam there freeily haku riyoon taas

not at all thats just excuses the pirats used that cabdilahi yusufs shiftted his attention on Mogadishu the garowe administration was in decline and hence why the the garaad clan switced to Somaliland in particular the two main subclans of laascanood the 3rd still remained with PL . Now how to move forwards it is impossible for half of sool to be a federalstate the issue is either join puntland or Somaliland there is no 3rd option and now they seem to be on the side of Puntland lets see how that goes how ever Somaliland will not stop taking back this land whether it is diplomatically or miliitarly

Muuse biixi invited by the sheikh of Abu Dhabi lets see how that goes

70 is not much the rest are bigger they just got one clan and 9 extra people they are missing 70 percent of the parliament

i try to make sense of it so do any of the koonfurian lads know what is this all about maxa la isku haysta ,, i tried to listen to gaylan media laakin isna ma sheegin waxa la isku haysta only dastuur badalin bu wadda hassan laakin waxala badalayo iyo sababta mamuul goboleedadu uu diidanyihin lama oga taas na

anigu mala waxan u malaynaya inu naag meesha ku qabo asmara with in two months labba goor bu tagay , afewerqi tallow muxu u sheegey .. i heard that hassan sheikh visited in his two year term twice as many countries as adan cadde in his 7 years reign haha

So what does the new constitution say and what part is garowe against and What is article four in puntland consitution

Ofcourse it would ,it’s not fake if abiye recognised sl. It’s a grand Mile stone somaliland achieved no president in sl existence managed to get recognition so it’s not fake. . Closing the border Somaliland has with Somalia is also very important . Who said anything about war there wasn’t a war when somaliland took over laascanood from puntland re taking laascanood doesn’t necessarily mean war there are means to get there . war is only a last resort ÏF muse doesn’t bring any of those two elements before elections happens then for sure ciiro will be the next president

For Somaliland a decentralized system would be great i agree that is better instead of having every other thing in Hargeisa.. Ciiro is likely to win if everything goes as plan unless biixi finds a way to recapture laacanood and bring aqoonsi in the next few months i dont see how his popularity can go up .. But we need to be sure if elections are going to happen. But sida saxda ah ciiro ba ku leh inu noqoda madaxweynaha cusub

i think hassan ulusow emeiraat jabuuti ereteria ayuu ugu tegitaan badanyahay ereteriya mala naag bu ku qaba ban is yidhi mala xabashiyad yar ba u joogta

and she is also waxay shaqaaliisay allot of her people at the Foreign ministry of the bunker and took allot of Money so i think she is there for her self and nobody else she wants to make a career i believe she also believes in the Aqoonsi of Somaliland. even more when Ciiro becomes president end of this year

having said that i do also believe fawzia is also a believer in Somaliland deep inside i cant believe with my mind that she a daughter of hargeisa wants Mogadishu to rule Hargeisa see in her mind sees the two as different , so i dont think she would be a bad pick . she made allot of remakrs that indicate this even during the times she was the Foreign Minsiter of the Bunker

well maybe because raile odinga is a firm believer in the quest of statehood of Somaliland and they believe he will adress the SL issue in the African union so it isnt odd to support him.

Somalia and Kenya vie for African Union leadership in upcoming 2025 Elections Sunday March 17, 2024 Mogadishu (HOL) — Somalia and Kenya are poised for a significant showdown in the upcoming African Union Council Committee elections, which are slated for February 2025. In these elections, they will compete for the organization's top learship positions. advertisements The nations are competing for top leadership positions, with Somalia's Fawsiya Yusuf Haji Aden and Kenya's Raila Odinga representing their respective countries. This competition underscores the growing influence and stakes within the African Union. The leadership contest was a primary focus at the 22nd meeting of the Executive Council of the African Union, hosted at the headquarters in Addis Ababa. Notable attendees included Abdullahi Mohamed Warfa, the Federal Government of Somalia's Ambassador to Ethiopia, reflecting the high-level engagement and interest in the election outcomes. During the meeting, Mohamed Salem Ould, Mauritania's Foreign Affairs Minister and Chair of the African Union Executive Committee, detailed the preparations for the forthcoming election. His comprehensive report shed light on the procedural aspects and the significance of selecting the Union's next top officials. In a pivotal address, Ambassador Warfa articulated the Somali government's aspirations and commitment to the African Union's leadership and goals. His speech highlighted Somalia's readiness to participate actively in the Union's initiatives, signalling a proactive stance in regional politics. The upcoming elections, pivotal for setting the African Union's direction for the next four years, underscore the strategic importance of the leadership roles. With Somalia and Kenya at the forefront, the electoral outcome is expected to significantly influence the African Union's future initiatives and priorities.

For a 3rd time

Jamaal ali Hussein has a bright future and he is one of the few people that I hold dear that would do good for somaliland for I believe he needs more shrewdness I mean the guy was tricked by faisal ali hiyena and he took money from him . I was actually expecting him to open up his own party or rebrand the party of udub again the party of his late uncle ina cigaal raximuhullah. I think he is watching the scene I think after ciiro becomes president he stands a good chance to run . I am hearing he so close to professor samatar they seem to get along allot share allot of ideas . I think jamaal and the young mayor of hargeisa are the future of SL leaders

according to gaylan media Ethiopia is getting cold feet on the recognition of Somaliland , there for the Somaliland republic made it clear no bad or naval base with out recognition. Ethiopia suggested then that they will equally treat Somaliland the same way it treats the federal goverment in order in ay qanciso SL and also help Somaliland reclaim some of it lost land . How ever that isnt good enough on the SL part there for according to gaylan media the Ethioopians said they are going to sign the deal with the bunker now how that is going work i dont culusow wu sexeexi for sure to spite SL and the Ethiopians know we willl not accept ever a Somalia signature to deal for us thats why they want to exert some pressure on Somaliland to accept their offer according to gaylan media Biixi is going to accept it just to defy the bunker i dont think he can he could do it though and wouldnt be blamed how ever it would be a bad legacy for Somaliland aqoonsi is worth more then anything lesser then that it is not worth renting out ur land to the Ethiopians . and he to knows he cant sell it there for it isnt going to fly halkaasay marka ku dhamaatay , unless some one concedes or shows some balls, From either side

what about jamaal