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  1. My point stands: Puntland is part and parcel of the federal system; did that make it prosper more than Somaliland? Its a very clear point.
  2. Very weak logic. Puntland has a deal with Mogadishu, are they doing better than Somaliland? Sometimes I wonder, do Somalilanders with such weak disposition lack intellect, vision... or both? We in Somaliland have so much to work on, from corruptions to tribalism to management of resources... you name it. But a deal with Mogadishu will never be the answer. Have some self-respect, Somaliland is one of the five Somali regions, the first independent Somali state, you would not seek anything from Mogadishu more than you would Djibouti, Jigjiga or Garissa. You are on equal footing with the four other Somali regions, not a renegade part of one of them. For anyone delusional enough to imagine a deal with Mogadishu being the answer, I reiterate.. look at Puntland. You're almost as delusional looking towards Mogadishu for your solutions as Mogadishans are when they look towards AMISOM/UN/Ethiopia for their solutions.
  3. Being a minority has nothing to do with land, you are a minority in Somaliland, and you are also a minority in Djibouti and Jigjiga. In all three polities you must know your place as a minority and be good citizens. If you were confident you would not have all this pent up ciil in your old age. You actually lack confidence in your numbers which is why you are making such backwards demands like tribal power sharing... in the year 2019. Of course we want to play ball with other Somalis, but on our own terms, as an sovereign state. In 1960 it was us who dragged you into the union, we had an idea of how it would work out. That did not materialise unfortunately, which is why we left, and took you with us. You see, you had no choice in joining the union in the first place, and today you have no choice in leaving said union. You being upset about the documentation of war crimes is understandable, after all, you participated in them as Afweyne's tools, and documentation of these atrocities sheds light on your disgusting role which bothers you. I get it. Documentation will continue, and you can do nothing to stop it sxb. You've been saying this for a long time, it will never happen, your fate as a minority will forever be tied to that of the majority community Another lie, old man have you no shame? Awdal gets more political representation per capita than any other region, we can prove this by looking at population figures and no. of voters. With regards to development, you also get more than your fair share. More people live in Hargeisa than all of your Awdal, so prioritising based on population mass is entirely understandable, obviously not for ciil-filled individual such as yourself.
  4. Waar dadka ka xishood oo beenta aad maalin walba lasoo taagantahay jooji. War will never be good for you. You are abusing the kindness and grace shown to you by the majority community. There will be no rebellion in Awdal, you already get more than your actual numbers would allow, be it in political representation or development. Kiina iswaalana dee sida dhadhaanka Wabar labaxay buu perpetual refugee noqon. As a minority, you need to learn to behave, otherwise you will attract too much unwanted attention by the big boys.
  5. Geesinimo majirto oo waxaad ka garaneysaa beentuu meesha maalin walba ku soo afuufo (someone told me). Odayga ciil baa hayee laakin duruuftaa ku khasabtey hadalka inuu sidaas udhigo
  6. Another lie, old man do you not have any shame in making up these lies? The people you mention are a minority in Wajaale and Gabiley, and yet they got their fair share of representation. They will not get a single extra seat that they do not deserve. Inay baryaan qolooyinkey isku deegaan yihiin mooyee, xoog iyo xabad waxba kuma qaadi karaan. This is a symptom of a larger disease that Awdal folk suffer from. It is the same reason why they keep demanding backwards tribal power sharing arrangements when Somaliland has moved on from tribal quotas. In all previous censuses/elections they made up around 14% of the population, and despite receiving more than that in representation they continue to cry, hoping to garner sympathies of the majority clan. It will not happen. Weliba aan idinku bushaareeyee your lock on the VP position will go away soon too, time to behave yourselves and be happy with your lot.
  7. The more important question is, why are you so sensitive about the mention of your eedo, Aamina Boqor? She has done so much good work for beesha, why did your tone changed as soon as she was brought up? Dont be ashamed of your history, or it will always be used against you.
  8. Dee been baash sheegtey. Waa lagaa xishooniyaa mooyaan ee meesha waxaad lasoo fadhiisato waa lawada ogyahay. I have provided concrete citations for every statement I have made. You did not present any evidence supporting your propaganda. You then tried to claim my sources are have been tampered with, and I provided links to the King Saud University Collection who holds the manuscript of Futuh Al Habash to confirm it has not been touched. If you were brought up on lies, about time you realised the truth and stopped claiming history that is not yours. Have some decency and be content with your own history. Unless you have better sources than "someone told me when I was a child", you have no case here. Lastly, your community was not even mentioned once in the original Futuh Al Habash text, this is well documented: Just you live in close proximity to Zeila today does not mean you always lived there. There is no documented historical evidence of your participation in Adal wars.
  9. You have been bringing up a lot more dead people, only fair for your eedo and her, erm, husband, to be part of this discussion. She has done great service to beesha, you should be proud of her
  10. Your tone changed as soon as I mentioned eedo Aamina Boqor and your adeero Douglas Collin. Hit a nerve miyaa?
  11. Odey Galbeedi, horta dhareerka iska masax. You are lying, and you know it. This time there are no "secret sources" to whisper in your ears, at least your mental faculties have not deteriorated to the point where you claim that a well placed source within the Adal warring factions informed you of the identity of Ahmed Gurey. You have nothing beside your poorly-written lies and half-truths. Absolutely no shame to be passing lies at your age without a single source to back them up, horta miyaanaad xishooneyn? You tried to claim that the sources listed above are "copy-pasted" and "falsified". Been baad sheegtey mar kale. The Arabic manuscript source is straight from the records of King Saud University Collections. The manuscript preserved in King Saud University Collections: And before you make another ridiculous claim, here is the exact page quoted above. You can click on the link which will take you directly to King Saud University's Collection page and right to the manuscript page quoted above which you can view and verify not to be tampered with by me. The other sources are widely available scholarly books, and I can also provide page numbers that you can verify personally. This is how you provide sources. Claiming anything that does not align with your clan-based propaganda to be lies is easy, but you can not wish away real history documented in English, French, and even Arabic (I have provided sources in all these languages). Substantiating your claims is something you've never done on these forums, you lie and then giggle and evade providing any concrete academic sources. Dont let me catch you making up lies again.
  12. You need not worry about matters such as Ahmed Gurey, for you are not part of this discussion. Do tell us when they build a statue for Amina Boqor and your seedi, mudane Douglas Collin.
  13. Old man, is this another thing your "secret sources" whispered in your ears? Never before have I seen anyone cram so much ignorance in his comments so effortlessly, you do have a talent. Back to reality, historically speaking there were two leaders named Ahmed that over the course of hundreds of years got amalgamated into a single heroic figure in Somali psyche; those were Imam Ahmed, a non-Somali walashma and Emir of muslims, and Ahmed Gurey, the leader of one of the most important factions during the Adal wars. With regards to Ahmed Gurey and his identity, the books are very clear about it, he belonged to the Duriya community. This is widely known amongst Somalis, which is why I find it bizarre for you to desperately stake your claim of him. And unlike your laughable "someone whispered into my ears" fantasies, I will provide the actual sources for what I state: And if you are not satisfied, here is the original Futuh Al Habash text, clearly stating Ahmed Gurey's "Duriyadnimo": The important role played by Duriyada community under leadership of their clansman Ahmed Gurey is widely available in academic research: You have no case old man. Trying to claim other people is beneath you as a Somali, be content with who your community produced, you can not claim other people's history, no matter how hard you try.
  14. The annual U.N. General Assembly is an orgy of symbolism. Who meets whom on the sidelines? Who tried but failed to secure a meeting with the U.S. president? Who walks out of whose speech? Whom do security officers intercept when they try to exceed the permissions of their visa? But there’s a second chapter to the diplomatic saga: Who continues on to Washington? What they do there matters. Some go to the White House, others to Congress, and still others hold meetings with their respective diasporas. President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, or Farmajo as he is known to his Somali constituents, visited Washington, D.C., to formally open the Somali embassy. Farmajo was once the State Department’s great hope for Somalia. Long a refugee in the United States, he acquired American citizenship and even worked in various local government posts in Buffalo, New York, before returning to Somalia to become president. The State Department sent Donald Yamamoto, one of its highest ranking Africanists, to head the U.S. mission in Mogadishu. Yamamoto, in turn, promised Somalia almost a billion dollars in aid, although that number has shrunk considerably because of Farmajo’s ineffectiveness against (if not participation in) endemic corruption and a host of unanswered questions about his governance and priorities. U.S. priorities in the Horn of Africa are promoting peace and stability, countering terrorism, and preventing Chinese inroads. On the latter two counts, Farmajo has already become a liability. He has sold Somali waters to Chinese interests, for example, undercutting Somali fishing and aiding a revival of piracy. In recent months, he has appeared to endorse terrorism as a policy tool against neighboring states. His visit to Washington should now end any question about whether the Farmajo regime deserves U.S. support. Less than six months ago, the revelation that an Uber and Lyft driver in the Washington, D.C., area was a confirmed war criminal made international headlines. At the time, numerous Somalis testified that the driver, Yusuf Abdi Ali (better known as Colonel Tukeh), had directed torture and gruesome executions of prisoners during the 1980s. In one case, he had tied prisoners to a tree, doused them with oil, and lit them on fire. In another case, he tied a prisoner to a military vehicle and dragged him to his death. The cases were well documented, and so when Abdi Ali was found living in Canada, the Canadian government deported him. He later entered the U.S. and found work as an airport screener until he was recognized. Ultimately, after a long legal battle, the Federal Court in Alexandria, Virginia, found Abdi Ali guilty and fined him $500,000 in the case of Farhan Tani Warfaa, a Somali whom Abdi Ali had tortured and shot five times while Warfaa was a teenager. Human rights activists and Somalia watchers were shocked, therefore, not only to see Abdi Ali attending the opening of the new Somali embassy in Washington, but also to pose for pictures with Farmajo. Politicians might get a pass when asked to pose by well-wishers whom they do not know. But in this case, Abdi Ali appeared to be working for Farmajo, setting the security perimeter. No diplomatic smoke and mirrors can obfuscate Farmajo’s behavior. He is seeking to appeal to the worst elements of his clan rather than promoting reconciliation. In Somaliland especially, where the bulk of former dictator Siad Barre’s genocide against the Isaaq clan occurred, the wounds are still fresh and mass graves still uncovered. Yamamoto’s strategy has effectively been one of bribery: Flood Mogadishu with aid and allow Farmajo to use it to grease patronage to unite Somalia. The strategy has not worked, however, and instead has worsened corruption, undercut development by distorting salaries, and undermines stability in Somaliland and the southern Jubbaland state, as well as other portions of Somalia that have also seen modest stabilization and success. Even before Farmajo’s Washington trip, there were ample grounds for the State Department or Congress to review Somalia policy. For a leader such as Farmajo to pose with a war criminal should be grounds for automatic cessation of support. Somalia cannot recover with Farmajo in power. Both Somalis and American taxpayers deserve better.