Dear Bari_Nomad – I thank you for the sharp and shrewd observation. As much as I aspire to the formation of a confederate states of Somalia, binding intimately all lands inhabited by Somalis, the actuality of the present is the existence of regions which aspire to formulate a separate entity with neither legal nor institutional ties, but perhaps economic and societal for the natural benefits, with the rest as is the case for the 3 regions that make up present day Somaliland. If it is the will and desire of the populace in the said regions or any other, like the case might be for Puntland should the current peace process in Kenya is to fail, I would consider such a break-off as a provisional resolution. My concerns, pragmatic rather than quixotic, are not as to why, but how? Viability and sustainability are core to that rationale. Whilst I hardly consider the collective unison voices advocating for all Somali territories as being sacred for no such thing does exist unless written somewhere in the old book (furqan), I am a duly proponent of a federal states for the synergic benefits of federal concord far outweigh separate entities with limited intrinsic resources if any. Case in point is Djibouti. Somalia played a major role in its independence, upon attaining that their wishes to go separate were honoured. And the worse thing that ever happened to Djibouti had been the collapse of the Somali state. Perhaps a few could recall how dependent Djibouti is and had been to the old republic. An honest conversation with the Somalis from the Somali state of Ethiopia, or NFD would provide the stark anguish felt and affliction endured by Somalis of these regions as a result of the collapse of the old republic. From such conversations, a true sense of and portrayal of what constitutes being Somali could be conjured up. Tragic as it might appear, Somalis of the old republic do not quite seem to have absorbed as to the gravity and excruciating painful lessons inherited as a result. Do I wish to see another Somali region(s) under similar dire destitution, indigence and starved of resources. Not quite. But then again that is my desire. Not the wishes of the proponents of secession and separation. Who is anyone to say otherwise if the object of their desire is to go it alone? You will note that never would I advocate for the restoration of a government similar in any shape or form to that of the military regime for such would a crime against humanity, and I have no intention of making an appearance alongside Milosovic in the Hague. Conversely, it is present day Somaliland that is being in that category, but if, and I know it is hypothetical at this stage (but then again in 1993 when the case for Puntland was tabled, I recall some staunch opposition including hard core present day hardliners), Puntland was to follow suit, what would be the stance of Somalis of Puntland? Valid question, one might say? How about the Southwest (RRA Riviera)? We must be able to distinguish between the desire and the actuality. And we must be honest in our rationale and analysis. By the way, I quite like the Bari Geeljire nickname, somehow there seem to be a contradiction as Bari had not been known to have had Geel but Kalluun. Then Bari Kalluun does not quite have the same ring to it as Bari Geeljire. Interesting pun to share, eh! Forgive me if you do not see the humour side of it mate. Cheers.

New-nation – circumstantial my man – well we could debate that all day long, but let us leave it there for the moment. I also could not dispute there to have been other though relatively secondary causes and effects - more than one of course - as you pointed out; however, theirs was an irrefutable primary one. As for the historical occurrences and involvement of the Arte TNG, I earnestly have absolutely different accounts of how events proceeded in Somaliland, in Puntland and also in the RRA Riviera. Then, perhaps that also points back to the original case. I must admit with no holds barred that I could not care less for the individuals, it be A/Qassim or any other. Perhaps the day that we could debate institutions, policies, systems, frameworks of sorts and governmental strategies shall beckon. Or even the day that Somalis of all genre could discuss clan politics fairly and objectively. Until then, let the rogues of Arte and remnants of the military regime stroll out and about with what little is left of the handouts from the Gulf states. Best of luck, Cheers.

So you consider the humanitarian mission of which intent was to rescue the walking skeletons in Baidoa and southern regions gone awry and turned into one-man hunt a victory. How unfortunate! Besides, that was not Somalia, but Aideed and his fellow clan supporters in dismal and frenzy daze and state of confusion run amok in Banadir (not representational of Somalia unless you are about to have an Einstein moment and come up with a new definition of what “Somalinimo” entails). Nonetheless, enjoy your feel of pride and proud in your freshly defined Somalinimo. And be careful what you wish for and whom you pick a fight with - us Britons do not take it kindly for being ridiculed. Cheers.

Nin-Yaaban, Before you self-congratulate yourself my brother, may I ask as to when Somalia kicked America out?

New-Nation, Thank you for the response. Sure, I do believe the said individuals could and DID indeed instigate “…do you bro samurie honestly beleif that ali khalif, hassan abshir, jama kaluun, deerow and the other can cause such a large and sophisticated network of wars?” atrocities vicariously through enticing and capitalising on the good old sentiment of clan politics in Somalia. How, you may ask? When Hassan Abshir, Dr Ghalydh, A/Qassim, Kaluun, Deerow, or any other member of the Arte TNG go on the devil’s mouthpiece at the Bush House in full alluring and in rhetorical mode whilst holed up in a parsimonious, flea-ridden hostels in Mogadishu and play with the peoples’ emotions speaking of hefty opportunities and empty promises, whom do you reckon hears those words? Whose ears do you reckon are susceptible to their cries for support? Whose lives do you reckon get impacted? It is the ill-advised, Godless bandits. It is the average hapless youngsters with no future to look forward to in Mogadishu, Lascanod, Garowe, Burco and CeelBuur. It is the junior elders, produced by the late Barre’s regime so as to dilute the traditional social structure by way of discrediting the genuine Isims and Guurti most of whom mind you would have had no dealing with the regime, who were conducting the buying and selling on their behalf throughout. It is the junior lads and lasses in the Diaspora unemployable in their host nations with undergraduate education and experience of no kind to match, who in their hearts were convinced that they secure ministerial posts, thus could govern though theirs had never been tested. It is the beneficiaries of the military regime along with its remnants in moments of nostalgia that had flocked to the cries and were receptive to their pseudo-nationalistic twaddle. It was never to suggest that they [men of Arte debacle] themselves were doing the legwork, as they are too weathered for that, rather their pawns in the field. It is very much doubted if we would have seen much of the civil unrest and bloody encounters witnessed in the country, including the political crisis and bloody clashes in Qayaadsame & Dhuudo in Puntland, the detaining and house arrests of traditional leaders in Hargeysa which precipitated the split of Somaliland into two halves, the continuous warring factions in Baidoa, the marauding forces occupying Kismayo, had it not been for Arte TNG’s desperately wanting territories to govern and rogues to befriend. Never for a moment had I regarded any of these persons honourable, and whilst reading Al-Sharq-Al-Awsat, Al-Hayat or watching Al-Jazeera might have been a past time for them or appeared what they might have been doing on the outset, I am of the believe that A/Qassim and his nominal briefcase-carrying ministries played a considerable role in destabilising the country, bamboozling the populace, manipulating clan politics, squandered million of dollars donated in the name of Somalia, and worse of all still continue to do so. Did that shed any light on your query mate? Cheers.

New-Nation - I am afraid I am in agreement with Bari_Nomad that the only value that the Arte TNG added to the Somali equation was one of destabilisation of serene regions (Puntland to larger extent, and Somaliland to minor extent) by way of mendaciously deceiving traditional Isims and Guurti, bribing junior elders of the Barre era, squandering the total capitulation by the emotive outcry and desperate longing for a state by the Somali populace all over, Diaspora in particular, and the creation of further disharmony amongst people yearning for accord and harmony in southern regions – Kismayo being the worse of all. It would be a grave disservice to give A/Qassim credit for deeds that he could not master had he been given another life time: that of clever organisation and administration. Coalition building and goodwill direly required in precarious and tenuous situations are not principles in his repertoire or vernacular. His art is one of clan manipulation pitching clans against each other, barren rhetoric of nationalism which he himself does not believe in, and corruption of the worse kind (corrupting junior elders) – lessons learnt from the old hog, in other words Barre’s old modus operandi, NOT in the same league or calibre mind you. Arte was not about A/Qassim, rather a team of cleverly assorted rogues. In my humble observation and estimate Somalia was far worse off by the end of 2002 in terms of stability, economy, sense of direction and governance than it had been prior to the creation of the Arte TNG. I shall be willing to explore the aforementioned factors if need be. The biggest advantage reaped from the Arte debacle, however in my opinion was self-determination and reliance of own on the local level. Another lesson was that Barre’s remnants, creators of the mayhem and chaos, could never be trusted. Whilst most Somalis would hastily transfer the blame for the stateless, chaos and lack of government solely to the “warlords”, a term I rather dislike for its usage and definition, (the simplicity of the Somali people astonishes me to say the least as to how Yalaxow, Ato, Hiiraale, Finish, Xaabsade, Adam Madoobe and the likes could have contributed to the mayhem, social disintegration, civil destruction and the total collapse of state institutions when they simply inherited a cocked-up mess left behind by the likes of A/Qassim, Dr Ghalaydh, Hassan Abshir, Deerow and other remnants of Barre regime), culprits are glorified as saviours, hailed as statesmen, and recived as nationalists. A bloody messed up state of affairs and rationale of sort, if you ask me! Nonetheless, New-Nation, my brother, you seem, unless intentional on your part, to be minusculising the calamity and the tumultuous disenfranchising that these towrags not only had left behind, but are still wreaking havoc in the land. How does one explain that mate? I shall leave it there for the day, Until then so long! Does this seem a man who cares much of anything. Simply observe the ludicrousness of his terms and prerequisites: Cabdiqaasim ayaa shuruudihiisa cusub ee maanta waxaa ka mid ah: 1. In labadalo gudoomiyaha shirka dib u heshiisiinta Soomaaliyee Am: Pathuel Kiplagat. 2. In Ergayga Itoobya wakiilka uga ah shirka labadalo 3. In Axdiga dawladda federaalka ah dib loogu nooqdo. 4. In C/qaasin Soo magacaabo Ergada shirka ee labada garabba 5. In la joojiyo habka Federaalka. 6. In Somali land ay shirka ka soo qayb gasho . 7. In C/lla Deeroow I'saq iyo Xasanba shirka aysan ka qayb galin lagana saaro.

INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP REPORT ON SOMALILAND: AN ALTERNATIVE SOMALI RESPONSE Abdi I Samatar of U of M Ahmed I Samatar of Macalastar College Table of Contents I. Introduction II. On History and Memory III. Unification IV. Democracy, Leadership, and Politics of Corruption V. Declaration of Sovereignty VI. Collaboration with Military Dictatorship and Clanist Sentiments VII. Conclusion and Recommendations of the ICG Report VIII. Alternative Counsel for Northern Somalis IX. Democracy, Leadership, and Politics of Corruption I. Introduction The International Crisis Group's (ICG) most recent report on the Somali Republic deals with developments in the northern region (Somaliland). It narrates what the informed knew all along: (a) that peace has been restored in most of the North for the past decade while the rest of the country, particularly Mogadishu and the southern third, are mired in violence; (b) that some semblance of constitutional order and administrative structure is in place; © that most of the public refused to accept naked force as a political instrument to deal with political problems; and (d) that corruption is pervasive among the political elite. Conceptually, the ICG report is divided into three parts. First, it provides a brief review of Somali political history. Second, it sketches the evolution of the region since the collapse of the Somali government in 1991 and the declaration of the region's breakaway status from the rest of the country. Finally, it focuses on three elections organized in the last three years, in order to buttress the claim that the region deserves to be recognized as sovereign country. This information raises pivotal questions about the profile of the region as well as the fate of the Somali people. Together, these two points invite a timely, wide, and thoughtful debate among Somalis and others concerned. After serious cogitation upon the details of the document, we submit that the Report presents important points for the international community to come to the aid of the people of the region to consolidate their communal achievements—particularly in the areas of stability, economic advancement, and institutions building. However, the Report fails to clinch the argument for international recognition of a new sovereign Somaliland state in the Horn of Africa. The rest of this critical assessment elucidates this proposition. At first blush, it is important to register that we were born in and are of the northern region of the Somali Republic. Self-consciously anguished by the current circumstances, we are, therefore, cognizant of the obligations incumbent upon us with regard to the promotion of the well being of our communities, particularly Gabileh District. Moreover, as scholars, we have collectively dedicated 35 years to sympathetically understand the inner workings of Somali society, discern the great challenges of the age, and proffer possible remedies. That spirit and sense of belonging move us. Our strategic thinking, however, is informed by the profundity and appropriateness of this Somali adage: “Si xeego ay xeego u noqoto Ilkuhuna u nabad galaan” (roughly, Play and win fierce hockey yet protect the teeth!). Sadly, we are of the opinion that the ICG Report sketches a political history replete with errors, misinterpretation, omissions, and bedeviled by an untenable characterization of entire communities (all too negative or positive). In addition, it ends with recommendations that the Report's analysis does not sustain. To be sure, there are numerous possibilities for contestation, but, given the preliminary nature of our contribution, we limit our engagement to the following six categories2 History and memory Unification Democracy, Leadership, and Politics of Corruption Collaborators with Military Dictatorship/clanist sentiments Declaration of sovereignty A word on the Report’s conclusion We will end our position with alternative recommendations that at once enthusiastically accent the legitimate needs of the people of the region and preserve the promise of a civic future that Somalis of all regions could build together. II. On History and Memory A. The history of the Somali Republic and the region is complex, and, consequently, no brief document and one with a different focus should be expected to do justice to it. Nonetheless, there are important benchmarks that are unavoidable in any serious discussion. For instance, the ICG Report barely touches on the effects of colonialism and Ethiopian annexation of Somali inhabited areas. The first can be indicted at three moments: (a) destruction of Somali life and property during the twenty year Dervish resistance;3 (b) disregard of strong pan Somali sentiments during the WWII and, later, in the Northern Frontier District (NFD) of Kenya; and © deep social and economic deficit left in the British Protectorate,4 — this last point is critical to underscoring the dearth of human capital, one that will disadvantage the North in the ensuing competition for the highest posts on the morrow of postcolonial time. For Ethiopia, suffice to register the old and still continuing marginalization of Somali-inhabited areas (as admitted by the current government in Addis Ababa) and perpetual intentions to undermine any strong Somali national government. B. The ICG Report makes a less than accurate and fleeting remark on the heroic and extremely ennobling legacy of Sayid Mohamed Abdille Hassan. Unlike colonial mischief of dividing the natives into friendlies and rebels, the Sayid, a prophetic poet unparalleled in the annals of Somali literary creativity and courage, is the patron saint of Somali nationalism (Somalinimo).5 C. The Report never mentions the glorious work of the Somali Youth League (SYL), the only nationalist movement which had presence in all Somali lands. Here, also, the Report misses the fact that regional pre-independence parties in the North, such as the Somali National League (SNL), National United Front (NUF), and United Somali Party (USP), all subscribed to the first principal: the unification of British and Italian Somalilands. D. The Report fails to mention the historical point that northern Somalis were highly significant to the success of the SYL delegations pressing for independence on their way to the United Nations in New York, led by the late Abdillahi Ise and, later, by Abdirazak H. Hussein. More specifically, northern Somalis in Paris, London, and New York subsidized the expenses of the SYL nationalists. III. On Unification A. The Report insinuates that the North was cheated because the Union Act was not properly and legally consummated. In the language of the ICG document: [T]he precipitate nature of the union had also left a number of legal questions pending. The two acts of union approved by the respective legislatures differed somewhat and no single legal document actually bound the two territories. The new national assembly recognized the error and passed a new act of union in January 1961, retroactive to the moment of independence, but some observers have argued that since the two territories were legally united, the new Act remained without force in the north.6 It is important to identify that the observers quoted in the previous sentence were consultants hired in 1992 by the regional administration in Hargeisa.7 It is also noteworthy to contrast such a claim with what Paolo Contini, the chief legal advisor to the new Somali Republic, wrote in his book in 1969: The decision to form a union was reached at a conference of Northern and Southern Somali leaders held in Mogadishu between April 16 and 22, 1960. A joint communiqué issued at the end of the conference announced it had been agreed that the two territories would be united on July 1, 1960; the new Somali Republic would be unitary, democratic and parliamentary State; the legislative bodies of the two territories would be merged into a National Assembly which would be set up 'in order to investigate and propose convenient solutions to the problems connected with the administrative, financial and judicial systems now in force in the two Territories'; the United Nations would be asked 'to supply experts who may help in accelerating the integration of the two Territories'. … On June 27, the day after independence, Somaliland's legislative Assembly passed 'The Union of Somaliland and Somalia Law,' incorporating the proposed Act of Union previously sent to Mogadishu. Section 1(a) stated that 'The State of Somaliland and the State of Somalia do hereby unite and shall forever remain united in a new, independent, democratic, unitary republic the name of which shall be the SOMALI REPUBLIC. Contini adds: There is no doubt that on the first of July a full and lawful union was formed by the will of the people of the two territories through their elected representatives. However, the legal formalities had not been completed in time… the matter was clarified seven months later by the adoption of the new Act of Union with retroactive effect as from July 1, 1960 for the whole of the Republic.8 The Union Act reads exactly as the Somaliland legislature wrote it. Another related matter the ICG Report misrepresents is how the constitution of the new Republic was developed. The fact is that Italian Somaliland, the United Nation’s Trusteeship, had an earlier start in constitution making than the British territory. Despite this, there were consultations between the leaders of the two regions, and United Nations experts assisted in the endeavor. The draft constitution was given to visiting northern leaders to review it and make changes as they saw fit. The Northerners liked the document and added only two articles (88 and 89). These additions dealt with public employees and mandated the creation of an independent public service commission, points incorporated into the document. The new parliament vetted the draft constitution which triggered public debate, particularly after the document was read, article by article, over the two national broadcasting stations: Radio Hargeisa and Mogadishu. Then came the constitutional plebiscite in 1961. Nearly three-fourths of the Republic’s voting population endorsed the constitution, with opposition limited to areas of the northern region centered on the Hargeisa, Burao, and Berbera triangle. This opposition accounted for nearly 52% of the northern region’s voting population, but areas west of Hargeisa and east of Burao overwhelmingly supported the constitution and there was a significant minority of voters in Hargeisa-Berbera-Burao coordinates that cast an affirmative endorsement. The plebiscite marked the state’s commitment to democratic rule, as it did not attempt to gerrymander the northern vote in order to manufacture artificial support for the charter in the North. This approach was reinforced by the impeccable way the parliamentary and local election of 1964 was conducted. Africa Report characterized the election as free and fair.9 Unfortunately, it will be the last election (including the recent ones in the North-Somaliland) where all contestants played by the rules. B. The ICG Report asserts that: These problems were exacerbated by the perceived southern domination of the new government. Mogadishu became the national capital, while Hargeysa ‘declined to a mere provincial headquarters remote from the centre of things.’ Somaliland, now known as the ‘Northern Regions,’ received just 33 seats in the new 123-members national assembly. The posts of President and Prime Minister were both held by southerners, as were the principal ministerial portfolios such as Defense, Foreign Affairs, Finance and Interior. The command of the new national army was overwhelmingly drawn … from the south….10 It is the case that Hargeisa initially became the regional capital of the North, and later the headquarters of the northwest as the government honored a request from the people of Burao for their own regional authority. Further, it is accurate that the President, Prime Minister, and the most senior military officers of the Republic were from the South (the Minister of Defense was a northerner, contrary to the claim of ICG Report—first Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, then Sh. Ali Ismail). The Report tells part of the story that is amenable to the claims of the authors, but a more comprehensive look at the facts conveys a different picture. For instance, when President Aden Abdulle Osman was nominated for the interim period of one year, no other candidate came forward to challenge him. However, this changed when Osman ran for a full term the following year. Surprisingly, the only other candidate, who was narrowly defeated, was from the South as well. When Egal, the leading northern politician, was asked to seek the office he declined. Further, we think the northern political leaders could have made the case to increase northern parliamentary deputies to constitute at least one-third of the total deputies, due to the region's population size. The intervention was not made,11 and, subsequently, a golden opportunity was missed. On the ministerial appointments, Northerners occupied four of the thirteen posts. The key ones they held included Deputy Prime Minister, Defense, Education, and Agriculture. Further, the Speaker of Parliament was also from the North. Moreover, what is unsaid in the ICG Report is that many of the paramount heads of ministries (top civil servants) were from the North. These included: Finance, Education, Agriculture, Interior, and Commerce and Industry. Northerners also headed two pivotal agencies (the National Trading Agency and the National Relief Agency). Such was the general distribution of senior political and administrative posts of the first Republic. One of the North's most senior civil servants noted that, "Prime Minister Abdirashid and leading ministers consulted senior northern public servants on key matters, particularly on those that dealt with integration."12 IV. Democracy, Leadership, and Politics of Corruption A crucial dimension of what haunts Somalis is the quality of leadership and respect for the law. There is no doubt today that the Somali Republic’s first President, Aden Abdulle Osman, and his second Prime Minister, Abdirazak H. Hussein, were genuine leaders by any democratic measure. As one of the North's most skilled and senior civil servants, Ali Said Arraleh, observed recently: Aden was so strict with the taxpayers' money that he saved enough from the presidency annual budget to build a presidential retreat in Afgoi, while others were pocketing public money. For instance Prime Minister Egal used public revenue to build his private villa (Villa Baidoa) on the road to Afgoi. Prime Minister Abdirazak's respect for the law and his anti-corruption effort has no parallel in our history. His hands are absolutely untainted and the two are peerless as Somali leaders.13 This characterization of the two leaders is reaffirmed by the words of the Somali Republic's most independent journalist, Yusuf Duhul, who happened to be from the North. Duhul's monthly, Dalka, was singularly the most prestigious paper of the time and with a critical edge to boot. He had the following to say about the caliber of these leaders and the political rectitude and rules that governed their conduct: One thing is indisputably certain. It had never even occurred to the Aden/Abdirazak team to look into the possibilities of applying the norms of Somali tribalism to the state, or its institutions and functions. One reason for such disregard of any such thought is that the applying of tribal norms and criteria to the state and its institutions would have been then a flagrant violation of the Somali constitution. … Paradoxically, the principal targets of the Dalka's verbal violence were the governmental team of the first president of the Somali Republic, Aden Abdulle Osman, and his choice of Prime Minister, Abdirazak Haj Hussein—whose government is now accepted by all to have been the best Somalis ever had. Dalka itself was not oblivious, even then, of that fact. Stating it openly, however, would have been seen as despicable and venal. … Dalka then noted … The basic distinguishing feature of the …team was the fundamental factor underlying the political framework … consensual … One of the results of such consensual approach was the removal of the need to resort to political violence. Hence, neither the government nor its opponents considered intimidation as an instrument to use in the political arena. …The advantage of this system of mutual tolerance …included … freedom from physical intimidation and from the resulting worry about their personal safety. Consequently, one of the common sights [in Mogadishu] of the period was to see Prime Minister Abdirazak Haj Hussein sitting in Juba hotel, sipping a cup of tea while dueling verbally with the critics of his government. He would, at the end, calmly walk, usually alone, to his house, situated a few hundred metres up the hill to the then Monopolio. An equally familiar sight of the period was to find the President of the Republic, Aden Abdulle Osman, performing his Maqreb prayers, beside his small Fiat, alone or with an ad hoc prayers gathering on the road side. There just were no reasons then for either of them to worry about his personal safety.14 The maturity of these democratic leaders and their resolute respect for the law and the sanctity of public resources led to the Somali Republic experiencing Africa's first democratic change of regime, in 1967. The next democratic transfer of postcolonial power in the continent will wait for 25 years (1992) in Zambia! More relevant, it was such practice, the heart and soul of the system, which allowed Mohamed Ibrahim Egal to claim the Republic's executive premiership. There is no doubt in our minds that a historic experience of this type could happen again if peace and democracy are restored to the whole country. From our point of view, this is exactly what the international community needs to contribute rather than reinforce sectarian political tendencies. There were further changes during the tenure of the second republic (1964–67). The overwhelming verdict supports Duhul’s assessment that the government of this period was the best the country had since independence. Northerners held five important ministerial portfolios: Foreign Affair, Defense, Finance, Agriculture, and Information. Moreover, Northerners took up nine of the top civil service posts in the country (out of 16). These developments demonstrate that the new Republic's leaders, despite their limited education and political/administrative inexperience, were very serious about genuine integration. The implied Southern monopoly of privilege is simply fiction. One of the best illustrative examples of Somali democrats working for the collective interest of the entire nation that debunks the conspiracy theory pertains to the formation of the national air carrier, Somali Airlines. Its full story is yet to be told, but here is a snapshot of how it was established. We borrow, verbatim, from our recent essay in Bildhaan: [Abdirashid, the Prime Minister, and Abdirazak, minister of public works] approached the U.S. Ambassador and informed him of the country's immense communication and transport problems…The two leaders specifically requested that the American government assist them in developing air transport. The Ambassador relayed the request to Washington and returned with a positive answer for the Somalis. The American offer was three completely reconditioned Dakota Planes, each with a capacity of 26 seats. Satisfied with the response, the PM delegated Abdirazak and the Ambassador to finalize the agreement. Soon came up training of the pilots and ground crew for the incipient venture. The Ambassador indicated that the United States could not help in this regard. On his own initiative, Abdirazak approached the West German Ambassador (who had already given generous logistical support to the Somali Police Force), and requested that West Germany assist Somalia by training Somali pilots and ground crew. The Germans reacted affirmatively within a week, with the only condition that Germans set up the training program. The first key provisions of the agreement were that the trainees be instructed in English and, therefore, must have a secondary school certificate. Second, the Germans would conduct the examination to select the trainees. The Ministry immediately advertised 28 openings (for pilots, mechanics, assistants, and other ground crew) on the national radio and in the daily papers. Once the language conditions for the trainees became public knowledge, many southern political heavily weights criticized the regime, and particularly Abdirazak, for favoring the North. He had audiences with them and tried to persuade them that the Germans mandated the examination's English requirement, and that he could not go against this if the country was to make progress in civil aviation. Moreover, he challenged them that there were Southerners who had studied English in the Egyptian Secondary School and other places and who should be able to compete for the posts. He warned that regional or family favoritism had no place in the regime's agenda, and national advancement would only take place when every citizen was given an equal opportunity. This was not sufficient to convince the Southern regionalists. The Germans conducted the examination as planned, and, as it turned out, all but two of the successful candidates were from the North; the two Southerners were selected for the ground crew. As the entire class flew to Germany to commence their studies, Abdirazak called in Northern critics to take note of the merit-based competitive process for the selection of the pilots - evidence that should fly in the face of sectarian rumors. He pointed out that had he been a regionalist, he would have automatically approached the Italian Government to assist in aviation development, a request that would have been met with enthusiasm. This would have disqualified all potential Northern candidates. Although some of the Northern critics recognized the fairness of the pilot selection process, the general public, now marooned in gossip and seduced by instrumentalist politicians, did not care enough to appreciate the import of the event.15 Another affair that is a testimony to democratic practice, the application of traditional consensus, and the rule of law at work in the Somali Republic is the way in which the government dealt with the foiled coup of 1961. Again, we lift from our essay in Bildhaan: Several months after the new regime took charge of the nation's affairs, a small group of young Northern military officers attempted a coup in Hargeisa. This move surprised everyone including Egal who was the Minister of Defense, and Sh. Ali Ismail, another northerner who was appointed to the post recently. The principal claim of the young officers, some who were trained in Britain, was that poorly educated officers from the South had been undeservedly given most command appointments. The initiators of the coup alleged they had the blessings of the country’s military commander, General Daud A. Hersi. To say the least, this event shocked the regime, and General Hersi instantly denied the accusation over Radio Mogadishu. Northern non-commissioned officers immediately reacted to the General's announcement and moved against the coup instigator; the loyalist recaptured Radio Hargeisa and killed one of the coup makers. The Interior and Defense Ministers, the later being Sh. Ali Ismail, immediately flew to Hargeisa. At the regional military command, they congratulated the loyalist and then convened a public meeting in the afternoon in which Sh. Ali Ismail made a moving speech. He castigated the fomenters of the coup and opposition in the North, but went too far by suggesting that the coup makers might be hanged. While some of the public seemed unhappy with what they considered a regime dominated by the “********** Abdis” (Abdirashid and Abdirazak), there was no sign that they supported the coup. Abdirazak spoke in a reconciliatory tone and told the gathered public that something unfortunate had happened, including the loss of an educated Somali, and it should be a warning to the entire nation. The two ministers returned and produced a report. This was in December 1961. Many Northerners sought forgiveness for the plotters. A few went to the President to seek his intervention, but Aden responded that what they were asking him to do was not within his legal authority. Others approached the Prime Minister for clemency, while a few respected Northerners, such as Haji Basbaas, asked the Minister of Interior’s good offices in the matter. In the end, the regime decided that it did not want to set a precedent for the extralegal treatment of the case, and, therefore, started making preparations for a trial. Northerners accepted the proposition that the case could be heard in a civil rather than military court, and that non-Somali and British trained lawyers be found to defend the accused. The regime initially rejected the need for foreign lawyers, but the President persuaded his colleagues to honor this request as well. The Prime Minister was conciliatory and did not want the physical elimination of the accused, but Sh. Ali Ismail and a few other Northerners felt strongly that coup plotters should be treated swiftly and harshly. The final accord between the state prosecutors and the two British lawyers stipulated that the court procedure would be that of the North (Indian) but the substance of the law would be Southern (Italian). Soon the funds collected by the immediate families and supporters of the accused proved insufficient to pay for the British lawyers. The state decided to cover the balance. As the case went forward, the criminal facts against the accused seemed immutable. However, the public prosecutor made a minor procedural error and the British judge, quickly dismissed the entire case on technical grounds. There were celebrations in Hargeisa, but other Somalis felt that the judge was biased. In the ensuing cabinet meeting to discuss options, the Minister of Defense was among the angriest over the decision. With the recognition that the regime had the right to appeal the case, the Prime Minister consulted with the President and the two decided that the state should drop the case. Limiting its reactions to condemnation of the Judgment, the regime expelled the judge from the country, and the coup instigators regained their freedom and soon thereafter positions in the civil service. This was the first time (and may be the last) in Africa’s post independence that a sitting regime released coup makers without any retribution.16 Finally, the last democratic regime, 1967–69, was led by none other than Mohamed Ibrahim Egal. If ever there was a need for definitive evidence to verify that the Somali democratic political order was open and competitive, the rise of Egal to the top executive post in the country is it. In addition, Northerners had three ministerial portfolios in Egal’s government. Corruption was not unknown among the Somali political elite, and the military dictatorship made it a code of conduct in the last decade of its life span. However, there is enough evidence to show that the 1967–69 regime, particularly in the persons of Prime Minister Egal and Minister of Interior, Yassin Nur Hassan, set new standards for looting the national treasury. Moreover, the ICG Report itself makes clear reference to how Egal’s propensity toward personal appropriation of public resources became part of the conduct of his leadership and legacy for the northern region. V. Declaration of Sovereignty A. The break up of a political community is not unheard of. On the contrary, there are moments when such an option is the most appropriate step to take. However, because it is such a drastic departure, it is imperative to be deliberative, inclusive, and with a wakeful eye for the long-term consequences. The Report underscores the peculiar circumstances and the way the initial declaration of sovereignty was made at the Burao meeting (p. 9). It is now common knowledge that intimidation, beefed up by armed Somali National Movement (SNM) fighters, was the declaration’s midwife. The question arises, then, as to why the Report did not fellow up on this point and, therefore, opine the obvious illegitimacy of the act. B. Another source of difficulty is the preparation and operation of both the 2001 constitutional referendum and the 2003 presidential election. In the case of the first, the Report says very little about the combined hurriedness of the conduct of the affair and non-voting by some important parts of the region. Second, the Report is oblivious to the contradiction between democratic politics and the absence of space for constructive dissidence on such a fateful issue. Here, we would like to note the recent brief incarceration in Hargesia, and subsequent deportation, of one of the region’s most prominent citizens, General Jama Mohamed Qalib, for solely participating in the Somali Peace Conference in Kenya. As for the presidential election, it is ironic that while the Report identifies gross procedural violations, including an instrumentalist remaking of the composition of the Supreme Court, it fails to follow that indictment to its logical conclusion—that is, remark on the magnitude of the damage to the democratic process reminiscent of the Abdirashid-Egal led 1969 Somali elections. VI. Collaborators with Military Dictatorship and Clanist Sentiments A. A discernment of who collaborated with the military dictatorship and to what degree will be an important point of reflective conversations among Somalis for sometime to come. The ICG document enters that fray by identifying two northern communities as willing allies of the regime: the ******** and the Harti (pp. 11, 28). Simultaneously, the ***** kin-group is presented as innocent sufferers. This is problematic. To begin with, all northern communities had representatives in the Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC) and the Council of Secretaries. Consequently, the ***** had their share and maybe more, typified, but not exhausted, by Vice President Colonel Ismail Ali Aboker, Colonel Ahmed Hassan, Foreign Minister Omer Arteh Qalib, and Planning Minister Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo. Moreover, Egal himself, after finishing his interment, accepted ambassadorial appointment to India and later as head of the Chamber of Commerce in Mogadishu. Most instructively, individuals of the ***** kin-group remained loyal to the Barre regime to its dying days. Here, it is well to remember that Mohamed Hawadleh Madar, the last Prime Minister in 1990, threatened the denizens of Mogadishu with a ruin similar to the one meted out to Burao and Hargeisa if they did not capitulate. Moreover, Omer Arteh became premier of Ali Mahadi’s short-lived pretension. On the other hand, the windfall for the ******** and significant elements of the northern Harti was comparatively miniscule. B. The Report fails to offer concrete evidence for selectively maligning some communities while exalting others. We argue that this history could be told differently. Our thinking, distilled from our extensive scholarly research and reading of Somali social history and political economy, is that the military dictatorship of 1969–91 devastated the country in the last fifteen years of its tenure and brutally destroyed people and communities across the country. The Northeast region (Puntland) was the first to bear the brunt of the regime’s cruelty. However, the Northwest region (Somaliland), particularly the cities of Hargeisa and Burao, witnessed the greatest horror. During the entire period of its rule, the regime exploited the farming communities of the South, while others in the North lost their livelihoods. Understandably, the Somali public expected a second independence (Gobonimo) with the demise of the dictatorship, but they were rudely surprised by the horrible turn of events. The population of the capital were the first to witness incomprehensible and large-scale massacres and expropriation of private and public property during the last days of Siyaad’s order, and immediately thereafter. The main culprits of this gruesome affair were organized and freelance militias. As the country sank deeper into mayhem, the productive people of the Baidoa region, in the South, starved to death by the tens of thousands as a result of armed bandits’ use of food as a weapon. It was the ghastly pictures of the victims that compelled former President George H. Bush to send American troops to save lives. The moral of this synoptic history is that there is no place for privileged pain. C. The Report neglects to expose the Somali National Movement’s (SNM) ensnaring paradox, one it shared with other armed opposition groups, that at once mobilized its adherents through exclusive clanism while publicly speaking the rhetoric of civic nationalism. Though one should rightly criticize the non-***** in the North for not joining the armed struggle against the dictatorship, this Janus-faced identity of the SNM was a serious disincentive. Furthermore, the Report’s interpretation of some events contain a number of statements that seem, even if unintended, to foment suspicion between the eastern and western communities in the North (pp. 28, 30). In this context, suffice to recall the clairvoyant warnings of one of the greatest poets in modern Somali history, Abdillahi Sultan, “Timacade:” “Dugsi male qabyaalade waxeey dumiso mooyaane” (rough meaning, Clanism provides no succor; it only destroys!) We end this segment with a brief but important comment on the poverty of the theoretical apparatus of the Report. It is hobbled by the greatest debility of an old paradigm of Somali Studies. That is, the attempt to explain almost everything in Somali life through a constant and single variable, the clan. Such a simplistic perspective,17 we have demonstrated in our works and in a British Tribunal,18 has no means to depict change and complex social mutations, let alone explicate them. VII. Conclusions and Recommendations of the ICG Report 1. The ICG Report postulates that a productive reconciliation between the North and South is a nonstarter. This is based on what the Report construes to be the existence of a “Mutually exclusive precondition for dialogue”; and an “incompatible perspective on possible form of association and divergent paths of development.” We disagree, and the fuller articulation will be part of a forthcoming essay. For now, we think a central concern of most Somalis in every region is this: what kind of and how to imagine a civic unity and correlate forms of democratic and human rights-based polity, rather than exclusivist claims that could only be satisfied through further balkanization. The sentiment, it seems to us, exists for admittedly hard yet productive and recuperative national conversation. 2. Possible forms of association need not be limited to a preconceived “bilateral confederation.” We have no knowledge of the existence of evidence to the effect that all the people of the North have already agreed that “confederation” is the only form of association acceptable to them. 3. The claim that Somaliland has “laid the foundations of constitutional democracy” may be true but it obscures this fact and a clinging possibility: the people of the South have already proven that they, too, can create an inclusive democratic order. Here, we recall the enviable traditions and practice of the first three Republics. Just because Southern Somali people are hostages to armed political pirates, for the moment, in no way forecloses a democratic future. 4. The Report asserts that a “new generation of Somalilanders” had already emerged who has “no meaningful memories of peaceful, united Somalia.” While this could be the case given the duration of national statelessness and divisive scheming, we hasten to add that this generation is not necessarily burdened by the brutality of the now extinct dictatorship nor are they incapable of rediscovering, if not envisioning anew, a republican and united Somali state. However, we identify two poisonous impediments to dreaming and acting on what could be: a deliberate inculcation of general hate and chauvinistic “othering” and/or the absolute triumph of brigandish politics in the South. 5. The Report states that if Somaliland is ostensibly forced into being a part of the territorial integrity of the Somali Republic, “the result could the reopening of the Somali civil war.” We concur that no community should comply with forced political demands. However, we believe there is neither the capacity nor the wish by anyone to invade the region. Consequently, we hold that this assertion is an alarmist tactic to bamboozle the international community to hastily endorse the main recommendation of the Report, i.e., the recognition of the North as sovereign state. VIII. Alternative Counsel for Northern Somalis n Full disarmament. This will mean the persuasion of all the communities of the region to fully disarm at the household level by handing over guns of any kind. The open secret that most family units have small weapons is a ticking time bomb. Such a new move is an essential prerequisite for the elimination of the culture of fear and, consequently, a further flourishing of mutual trust, free discussion, and debate. n Deepening democracy. Whether at the regional level or the hamlet, democratic habits and their institutionalization are indispensable for virtuous civic existence. In addition to strengthening the legal rights of each citizen and community, freedom of the press and association are a sine qua non for an accountable power.19 Here, particularly, dissent politics must not only be tolerated but treated as an indispensable witness to the exercise of authority, if not a vector of unpopular but possibly corrective suggestions or, better still, contemplative of hidden, even unutterable, ideas of constructive ramifications. Such is the mark of a strong and mature democracy.20 n Leadership: Without the availability of an educated talent fit for the vagaries of these complex times and the collective wisdom to identify and thrust it forward, any community is bound to wallow in the muck of mediocrity. This is a condition conducive to myopic politics, the reign of incompetence and quick decay, if not stillbirth, of institutions. Northern Somalis have a historic opportunity to bring forth the type of leaders who have a combination of critical intelligence, ability and valor to simultaneously concentrate on developmental strategies that address the life-enhancing indices of the people of the region and act as their brothers/sisters keepers. The first task implies the challenge to build on the achievements of the region so as to make it into an even more inspiring model for the rest of the country; the second connotes abstinence from retail politics and, instead, cultivation of national generosity and solidarity with one’s kind, particularly in hard times, including assuming leadership of the whole country. Who can foretell that the situation might not be in reverse sometime in the future? IX. Counsel for the International Community Development Assistance: There is no denying that Northern Somalis deserve to be supported in their laudable efforts to respond to the pervasive poverty and brittleness of their existence. Workable ideas, appropriate technical expertise, and generous aid to upgrade local initiatives are some of the contributions the outside world ought to make. More than any other region in the Somali Republic, the people of the North have made the greatest progress to earn sympathetic and concrete international attention. That much is true and the ICG document rightly conveys, too. But, and this is of utmost importance, such a warranted partnership need not lead to the recognition of a sovereign state. For, crossing such a rubicon could easily entice lumpen elites in other regions of the country to demand the same. Moreover, a dismemberment of the Somali Republic will not necessarily bring peace and progress but, on the contrary, would probably create a momentum for the break-up of other states in the Horn of Africa (see the Oromo and other liberation movements in Ethiopia). It is worth remembering that the continent’s enormous potential is already vitiated by, among others, the existence of, albeit juridical, numerous hapless states. Notes 1. International Crisis Group, Somaliland: Democratization and Its Discontents, Africa Report, No. 66 (Brussels/Nairobi, July 28, 2003). 2. A more extensive essay is in progress. ` 3. Said S. Samatar, Oral Poetry and Somali Nationalism: The Case of Sayyid Mohamed Abdille Hassan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982). 4. Ahmed I. Samatar, Socialist Somalia: Rhetoric and Reality (London: Zed Books, 1988), p. 46. 5. Abdi Shiekh Abdi, Divine Madness: Mohamed Abdulle Hassan 1856–1920 (London: Zed Books, 1993); and Aw Jama Omer Ise, Diiwaanka Gabayadii Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan: Uruurintii Kowaad (Mogadishu: Wakaaladda Madbacadda Qaranka, 1974) and Taariikhdii Daraawiishta iyo Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan, 1895-1921 (Mogadishu, 1976). 6. ICG Report, page 4. 7. The quotation is from a consultant's report, whose fees were paid by the regional administration. The report's original draft asserted that the original inhabitants of former British Somaliland were ***** and that "their territory" has a legitimate historical claim to sovereignty and hence statehood. B. Rajagopal, and A. J. Carroll, “The Case for Independent Statehood of Somaliland” (Washington, D.C.), dated 27 May 1992. 8. Paolo Contini, The Somali Republic: An Experiment in Legal Integration (London: Frank Cass & Co., LTD, 1969), pp. 8–11. 9. The governing SYL party won 69 of the 123 assembly seats. Africa Report (Washington D.C., June 1964), p. 19. 10. ICG Report, page 4. 11. The population estimate of the north was about 1/3 the nation. 12. Interview with Ali Said Arraleh, Nairobi, July 2001. 13. For an extended review of these issues, see Abdi Ismail Samatar and Ahmed I. Samatar, "Somalis As Africa's First Democrats: Premier Abdirazak H. Hussein and President Aden A. Osman," Bildhaan: An International Journal of Somali Studies, Vol. 2 (2002): 1–62. 14. Yusuf Duhul, “The Dalka Days” (London, unpublished paper, 1996), pp. 2–4. 15. Samatar and Samatar 2002. 16. Ibid. 17. For a historically and culturally nuanced analysis of Somali tradition, see Ahmed I. Samatar, ed., The Somali Challenge: From Catastrophe to Renewal (Boulder, Col.: Lynne Reinner, 1995). See also the comparative work dealing with ethnicity and state building in Africa by Abdi Ismail Samatar, “Leadership and Ethnicity in the Making of African State Models: Botswana and Somalia,” Third World Quarterly 18, no. 4 (1997): 687–707. 18. Abdi Ismail Samatar, “Colonial Anthropology and Somali Identity in a British Tribunal.” (Work in progress.) 19. Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2001). 20. The recent establishment of an expansive cabinet consisting of 48 ministers and their deputies is ill advised. The region does not have the resources to support these make-believe political jobs.

Dear Bari_Nomad - Self-determination for regions or states, as is the case, in my opinion is the sole way forward. But before I put my reasoning forth, allow me to share an observation of own with regards to the plight of the Somalis. Most seem so obsessively if you will of the ideal - the untenable mind you- that is of a peaceful Somalia with Somalis in harmonious accord, as is inherent in the discussions of utopian like Somalia. Many speak of the ills and the tumultuous fate of the Somalis whilst others prescribe inapt resolutions from afar displaying a total lack of understanding of the relatively unique problem debilitating the region, yet very few came to terms with the Somali dilemma for what it is – has its roots in clan politics. It is as matters stand at the moment a taboo amongst Somalis for clan politics, and NOT clan bashing (as the two seem inseparable in the minds of the debating members) lest labelled or shunned in social engagements. And in my opinion until the issue has been addressed for what it is, the nucleus of the Somali predicament, it would be near impossible to bring about a befitting resolution satisfactory to all. Case in point is the northern regions (Somaliland and Puntland) both of which had embraced clan politics warts and all. Perfect NOT, but admirably successful in practice and desirably progressive in principal. Having stated that, regional autonomy is not only an option for the present day Somalia, but it is the natural course that had not only pre-emptied all other options and is being adopted not only in the northern regions but also in RRA Riviera, Lower Shabeele and Hiran, and many more in natural pursuit. As in all cases, some regions shall definitely challenge that course and shall become the exception, thus the principal imperfection of options of all sorts. I shall leave it there for now, Cheers.

http://www.puntlandstate.com/yasiin.php

If interested in the use of solar systems, or the project itself, you might want to drop Samira a line! Hello, I am writing to you as the Program Assistant from the Economic Diversification Project based in Somaliland. This is a project supported by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) implemented through ADRA in Somaliland and Puntland. ADRA has been implementing development and humanitarian projects in Somalia since 1992. The project is based and operating in Somaliland and Puntland. The aim of this project is to promote peace through increased economic activity in the energy sector . To do this we are providing technical trainings to technicians to upgrade their skills, providing orientation and business training to the local businesses and creating public awareness on the possibilities of various energy options. We have made contact with you as we would like to share this information about our project with the Somaliland Diaspora and let them know of the existing possibilities for business investment and business services that can provide energy services to relatives still here in Somaliland. One of the main focuses at this time is the promotion of solar power systems . We have worked with local businesses that have trained technicians who can professionally install and service solar power systems here Somaliland. Please let me know if you have there are any local Somaliland groups, newspapers, radio stations, and websites or other ways that could share this information with the Diaspora in your area. I look forward to your response and hope that we can work together to enable to sustain peace here in Somaliland through economic activity. Samira Hassan Program Assistant adrasomaliland@hotmail.com Powering Economic Diversification programme (PED). ADRA IN Somaliland (implementing agency) USAID (Funded agency)

I do agree that Dirac (Diric or Diraac) depending your locale is sexy, should be confined to the home, and not even worn to the occasional drop-ins to the neighbouring houses as it is in my opinion in the same category as the Macawis/Hoos Gunti (the Somali kilt). I would not want to see blokes wearing Macawis on the train/bus in the winter or summer. However, if the ladies are quite fond of the garment in itself, or its traditional value and sense of cultural and nationalist fervour, then I reckon it would be nice to be worn with a nice Googarad (the Jibouti style), or Xamaalad (the Hargeysa style), Shalamad/Malkhamad/Fastaleeti (the Bosaso style), leather sandals – not dusty flip flops- (the Mogadishu style), and with traditional Somali queen’s walk and style – the sling of the hand and swivel of the joints in all places (the 60s style). The “Uunsi” I must admit is one of the unique aphrodisiacs in our culture though young ladies of the 21st century as I have learnt do not quite see the fascination with it by men of old. Where do the young generation (men) stand on that I wonder? A question I have been meaning to ask the Somali queens has to do with colour co-ordination, religious sisters in particular, well, perhaps I would table that questions another day. Nice topic. Keep it up!

Warkii ugu dambeeyay ee fadhigii golaha wakiilada Puntland http://allpuntland.com/news1/news/news_item.asp?NewsID=729

Baarlamanka Puntland oo bilaabay ansixinta golaha Xukuumada - Wednesday, August 13, 2003 at 11:21 Garoowe, (Radio Midnimo)- Saaka subaxnimadii ayaa waxaa ka bilowday hoolka shirarka ee magaalada Garoowe ee Golaha Xeer dejinta shirkii Golaha oo shalay baaqday. Warku wuxuu intaas ku darayaa in Goluhu durba bilaabeen in ay dhegeystaan warbixinaha Wasiirada Wasaaradaha Puntland si loo ansixiyo. Wasiirka Maaliyada C/raxmaan Maxamed Faroole ayaa cod buuxa ku helay 57 xubnood oo ay ka koobnaayeen Xildhibaanadii saaka soo xaadiray. Wasiirka ayaa su’aalo dhowr ah oo ku saabsan dhinaca dhaqaalaha waxaa weydiiyey Xildhibaanada qaarkood, hase yeeshee Md. Faroole ayaa aqlabiyadan oo aysan dad badani fileyn meesha kala soo dhaqaaqay. Intaas ka dib waxaa miiska la soo saaray Wasiirka Arrimaha Gudaha Axmed Cabdi xaabsade, khudbad dheer ayuu dabadeedna halkaas ka akhriyey wuxuuna sheegay arrin fajiciso ku noqotay dadkii dhegeysanayey, taasoo aheyd in uu ka mid ahaa aasaasayaashii Ururkii USC, kaasoo uu shegay in la majara habaabiyey, wuxuu kaloo hadalkiisa ku daray in sidoo kale uu qayb ka ahaa aasaasayaashii ururka SPM. Md. Xaabsade wuxuu kaloo sheegay in shirkii Boorame ee Somaliland uu ka qayb qaatay uuna ka helay Guddoomiyaha Golaha Baarlamaanka Somaliland. Haseyeeshee, arrinta ugu xiisaha badneyd ee Md. Xaabsade uu ka hadlay ayaa aheyd in uu isagu dhisay xabsiyadii caanka ka ahaa Soomaaliya ee Laanta Buur iyo Labaatan Jirow, xabsiyadaas ayaa uu sheegay in siyaasiyiin badan oo maanta jooga lagu soo dhaqan celiyey. Wasiirku wuxuu ku tilmaamay Puntland meel ay ka badatay eex, musuqmaasuq, qabiil iyo lunsiga hantida ummada waa siduu hadalka u dhigaye, uuna diyaar u yahay in uu u sameeyo xabsiyo la mid ah kuwii hore ee uu sheegay in siyaasiyiinta iyo dadkaba lagu dhaqan celin jirayin, si dadka loogu toosiyo. Ugu danbeyntii, wuxuu sheegay in uu Puntland ka soo qabtay dhowr jago oo kala ah Wasiirka Howlaha Guud, Wasiirka Ganacsiga, Guddoomiyaha xaaladii deg dega aheyd iyo hadda oo uu yahay wasiirka Arrimaha Gudaha. Sacab iyo qosol dheer ayaa dadkii shirka fadhiyey bilaabeen wuxuuna cod buuxa ku helay dhamaan Xildhibaanadii codeynayey oo tiradoodu gaaraysay 57. Siciid Caduur, Wasiirka Caafimaadka ayaa isaguna loogu codeeyey 54, Wasiirka Ganacsiga Faarax Maxamuud Yuusuf (Dooxojoog) wuxuu isaguna aqlabid buuxda ku helay 57 cod, waxaase Golaha Xukuumadu cayriyeen Wasiirkii Warfaafinta Diiriye Jaamac Geele, iyo Wasiirkii Shaqada iyo Isboortiga C/nuur Cilmi Biindhe. Weli waxaa ka socda hoolka shirarka ee Golaha xeer dejinta ansixinta golaha Wasiirada Puntland tanoo socon doonta ilaa cawa oo lagu ansixin doono dhamaan Wasiirada la horgeyn doono kalfadhigaan, wixii warar ah ee ka soo cusboonaadana dib ayaan idiinkala soo socodsiin doonaa Radio Midnimo

Ibtilo - I always thought it was the other way round.

I managed thus far to abstain contributing to this debate as I am of a different perspective of the subject matter as to other nomads’ stance and bashing of men whom I refer to as the “political leaders” in principal, and not “warlords” in the palpable application of the vernacular. May I make suggestions here: one to SmithNW and one to HornAfrique? SmithNW – my man one could not possibly compare apples to oranges as is the case of the two men in question, and as such the case is a non-starter in that regard. A/Qassim, a remnant of the disgraced military regime, is in a league with men such as Gani, Hassan Abshir, Ina Arte Ghalib, Morgan, Adow, Deerow, Aideed sr and the likes. Therefore, it would do a disservice to make a comparison of value in the discussion in terms of nationalism, integrity, courage or even in the art of war and politics. Horn- my man the rationale of this line of arguing is truly troubling from what I have been able to gather in particular from someone who had shown clear understanding of the meddled up Somali politics, and as such may I suggest sustainability of a sagacious rationale contrary to the one displayed thus far with regards to the subject matter.

Gentlemen, It is an honour indeed to share positive as well as negative newsworthy reports from the old country. Bari_Nomad – Though I know not much of the intrinsic elements of the agreement enquired about so far as elections are concerned, I am of the belief that local, parliament and presidential elections shall be conducted in Puntland once the term of the present administration comes to an end around May of 2004. I shall however make enquiries to find out as to when and how elections are to be conducted. Cheers.

More on the city and its vibrant economy through the eyes of a son of the city touring the city after many years. Here is his observation of life in Bosaso - Boosaaso :Markaan tegay Boosaaso 28/07/2003 goor duhurnimo ah, waxaan noqday daandaan, kuleylkii iyo qoraxdii ayaa indhaha iga qabtay, halacbaa indhaha iga leefay …. Hoos ayaan u eegay magaalada, saaxiibo ayaan la kulmay horumar sameeyey dhinac waxbarasho iyo dhinac ganacsiba. Waxaan tegay hoteelo quruxsan iyo warshado wax soo saar oo iga danbeeyey. Hotellada aan tegay ugu horeyn waxaa ka mid ahaa hotel Panorama oo ah hotel cunto macaan fadhi wanaagsanna leh balse qaali ah. Waxaan tegay markii xigay Bender-qaasim Restaurant oo ah makhaayad weyn oo aad ka heleyso cuntada noocyadeeda oo dhan, waxa aan la yaabay cuntada laguu keenayo iyo qiimaha aad bixinaysid anigoo ka shakisan in uu maqal-hayuhu ii khaldamay ayaan irida ka baxay. Dabadeed waxaan tegay Hotel Karaama oo asna casri ah balse waxaa u dheeraa asaga in ay joogeen ugaartii duurka oo rabeysan ayna ka midyihiin deero, garanuug, sagaaro IWM, aadna taaban kartid lana ciyaari kartid ugaadhaas rabaysan ee qurxisa hotelka. Fadhiga bilicsan ka sokow hotel Karaama wuxuu leeyahay biyo cirka u boodaya oo quruxbadan kuna shumaya meel loogu talo galay sida mararbadan lagu arko wadamada horumaray. Xaga warshadaha waxaan arkay warshad samaysa cabitaanka laqasto oo noocyo badan ah sida liinta, cananaaska IWM. Warshado badan oo biyaha sameeya kana haqabtira dadka reer Boosaaso cabitaanka biyaha nadiifka ah. Xaga waxbarashada waxaan durbadiiba booqday Jaamacada Boosaaso lana yiraahdo Jaamacada Bariga Africa (East AFrican University).Jaamacadu hada way xirantahay oo fasax ayaa lagu jiraa balse markaan booqday waxaa jiray xaflad lagu gudoonsiinayey shahaadooyin arday wax ku baratay qaabka wax isudirida (Correspondence) oo markaas lagu qabanayey Jaamacada qolkeeda shirarka. Dhinaca iskuulada hoose, dhexe iyo sare aad ayey uga badan yihiin magalaada, waxaana moodaa inay sii kordhayaan in kastoo ay aad u badan yihiin dhalinta waxbarasha la'aanta ah ee wadooyinka Boosaaso aad ku arkeysid. Guud ahaan magaalada Boosaaso waa weyntahay waxayna u dhismaysaa si baaxad leh. Markii aan la kulmay shirkado dhowr ah oo qaabilsan dhismaha waxay ii sheegeen in hada xoog la saarayo wadooyinka magaalada iyo dhisida guryo u qaabeysan habka casrigaa ee dunida iyadoo wadooyinka muhiimadooda la siinayo si guri kastaa u helo wado loo soo maro. Xarumaha dowladda ee magaalada Boosaaso dhamaan way shaqeeyaan aad ayayna u camiran yihiin gaar ahaan xafiisyada dowlada hoose iyo kuwa gobolka oo aan booqday. Ciidanka amaanka magaalada shaqo fiican ayuu hayaa sida ii muuqatay. Waxaa layaableh intii aan Boosaaso joogay ma maqal sanqarta xabad ama dil ama dhac toona. waxaana la oran karaa Boosaaso maanta way ka nabad badan tahay magaalooyinka waaweyn ee aduunka sida London iyo NewYork. Shirkadaha telefoonada ee Golis iyo Netco ayaa xaga isgaarsiinta ka haqabtira dadka reer Boosaaso xag telefoon iyo xag Internetba. Xafiisyada kuwa dowlada iyo kuwa ganacsatadaba waxay ku qalabeysan yihiin computerada casrigaa iyo qalabka xafiisyada ee sare. Gabagabadii waxaa iiga muuqatay magaalada Boosaaso horumar saayid ah iyo rabitaan dadku rabo inay waxqabsadaan in kastoo ay jiraan duruufo dhaqaale iyo kuwa kale oo ay keentay shaqo la'aan ba'an oo jirta gaar ahaan dhalinyarada laga rabey inay shaqeeyaan. Diyaariye S. A. Yusuf Bosaso.

Abwaan Hadraawi oo maanta soo gaaray Bosaaso. Bosaaso, [MOL] 09 August 2003- Waxaa maanta soo gaaray magaalada Boosaaso abwaan Hadraawi oo xalay ku soo dhaxay magaalada Qardho. Abwaanka ayaa waxaa ka soo galbiyey magaalada Qardho wafti uu horkacaayo wasiir ku xigeenka warfaafinta Cabdishakuur mire. Soo galitaankiis Boosaso waxaa soo dhaweeyey dadweyne aad u tiro badan oo la qushuucsanaa socdaalka barnaamijka nabada ee abwaanku lu marayo gobolada Somaliya oo dhan. Dadka oo kooxo kooxo ah ayaa tunaa hareeha dariiqyada waxayna ruxayeen caleemo qoyan iyo calanka Somaliya. Maamulka gobolka Bari ayaa isna diyaariyey soo dhowayn qiimo badan oo loogu talagalay soo dhowanta waftiga waxayna Boosaaso jogayaan in aan ka badaneeyn habeen keliya oo caawa ayaa la filayaa inay u sii gudbi doonaan dhinaca soomaliland oo la filayo sida lagu helayo wararka dul duulka ah in aan loo ogalaan doonin sidoo kale waxaa shalay laga masaafiryay Soomaalinad hay'da Novib oo iyadu barnaamijkaan soo yagleeshay ka dib markii ay shalay joojisay siminaar ay ka waday halkaasi. Weriye c/risaaq Sheekhaduun Mudugonline.com

Golaha Wakiiladda Puntland oo ansixiyay sharcigii doorashooyinka Golayaasha Deegaanka. By Garoowe,Puntladpost. Posted to the web 09-08-2003, 19:28:51 Garoowe:-Golaha Wakiiladda Puntland ayaa maanta cod ku ansixiyay sharciga doorashooyinka Golayaasha Deegaanka ee Puntland. Sharcigan oo qeexaya qaabka iyo qorshayaasha ay yeelandoonaan golayaasha deegaanka ee Gobolada Puntland ayaa waxaa golaha horgeeyay Wasaaradda D/Hoose iyo H/Miyiga oo iyadu soo diyaarisay, wuxuuna golohu mudoba ku mashquulsanaa dooda qodoba sharcigan oo ka kooban ugu yaraan 44 qodob. Kulankii maanta ee golaha oo ay fadhiyeen 45 xil-dhibaan ayaa waxaa u codeeyay 38 mudane, waxaana ka aamusay 6 halka uu ka diiday hal mudane oo qura. Sharcigaan oo ay u suurto gashay Puntlandpost in uu nuskho ka mid ah akhiryo ayaa muujinaya bilowgii dimuqoraadiyadda Puntland , walaw ay weli jiraan qodobo u baahan in mustaqbalka wax laga badelo.Wuxuuna sharcigani baajinayaa in dib danbe ay xukuumaddu u soo magacawdo Duqowda magaalooyinka iyo ku-xigeenadooda, isagoo awoodaas ku wareejinaya bulshada oo soo dooran doonta golayaasha deegaanka oo iyana dooran doono duqowda magaalooyinka iyo ku-xigeenadooda. Sidoo kale waxaa iyana yaraanaysa awooda duqowda magaalada oo awal sidii ay doonaan u socon jiray iyagoo sii joogitaankoodu uu ku xirnaa xiriirka uu la leeyahay duqu wasiirka Arrimaha Gudaha iyo Madaxwaynaha, balse waxaa awooda la qaybsanaya wixii hadda ka danbeeyay gudiga degmada oo yeelandoono xubno joogta ah oo la shaqeeya Duqowda magaalooyinka. Puntland,Soomaaliya

Dablay Saaka Rasaas Ooda kaga Qaaday Aug 05 2003 Hargaisa(Somalilandnet) Saaka markay saacadu ahayd abaarihii 10:30am ayaa waxa rasaas laga maqlayay meelo ku dhaw dhaw xafiisayada dawladda, siiba meel ku dhow wasaradda arrimaha Gudaha. Rasaastan oo aan socon muddo dheer, laakiin badnayd ayaa waxa la ii sheegay in ay ka dhex dhacday koox dablay ah oo iyagu eryanayay gaadhigan ay saarnaayeen Cismaan Abraar, ahna muwaadin reer Djibouti ah, laakiin barbaarintiisii iyo waxbarashadiisii hore ku soo dhamaystay Somaliland, isla marlkaan heerkiisa waxbarasho gaadhsiisnayd ilaa PhD. Cismaan Abraar ayaa hadaba isagu ku dhaawacmay xabadahan iyo rasaastan halkan la isaga ridayay, laakiin uu ku geeriyooday Muwaadin kale oo oo naanaystiisa loo yiqaano FIVE, horena dawladdii C/raxmaan Tuur uga ahaa Wassiirku xigeenka wassaaradda Dalxiiska ee Somaliland. Hadaba sheekadan oo soo bilaabantay sanadihii 2001dii, iyadoo loo dilay marxuumkan aanooyin hore oo loo haystay fal dil ah oo walaalkii gaystay.waxa hadaba taariikhdaa hore la dilay Marxuum Eng. Maxamed Ardaale, laguna toogtay xafiska UNHCRta Hargaisa, isla markaana goobtaa ku geeriyooday. Sababaha loo dilay Marxuum Eng.Ardaale ayaa hadaba loo aanaynayaa inay ku salaysnayd iyadoo la siiyay mashruuc dhismo iskuul oo ay markaa ku deeqday xafiiska UNHCR, taasoo ay ka xanaaqeen diidanaayeenna nimankii markaa toogtay Marxuum Ardaale. Warar ayaa sheegaya in Mashruucan markii hore la siiyay nimankii ku kacay falka dilka ah hada ka hor ama 2001kii hasa yeeshee laga wareejiyay mashruucan sababo ay ka mid ahaayeen iyadoo ay ka qayb galeen shirkii dowladii carta ee kumeel gaarka ahayd laguna wareejiyay group uu ka mid ahaa Eng. Ardaale isla markaana caradii lagu dilay. Hadaba dilkan saaka ayaa ahaa aargoosi laga aargoosanayay nimankii dilay Eng. Ardaale, iyadoo la dilay nin ay walaalo yihiin ninkii falka loo haystay, iyadoo halkaa ku geeriyooday Marxuum FIVE laguna aasay magaalada Hargaysa isla maantan, halka uu dhaawacna soo gaadhay Cismaan Abraar lana geeyay cisbitaalka guud ee magaalada Hargeysa laguna sameeyay qaliin kadibna galabta loo soo diray diyaarad khaas ah oo ka timid Dalka Jabuuti si dhakhtar deg deg ah loogu geeyo isla magaaladaas dhaawaciisuna uusan ahayn mid aad u sii buuran wararkuna ay sheegayaan in ay xabadi kaga dhacday caloosha. Posted by Mohamoud Abokor. Email: news@somalilandnet.com

Warbixin - Laasqoray Gobolka Sanaag Weriyahayaga (BBC SOMALI) Axmed Kismayo oo nooga soo waramo Puntland ayaa booqday magaalada xeebta ah ee Laasqoray oo ka tirsan gobolka Sanaag oo 128km dhinaca Waqooyi Galbeed ka xigta Magaalada Boosaaso. Warbixintan ayuu noo soo diray. Laasqoray waxa ku yaal dhismayaal taariikhi ah oo qaarkood dhowr qarni ka hor la dhisay iyo kuwo cusub. Waa magaalo in muddo ah laga maqnaa haatanse ay kuu muuqanayso in dib loogu soo noqonayo. Waxa ku nool Laasqoray dad gaaraya ilaa laba kun oo qof waxana nolosha dadku ay ku xiran tahay dhinaca ka faa’idaysiaga Badda iyo Xoolaha. Mashaariicda xilligan sida gaarka looga xusi karo Laasqoray waxa ugu muhimsan warshad kalluun oo cusub oo haatan shaqaynaysay muddo afar bilood ah taasoo ay dadku sabab uga dhigayaan in ay dadku magaalada dib ugu soo noqdaa. Sida uu ii sheegay maareeyaha warshaddan Xasan Faarax Bile iyo Agaasimaha wax soo saarka Cabdikariim Cali Jaamac waxay warshaddani ka kooban tahay qaybo ay ka mid yihiin qaybta diyaarinta kalluunka iyo qasacadayntiisa,qaybta barafka iyo qayb kale oo doonyaha samaysa. Warshaddani waxay awood u leedahay inay soo saarto 1200 kartoon maalintiiba iyadoo kartoonkiina ay ku jiraan 48-qasacadood waxana loo iibgeeyaa meelo badan oo soomaliya ka mid ah iyo dalalka Kenya iyo Itoobiya. Waxa ka shaqeeya warshaddan shaqaale gaaraya 150-qof waxayna ku fadhidaa dhul gaaraya 9000m. Hirgalinta warshaddan waxa ku baxay hanti gaaraysa USD 1,200,000 waxana shirka ku ah dad soomaali ah oo gaaraya 138 qof. Magaaladan Laasqoray waxa ka furan hal dugsi oo ay wax ka bartaan 200 arday oo isugu jira heerarka hoose iyo dhexe ee waxbarashada. Hal isbital oo ay magaalada leedahay ayaa fadhiya dadka bukaanka ahina waxay dawada iyo dhakhtarba u raadsadaan dhinaca Boosaaso. Xagga koofureed waxa magaalad kaga hareeraysan buuro silsilad ah oo daruuraha madaxa kula jira waana magaalo aad u dhiraysan kuna taal dhul siman. Dadka magaaladu waxay ka cabanayaan wadooyinka magaalada soo gala oo dhammaantood aan hagaagsanayn. Si kastaba ha ahaatee Laasqoray waxay u muuqataa mid ka duwan sidii ay ahayd afar bilood ka hor waxana ka muuqda nolol isa soo taraysa.

1941-kii ilaa 1991 Daaroodka Ayaa Cadaadis Dalka Ku Haystay! - 06 August 2003 , 18:37 Warbixin Xasaasi Ah Oo Uu Cabdiqaasim U Gudbiyay Guddiga Hub Ka Dhigista Soomaaliya Muqdisho, (Yamayska) - Horaantii todobaadkii tagay xilligii ay Muqdisho ku sugnaayeen wafdigii sahaminta hubka dhigista Soomaaliya ayaa C/qaasim Salaad Xasan wuxuu ku amray isagoo jooga Kenya taliyihiisa ciidamada Maxamed Yuusuf Cumar (ma daale) inuu guddiga u gudbiyo qoraal dheer oo ka hadlaya hab dhaqankii dowladnimo ee Soomaaliya bur burkii ka hor, oo lagu sheegay in kala sarayn iyo dabaqado qabiil ku salaysan ay ka jireen Soomaaliya. Warbixinta uu gudbiyay Ma-daale ayaa shaaca ka qaaday in qabiilka Daaroodka oo muddo dheer hayay talada waddanku ay cadaadis iyo hagardaamo ku hayeen qabaa’illada kale oo Hawiyuhu ugu horeeyo. Qoraalkan oo horay loo diyaariyay lagana soo bilaabay 1941 ilaa 1991 ayaa taliye Madaale gacanta ka saaray guddigii sahanka, waxaana qoraalkaasi xambaarsanaa dacwado iyo danbiyo uu sheegay inay dalka iyo dadka ka galeen qabiilka Daaroodku. Waxyaabaha uu qoraalkani sida gaarka ah u taabtay waxaa ka mid ahaa in dalka ay ka jiri jireen Boqortooyooyin iyo maamullo ay madax ka ahaayeen qabiilkaa Daaroodka, isla markaasna ay waxyeellooyin u gaysteen gaar ahaan qabiilka hawiyaha iyo deegaanadiisa. Waxaa wax yeelooyinkaas ka mid ahaa sida C/qaasim sheegay dhul laga dhaxal wareejiyay qabiilkiisa ayadoo lagu gabanayo maamul dalka ka jiray, addoonsi, hantidooda iyo muruqooda oo lagu shaqaysto, la dagaalan dhinaca aqoonta iyo horumarka ah, ganacsiga dibadda iyo gudaha oo aan sharciyo ganacsi la siin jirin dadka u dhashay Hawiyaha, wax soo saarkooda beeraha oo lala wareegi jiray iwm. Qoraalkan ayaa lagu sheegay in dadka Daaroodku ay dhismayaal waawayn ka dhisan jireen dhulka Hawiyaha si buu yiri ay ugu mulkiyaan dhulkooda, sidaasi daraadeedna aysan xaq u lahayn in loo celiyo hantidii looga qabsaday Xamar iyo meelihii kale ee lakala qabsaday dagaaladii sokeeye ee dalka. Qoraalka waxaa lagu sheegay in dastuurka hadda loo sameeyay dalka uu qodob kamid ihi xusayo in laysu celiyo hantida la kala haysto kaas oo C/qaasim sheegay inaysan jirin hanti lakala haysto. Waxaa kale oo waxyaabihii uu qoraalkani xambaarsanaa ka mid ahaa in qof kamida dadka Daaroodku uusan xaq u lahayn inuu markale madax ka noqdo talada dalka Soomaaliya, isagoo si gaara u taabtay C/laahi Yuusuf iyo raadinta Madaxwaynemidiisa dalka Soomaaliya. Gudigii sahaminta hubka dhigista Soomaaliya ayaa u sheegay taliyihii qoraalka u keenay inay ka xun yihiin oo aanay u socon inay u dacwo qaadaan qabaa’ilka ee ay u socdeen oo kaliya inay sahamiyaan habkii hubka looga dhigi lahaa qabaa’ilka hubaysan ee Soomaaliyeed, sidaasi daraadeedna aysan waxba ka qaban karin dacwadiisa. C/qaasim ayaa qoraalkiisa u gudbiyay gudiga xilli dalka Kenya loo fadhiyo shir dib u heshiisiineed oo ladoonayo in lagu heshiisiiyo laysuguna soo dhaweeyo dadka Soomaaliyeed ee dhowr iyo tobanka sano ku walaahoobay colaadda sokeeye ee aan dhamaadka iyo guusha midna aqoon. Waxaa xusid mudan in Cabdiqaasim uu mar walba ku doodo magaca Soomaaliyeed, halka uu dhinaca kalena hurinayo colaad cusub oo ka dhex aloosanta Soomaaliya. Taa markii laga tagana, C/qaasim waxa uu kamid ahaa xubnihii ugu dhaw-dhawaa, uguna daacadsanaa taliskii Siyaad Barre, kaasoo ilaa iyo maalintii uu bur-buray u ahaa wasiir. Xukuumaddii ugu dambeeysay ee Siyaad Barre, C/Qaasaim waxa uu ka ahaa wasiirka Arimaha Gudaha oo ahayd wasaarad siyaasadeed oo awood badan. Xukuumaddii Siyaad Barre oo ay ku dhammaayeen dhammaan qabaa’ilka Soomaaliyeed ayaa dhibaatooyin waaweeyn ka geeysatay inta badan goballada dalka, iyada oo inta la xasuusan yahay ay xad-gudubyadii ugu weynaa loo geeystay goballada hadda loo yaqaan Puntland oo ah halka ay dagaan qaybta ugu badan qabiilka Daaroodka ee uu C/qaasim sheegay in ay dalka gumaysan jireen. Sidoo kale dhammaadkii siddeetameeyadii ayaa xad-gudubyo kale loo geeystay dhulka hadda isku bixiyay Somaliland. Markii ay dhacayeen xad-gudub yadaas iyo kuwo kale oo badan sida kuwii goballada dhexe iyo koonfurta Soomaaliya, Cabdilqaasim waxa uu ahaa xubin xabiib ah oo aad ugu dhaw Siyaad Barre, maantaa oo uu dalku marayo xaalad aad u qallafsan oo inteeda badan laga dhaxlay nidaamkii uu ka tirsanaan jirayna, waxa uu kamid yahay shakhsiyaadka fara kutiriska ah ee ka soo horjeeda nabadeeyntaa Soomaaliyeed ee aadka loogu baahaan yahay, taasoo baahida ugu wayn ay yu qabaa beesha uu ku nuux-nuuxsaday in la cadaadin jiray ee uu shakhsi aahan ka soo jeedo, marka la bar-bar dhigo beelaha kale ee Soomaaliya. Arinku si kastaba ha ahaadee fakarkaan ayaa la rumeysan yahay inuu yahay, mid ay Cabdiqaasim la qabaan siyaasiyiin kale oo isaga la hayb ah. Waayadan danbe waxaa si aan gabasho iyo maldahaadi ku jirin looga dhagaystay idaacadaha Muuse Suudi oo dadka Soomaaliyeed u kala tolay kabo iyo cabbir taasoo uu ku sheegay in qabaa’ilka qaarkii ayan xaq u lahayn in ay isku sharaxaan jagooyinka qaarkood, arintaas oo uu sabab uga dhigay in looga adkaaday dagaalkii sokeeye, hub iyo dhaqaalena looga badan yahay. Inkasta oo uu Muuse Suudi jiro shirka, haddana waxa ay xaggaa siyaasadda aad isugu dhaw waayadan danbe C/Qaasim, oo uu ruuxiisa in badan ka horyimid maamulkiisa isaga oo uu kutilmaamay nin aan is-taahilin maamulka Soomaaliya, uuna ku soo caasiyay guddoomiyihiisa Xuseen Caydiid.

CABDULLAHI YUUSUF WAA KUMA? "Cabdullaahi Yuusuf waxa aan oran karaa waa shini aan waligeed loo ogolaan in ay malabka dhamaystirto WQ: Duuliye-Sare Maxamuud Xaaji Cilmi (Xaaji Dhagax). Qormadan oo ah mid aan ugu talo galay dadka aragtida dheer ee waaya la noolka ah, ma aha mid aan ugu talo galay muranka iyo doodaha dadka maalin la noolka ah. Inta aanan u gundo dagin ubucda dulucda qoraalkan marka hore ii ogolaada inaan inyar anigu iska dhaho; shaqsiyan ma ahi siyaasi, mana jecli siyaasadda, waxaan Duuliye Sare ka ahaa Shirkadii Diyaaradaha Soomaaliyeed ee Somali Airlines, waxa kale oo ay dad badan malaha xasuusan karaan in aan ahaa duuliyihii diyaaradda B 707 oo loo afduubi jiray dalka Ethoipia. 11kii sano ee Burburka dalka kama bixin waxaanse tagay inta badan magaalooyinka muhiimka ah ee Soomaaliya, sida; Muqdisho iyo Hargeysa oo aan marar badan ku laabtay, waxaan wakhtigayga intiisii badnaa ku qaatay degaanka Puntland. Mudadaas dheer waxa aan qalbiga iyo niyadda ka ahaa qaxooti aan ka agab sokayn kuwa ku jira xeryaha qaxootiga, ugu yaraan toban caruur ah oo ay caruurtaydu dhaleen ayaa ku dhashay qurbaha, kuwaas oo aragooda iyo farxadooda ay iga hor taagan tahay la'aanta qaran Soomaaliyeed oo aan marar badan si gaar ah u danayn jiray hogaamiyayaasha aan u arko in ay isku taxalujinayaan baadidoonka qaran Soomaliyeed.Idinka oo ka raali ah wakhtiga aan idinkaga lumiyay akhrinta ama dhagaysiga xogwaranka gaaban ee aan soo xusay; waxaan jeclahay in aan haatan u sii qalin qaato bandhigga taariikho run ku dhisan, runtiina Jecloow ama necboow'e xaqiiqooyinka taariikhdu waa marag ma doonto aan la inkiri Karin. Marag ma doontada 1-aad: 1978 mudane Cabdullaahi Yuusuf waxa uu ahaa hormuudkii aasaaskii SSDF, oo uu ka abuuray meel banaan (sagxad); taas oo muddo gaaban ku gaartay heer aan jabhadi hortiis gaarin, marka la eego, awoodda, tayada iyo tirada ciidan. Waxay dhashay jabhadihii ku xigay ee taariikhda Soomaalida magaca ku yeeshay, taas oo ujeedka laga lahaa ay ahayd si loo kiciyo beelaha kale ee xooga leh doorkana ka qaadan kara soo dadajinta rididii dawladdii kali taliska ahayd ee Maxamed Siyaad. Awooddii SSDF ee fajicisada ku riday dadyowgii la socday arrimaha Soomaaliya waxay naxuustay markii kuwii Cabdullaahi la shaqaynayay hawaysteen inay awoodda sare ee siyaasadda kala wareegaan, isku daygaasina uma suurtoobin. Dawladdii Jabhaddu martida u ahayd oo fulinaysa arimo u gaar ah ayaa ugu danbayntii xabsiga u taxaabtay C/laahi, hase ahaatee Cabdullaahi ayaa la xiraye SSDF xabsi looma taxaabin. Dadkii ku hawlanaa inay badalaan, ayaa dhaxlay waxayse ku guul daraysteen inay sii wadaan oo muddo gaaban ayey ku burburtay oo gacmohooda ku bas-beeshay. Marag ma doontada 2-aad: 1991-kii burbrukii qaranka kadib; waxaa dib loo abaabulay SSDF, si loogu difaaco dadka iyo degaanka, hase ahaatee illaa Cabdullaahi Yuusuf xabsiga ka soo baxay, loona magacaabay Guddoomiyaha Xaaladda deg-dega ah (GXD) SSDF ma buuxin kalinteetii siyaasadeed, mana yeelan haybad lagu qadariyo. Cabdullaahi markuu xabsiga ka soo baxay, wuxuu la kowsada caalamka oo dhibaatada Soomaaliya u yaqaanay oo kaliya loolankii ka dhexeeyey Cali Mahdi iyo Caydiid. Shirarka dib u heshiisiinta sida kii Djibouti 1iyo DJ 2 waxaa lagu saleeyey heshiisiinta laba aan kor ku soo sheegnay inta kale waxy ahaayeen Soomaalida kale waxay ahayd kuwo la kala safan. Mudadii yarayd ee uu ahaa GXD wuxuu baadi doonkii u galay in la soo afjaro colaada baahday, wuxuuna hawshaas nabadeed u tagey Muqdisho, halkaasna waxa uu ku soo saxiixay heshiiskii nabadeed ee degaanka gobolada dhexe 4 June 1993-kii, kaas oo faa'iidooyinkiisa si cad looga garan karo magaalada Gaalkacyo. Marag ma doontada 3-aad: 1995-kii Cabdullaahi Yuusuf waxaa soo wajahday xaalad caafimaad daro, wuxuuna fuulay sariir, mudadii uu sariirta saartaana waxaan la inkiri karin in siyaasadda Soomaaliya sariir saarnayd, waxayna dhaqdhaqaaqyadii isku dayga xal raadinta Soomaaliya dib u soo tooseen markii uu sariirtii ka soo kacay. Marag ma doontada 4-aad: 1996-kii ayaa caalamku garaystay inay jiraan dad kale oo aan ahayn xil-doon balse ah xal-doon iyo qaabkii lagu gaari lahaa qaran Soomaaliyeed. Markii Cabdullaahi Yuusuf uu ka soo baxay isbitaalka ee uu Sodare ka abaabulay shir wayne gogol xaar ah oo ay ka soo qayb galeen dhamaan jabhadaha Soomaaliyeed mid mooyaane, shirkaas waxaa ka soo baxay golihii National Somali Council (NSC), golahaasi waxa uu aqoonsi ka helay beesha caalamka, Cabdullaahi Yuusufna waxa uu xilligaas magaca Soomaaliyeed kaga qayb galay shirkii OAU ee Haraare, calankii Soomaaliyana la hor qotonshay. Aqoonsigaas ka sokow ahmiyad kale oo dhismahaasi lahaa ayaa ahayd in shirarkii dib u heshiinta Soomaalida ee lagu qaban jiray dalka dibadiisa lagu qabto Bosaaso ayadoo laga duulayo aragtida ah in Soomaalidu dhibteeda ayadu xalisato, si aysan dhibaatadu u soo labo kaclayn. Markaas wixii ka danbeeyay loolankii Jabhadaha Soomaalida kala dhexeeyay Cabdullaahi waxaa booskoodii soo galay dawladdo xoog leh, oo jamhadihii geed buu isaga xiray. Ugu danbayntii waxaa dawladahaasi abaabuleen qorshe lagu burburinayo NSC iyo shirkii Bosaaso lagu qaban lahaa. Shirkii Desembar 1997 ee Qaahiro lagu qabtay ayayna ugu danbayntii dawladahaasi ku gaareen in ay ku burburiyaan qorshihii baadi doonka qaran ee uu Jeexay kornayl Cabdullahi Marag ma doontada 5-aad: Dawladihii majo xabiyey waxay ku seexdeen in Cabdullaahi uusan dib u soo noolaan doonin, waxaase fajiciso galisay markuu muddo gaaban dhidibada u aasay dhismihii Dawlad Goboleedka Puntland, iyadoo aanay jirin tabarucaad iyo hanti hawl baaxadaas leh lagu hawaysto ayuu u bareeray in uu dayn ku dhiso Puntland, waxaa la laalay jabhadihii degaanka Puntland ka jiray markaas sida; SSDF, USP iyo SNDU, arintaasi saamayn toos ah ayey ku yeelatay jabhadihii ka jiray Soomaaliya kuwaas oo maqalkooda la waayey. Shirkii OAU ee Aljeeriya ayaa markaas kadib qaatay aragtidaas oo lagu go'aamiyey in aan dib danbe shir loo qaban Hogaamiye Kooxeedyada Soomaalida, waxaaana shirkaas lagu dhiirigaliyay maamulada iskood isu dhisay ee Puntland iyo Soomaaliland, dhiiragalintaasay labada maamul ku heleen in mashaariic lagala loo fidiyo ida dayactirkii jidadka labada degaan iwm. Agaasimaha ee Sahqada iyo shaqaalaha Cabdulaahi Axmed Cabdule (Az-hari) wuxuu caddeeyey in goloyaasha Dawladda, shaqaalaha iyo kuwa Dawladaha Hoose ee mushaarka joogtada qaadan jiray ay kor u dhaafayeen 10,000 (Toban kun) oo aysan bil kaliyana mushaarkooda waayin, taasoo aan dawladaha Bariga Afrika qaarkood wali gaarin heerkaas. Puntland Soomaaliya ayay xoog ku yeelatay, Cabdullaahina intaas kuma ekaane wuxuu wakhti iyo dhaqaalaba galiyay sidii qaran Soomaaliyeed loo heli lahaa, wuxuu kaalin wayn ka qaatay dhismihii SRRC. Hase ahaatee, intii Cabdullaahi ku hawlanaa horumarinta Puntland iyo baadi doonka qaran ayaa kooxihii ahaa ‘ma daalayaasha, maquustayaasha, masheexayaashu’ hawshoodii ku dhaqaaqeen ayaga oo markaas isku tiiriyey Isimada ka aradan abtirsi Isin (Been Jilad) sidoo kale nabaddoonada Qobtolka ah oo ay jahawareeriyeen Isimadii soo jireenka ahaa oo talada looga danbeyn jirey ciska iyo sharafka ku lahaa dalka iyo dadkaba. Gabo-gabadii: haddii aan intaas kaga gudbo xasuusintaydii ku jeeday dadka waayo la noolka ah, waxaa quman in aan dadka maalin la noolka ah ee dhaleecaynaya Cabdullaahi Yuusuf aan waydiiyo su'aal ah ‘maxaad filaysaan haddii Cabdullaahi hawsha uu inoo hayo uu faraha kala baxo?. Maxaa damaanad ah oo aad u haysaan dadka Puntlnd iyo kuwa Soomaaliyaad ee ay rajadoodu ku xiran tahay dadaalka Cabdullaahi Yuusuf?. In aan dib loogu noqon heeryadii saarnayd dadkaan? Miyaanay muuqan in lagu ordayo godkii uu ka soo saaray sideed sano ka hor.?. Si kale hadii loo yiraahdo miyaanay haboonayn in dadka iyo dawladaha hawsha ka dhigtay in ay dhooqeeyaan ceel kasta oo uu qodo marka laga biyo gaaro, in ay sugaan inta uu ka dhamaystirayo dhismaha qaran Soomaaliyeed, si aad ugula dhagtaan wax qiimo leh oo uu idiin ebyay.

These multi-million dollar projects earmarked to commence for the year ending December 2003 include the re-design and re-mapping of cities structures (Garowe, Galkayo, Bosaso, Lascanod), business ventures empowering local entrepreneurs, road mapping, landscaping and structuring by way of working with local authorities.

Wafdi EU-da ka socda oo booqnaya Puntland - Wednesday, August 06, 2003 at 12:21 Gaalkacyo, (AllPuntland)- Wafdi sare ah oo ka socda ururka midowga reer yurub oo uu hogaaminayo Dr Apriat Kinson ayaa soo gaaray magaalada Gaalkacyo ee Xarunta Gobolka Mudug. Ujeedada Socdaalka wafdiga ayaa ahayd diyaarinta qaabka Istiraatiijiyadeed ee loo wajihi karaayo horumarinta mashaariicda dawladaha hoose oo uu maalgalin doono ururka Midowga Yurub. Wafdigaan ayaa saaka kulamo gooni gooni ah kula yeeshay xarunta dawladda hoose ee magaalada Gaalkacyo gudoomiyaha gobolka Mudug C/rashiid Cali Xaashi, Duqa degmada Gaalkacyo Xuseen Jaamac Yabaq Madaxa horumarinta mashaariicda ahna xiriiriyaha hay'adaha iyo degmeada Bashiir Axmed Cali (Cajeex), waxayna kulamadii saaka dhacay oo dhan ay ku dhamaadeen is afarad iyo guul. Wafdigaan waxay horay u soo mareen magaalooyinka Boosaaso iyo Garoowe oo ay kula soo kulmeen madax kala duwan. C. C. Farayaamo AllPuntland, Somaliya