Vice President visit to LA SOOL Puntland

[Vice President visit to LA SOOL Puntland]

Madaxweyne ku xigeenka Maamul goboleedka Puntland Mudane Xasan Daahir Afqurac taageeroweyn ayuu ku haystaa magaalada Laascaanood iyo gobalka Sool.

[The Problem of the Warlords]

Dealing with devils: Somali warlords

 

By Mohamoud Oogle

Having tried so many times to help Somalia with little success to show for it, the outside world may soon give up on Somalia as a failed state almost beyond salvation. The Nairobi Peace Conference could well be the last effort by the international community. Not since the creation of the United Nations has a member country been without a government for 14 years, not because of any deep-rooted and irreconcilable divisions among its people, whether ethnic, religion, race, colour, language, etc but because it has been denied to have a government by a bunch of power or money-hungry warlords in Mogadishu and by the failure of its people to rid themselves of these parasites. As the rest of the international community would say, God helps only those people who help themselves. But how can one help a people who have themselves inflicted their own wounds and seem to be neither able to help themselves nor would allow others come to their help. The outside world may wish to wash its hands off Somalia after so many failed initiatives but surely there are enough Somalis who still refuse to resign themselves to the dictates of the warlords and the continuing absence of government in Somalia and its resultant lawlessness.

 

 

 

My own part of Somalia, what the secessionists call Somaliland, is relentlessly seeking recognition, proudly pointing to the contrast between their peaceful and stable part and the rest of strife-torn Somalia. Though happily no country has so far recognized Somaliland, this cannot be discounted for ever. And unless the people in the South, in particular those in the Benadir region, do what they have not done so far, that is to free themselves from the warlords and join nation building, there is danger that other parts of Somalia might give up waiting for peace in Mogadishu and decide to go their own way as Somaliland did (although a large of part of that territory does not subscribe to the secession). Unless we act now and ensure the survival and functioning of the government established in Nairobi, there might come a time in the not too distant future when Somalia would no longer exist as a state but only in history books. If that were to happen, we only have ourselves to blame for failing to act against the warlords We cannot blame anyone else, not even Ethiopia, although its hands are not clean and would undoubtedly be happy about Somalia’s collapse and disintegration just as many of us would be equally happy about the collapse of the Ethiopian empire and the breakaway of the occupied Somali territory.

 

 

 

For months now, we had the faint hope that Somalia might at last have a government after the long-dragging and often circus-like Somali peace conference in Nairobi. For what it is worth, we do have a government, at least on paper, with a President, a Prime Minister and unelected members of Parliament. But that faint hope is already fading away as we face the reality of transforming the nominal government into a functional one based in its own territory and capital. It seems that the nightmare of the wretched and long-suffering Somali people is far from being over. That nightmare, of course, is how to get over the biggest hurdles in the way of the newly-born and fledgling government ever-taking effective roots in Somalia. Needless to say, those hurdles are the warring warlords of Mogadishu standing in the way of the overwhelming desire of the desperate Somali people –more so those in Mogadishu- for a functioning national government that would maintain law and order and would strive to improve their daily lives.

 

 

 

Our warlords are special in one sense. Whereas warlords in other warn-torn territories in the world have been taken to international tribunals in The Hague and Arusha for the crimes they had committed such as crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide, our own warlords had by contrast been rehabilitated as respectable statesmen. In dealing with the issue of the Somali warlords, the Nairobi conference had opted to include them in the conference, and in the ensuing government and parliament having weighed the pros and cons of the issue. Undoubtedly, it was mindful of the fate of the Arta established government which excluded warlords and has thus ignominiously condemned the government of Abdulqasim Salaad Hassan as de facto prisoners in two hotels in Mogadishu. In other words, if you cannot defeat them reward them not only with immunity from persecution for their crimes but also membership of the Parliament and government. This was a blind gamble that these criminals might somehow be persuaded to give up their old bad ways and became redeemed Somali patriots abiding by the rule of law. Indeed, they do talk these days like patriots. But this is not because of any change of heart on their part but simply as part of their public relations campaign to be on board while at the same time indulging in their usual criminal activities. You only have to hear their cynical and sickening appeal to nationalistic sentiments as justifications of their opposition to foreign peacekeeping forces coming to Somalia or to the decision of the government to be base itself outside Mogadishu in Somalia until such time as law and order are restored in the capital.

 

 

 

The destiny of the government is critically dependent on being protected from those lawless elements no matter where it is based in Somalia. Under the prevailing situation in Somalia, a government that does not have its own forces has to necessarily rely on foreign peacekeeping forces for its protection until such time as they can be replaced by national forces, a process which will require both time and resources. Since no foreign peacekeeping forces are to be sent to Mogadishu, it would be suicidal for the government to return to the capital at the mercy of the warlords, regardless of their promises to restore order and peace in the capital and even to relocate their militia to camps away from the city. Such promises are worthless given the countless pledges they had broken in the past. Those who therefore advocate that the government should go to Mogadishu, or are against the deployment of foreign peacekeeping forces to protect it in Baidowa and Jowhar can only be contemplating its demise. There is no other interpretation. President Abdullahi Yussuf, is no fool whatever else you might call him. An old warrior, some would say a former warlord himself, he is fully mindful of the fate of Abdulqasim Salaad Hassan’s government and its slow strangulation in the hands of the same warlords now enticing the president and his government to come to Mogadishu while still wielding their “veto†on foreign peacekeeping forces coming to Somalia.

 

 

 

As we all know, these warlords had been fighting for the last 14 years among themselves for control of their separate turfs in the capital and surrounding areas. If anything unites them, , it is their total disregards for the welfare and interests of the Somali people- particularly those under their occupation in Mogadishu- and their implacable opposition to the emergence of a national Somali government that will usher in the end of their lucrative, often criminal, activities in the South of Somalia. As they rightly see it, they have more to gain from the continuation of the status quo where in the absence of a government warlords rule supreme. Whether the Nairobi decision to co-opt them was right or simply a wishful thinking is now a moot question. They had been co-opted. What is more important now is how to deal with them since they are still bent on remaining warlords despite their membership of parliament or government. This article would therefore suggest possible actions against the warlords by the national and international community. It will also say something about the deployment of foreign forces, the leadership of President Abdullahi Yussuf, the role of the members of Parliament. It will conclude with an appeal to the Hawiya intellectuals.

 

 

 

1. Action against the warlords

 

Rather than molly-coddling the warlords, we should be dealing with them for what they are as outlaws. Pure and simple. Economic sanctions and denial to go abroad are among the most potent weapons that would need to be applied against them. A tentative, though not exhaustive, list of measures will, inter alia, include:

 

 

 

Freezing their accounts held in banks in Europe, US, and the Gulf countries.

Imposing air embargoes on airports and sea ports under their control in Somalia;

Imposing embargoes on exports shipped from sea ports under their control;

Visa denial to them and members of their family;

Prosecution for their crimes at the International Criminal Court in The Hague unless they come clean within a fixed period. Disarming or disbanding their militia and transferring to government control for their rehabilitation would be the minimum expected of them.

Confiscating their ill-gotten property in Somalia

Allowing their victims to sue t hem for damages.

 

 

The above mentioned measures would need the approval of IGAD, the Arab League and the United Nations.

 

 

 

2.The role of President Abdulahi Yussuf

 

 

 

Under normal times, Mr Abdullahi Yussuf could not have been elected as president of Somalia considering his past. Here is a man for whom the end always justified the means. The pursuit of power at all costs has always been his goal and force to get it has been the means he unscrupulously adopted to get it. He is certainly no democrat and his patriotism is clearly questionable. Such patriotism as he may possess is secondary to his primary political goal. But that is something he shares with almost all the current Parliamentarians and also, sadly to say, with many present day Somalis

 

 

 

But we do not live in normal times and present day Somalia is no normal country. Now that Mr. Abdullahi has finally realized his ambition to become President, he may want to go down in history as the man who finally saved his nation. If Siyad Barre was the man who took Somalia to the edge of the abyss, and the warlords and their associates the ones who pushed it down the abyss, President Abdullahi Yussuf , close to 70 years of age, could well be the one to take it from that abyss, if only he could overcome the daunting opposition from the warlords and their associates or allies. He can only undertake such a monumental task if he can count on the support of the international community and the Somali people. Financial, diplomatic and security assistance are sine qua non for the president’s mission in order to overcome the warlords and address the critical needs of the population in the short and medium term. This job requires perseverance, determination, single mindedness and strong will- qualities that President Abdullahi Yussuf has. He would need to use them positively and for the common good and not for the pursuit of his own personal ego.

 

 

 

Thus far, most of the fears about his dictatorial streaks have not materialized. If any thing, he has been acting presidential, leaving the Prime Minister to get on with the daily nitty-gritty affairs of running the government. He should not respond to the baiting of the warlords or those self-seeking members of Parliament who are out for a showdown. If appearances are any thing to go by, the president seems to have good rapport with his Prime Minister and that augurs well for the government and for Somalia. They need one another as they also need to retain the loyalties of the members of parliament, even if most of them are opportunists who are in the business for their own self interest.

 

 

 

3. Members of Parliament

 

 

 

Needless to say, the members of Parliament cannot claim to have been democratically elected. Be that as it may, we are stuck with them for better or worse and have no choice but to live with this reality. Not surprisingly, their record so far is not promising. Their brawl in a Nairobi hotel has served the outside world as a typical manifestation of present-day violence-ridden Somalia. If members of Parliament can behave like they did in a country where they were quests what can one expect from the unruly society they represent back home? Despite this shameful event, there is always the hope that they may still redeem themselves at least on occasions. They would need to be given courses on their on what is rightly their business and what belongs to the purview of the government. Some of them are under the wrong impression that all government business is also their business. A sometimes more de-stabilizing force is the Speaker of Parliament. At times he acts as if he wants to unseat the president or as if his office is a parallel authority to the government. He is fully entitled to faithfully do his job as prescribed by the constituting while always putting national interest above all other personal considerations. This is not the time to play with fire. On the contrary, he should always put out all fires that are to the detriment of our national interest.

 

 

 

4. Forein Peacekeeping Forces

 

 

 

If there is one thing I agree with the warlords and most members of Parliament, it is our common opposition to so-called Ethiopian peacekeeping forces coming to Somalia. No matter how desperate we are, there is a limit to the extent we can shame ourselves and no shame is worse than inviting Ethiopia forces as our saviour. Since the fall of the government of Siyad Bare, Ethiopia has made no secret of its desire to see to it that the fallen state of Somalia should ever be back on its feet. As part of this policy, its forces have been regularly entering and occupying Somali territory. She has been active supplying weapons to one armed against another. If it has finally gone with the rest of the members of IGAD in supporting the Nairobi Conference and its outcome, it had little choice but to go along with the wish of the international community- at least in public. Now that Somalia has a government, albeit a weak one, Ethiopia is eager to continue controlling our affairs through its forces which will be more like an occupying force rather than peacekeeping one. If there is still one bad habit that President Abdullahi Yussuf has not managed to shed, it is his authoritarian streak to force his way irrespective of the wishes of the people and their representatives in Parliament. He should henceforth respect the voice of Parliament and the will of the people, the majority of whom are deadly against Ethiopian forces entering Somalia under any guise. That is what democracy is all about -Mr. President!

 

 

 

5. An Appeal to the Hawiya intellectuals

 

All previous initiatives by the international community to revive the fallen Somali State during the past 14 years have been hostage to the anarchy reigning in Mogadishu. In the meantime, other parts of Somalia have gone their own way like Somaliland, or have established their own regional administration like Puntland.. How long can we wait for peace in Mogadishu? Not for ever. We either continue along the path of irreversible disintegration, or we have to find another capital for a temporary period and that is what the government has done. But in the long run, Mogadishu is irreplaceable. As such, we have to strive to liberate it from the warlords. In the absence of a national army to do so, and since the use of foreign forces is ruled out to enter the capital, we can only rely on our own resources. In the present day realities of Somalia, this is a task which primarily falls on the clan that dominate the city. Neither other clans nor the present government can directly intervene. Indirect support of course is another matter. Only when the dominant clan in Mogadishu has put its own house in order can we overcome the major stumbling block that has denied us a government for all those years.

 

 

 

Many Somalis wrongly blame the Hawiya people as a whole for failing to restore order in the capital. The simple fact is that the ordinary Hawiya people in Mogadishu have been themselves victims who suffered more than any one else under the occupation of the warlords. Like the rest of the Somalis, almost all the people in Mogadishu, except those criminals thriving on lawlessness, would like to have a government that would attend to their needs. Witness the impressive initial welcome to the Abdulqassim Hassan Salaads government, or the recent tumultuous welcome they gave to Parliamentarians. If there is any group among the Hawiya clan to be faulted, these are the intellectuals and the wider civil society organizations. Where is their concerted voice for all these 14 years? Judging by this silence, one would be tempted to conclude that there are no Hawiya intellectuals which is not the case. More than ever, there is urgent need that their voice be heard loud and clear. They should mobilize the silent and suffering people in Mogadishu and the Benadir region who had been desperately waiting to be liberated from the warlords. In rising to this challenge, you can count on the whole-hearted support of Somalis everywhere. Enough is enough. Time for Action. It is now or never.

 

Mohamoud Oogle

[The Problem of the Warlords]

The Problem of the Warlords

 

By Abdiweli M. Ali, Ph.D.

 

The argument over whether the governmen t moves to Baidoa, Jowhar, or Mogadishu is really a moot point. It has no bearing on the cynical motives of the warlords, hell-bent on a borting the results of the two-year efforts. They are using the Mogadishu card as a whipping boy for their ulterior motive of derailing the peace process. It is they, not Ghedi or Abdullahi who changed Mogadishu – a seaside resort into a cesspool full of drug addicted morons. The question one has to ask then is who these guys are, who do they represent, and what do they really want?

 

As we all know they are a coterie of the society's dregs and fascists and consist of a concoction of ignorance and madness. They are impervious to the logic of reason, but are highly sensitive to the use of force, to quote a former American diplomat. They are crying wolf not because they care a bout the people of Mogadishu but they felt the pressure that their ill-gotten gains will somehow be in jeopardy. They can not be swayed by the tears of the thousands they themselves orphaned. Benjamin Franklin, the late American wise man once said, "Make yourself sheep and the wolves will eat you." We really made ourselves sheep and an easy prey for these predators. Ask anyone in south Somalia and they will relay chapter and verse how their family and friends are killed by the militia of these warlords, how they lost their livelihood, and how their houses and farms are still occupied by them.

 

It is they not us who elected Abdullahi Yusuf with an overwhelming majority vote. They should therefore let him do the job the best he could. Their sweeping and systematic smearing campaign made it kosher for people to suspect every action the government has taken or tries to take. The recent so-called decision of the parliament reek of an organized effort and was clearly planned by these notorious warlords using the gullible speaker of parliament to achieve their mischievous goals of keeping the status quo. So, forgive the speaker’s shenanigans. But note what it betokens: an abuse of his power and a clear flinching from the facts. Hard on the heels of that scandal comes a new one, Mr. Yusuf Indhacadde’s invasion of Baidoa.

 

Here is my suggestion to President Abdullahi Yusuf and Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Ghedi. History had assigned you a dirty job. Every action you may or may not take will be considered morally hazardous by many. But bear in mind that when the going gets tough, the tough should get going. When everything is said and done, the silen t majority will be on your side; and don’t expect sainthood either. If you fail doing the right thing, the graveyards are full of indispensable men as Charles de Gaulle once said. Do not be browbeaten into diluting your beliefs in the hope of accommodating these warlords who kept us hostage for so long. Moving to another city temporarily is the wisest decision you have made but selling it to a skeptical public is another matter. Just re boot your policy and get a good salesman. The disruptions at the parliament spearheaded by the Speaker are just an operational glitch. Don't wince and you shouldn’t be discouraged by the bring-out-the-smelling-salts statements from former academic-cum-failed politicians. If they knew better, they could have done it themselves. We should be aware of the false prophets, hanging round the hallways of ivory towers pretending to espouse views on our behalf that they say are in our best interest.

 

What a bout us, Somalis, both in diaspora and at home? While the government insists on the temporary relocation of the capital and the warlords are adamant on their demand of taking the Speaker of the house and the parliament to Mogadishu, the real losers will be us (the Somali people). We should speak; and should speak loud and clear. Bear in mind of the mythical jackass who finding himself midway between a pile of hay and a bag of oats starved to death because he was unable to decide which way to go. Edmund Burke, the well known British statesman was once quoted to have said†To sin by silence when they could protes t makes cowards out of me.†It applies to us all.

 

To conclude, we mus t make all the efforts to end this protracted civil war as quickly as possible, because even after the end of conflict, we still will have a long way to go. After peace is established, the pains of conflict also have to be healed, and this will take some time. So, the sooner we Somalis can reach a just and durable peace, the better off we all will be.

 

Abdiweli M. Ali, Ph.D.

Assistant Professor of Economics

Department of Commerce

College of Business Administration

312 Per boyre Hall

Niagara University, NY 14109

amali@niagara.edu

[Xadraawi Somaliland-na waxa la gudboon inay dagaalka ka qayb gasho]

Lander

 

Xadraawi's played a pivotel role to help SNM's aims particularly turning people of northwest Somalia against the Somali government, is well known fact and no one can deny!!!!!!!!

[pics of baydhabo hotels that will host the somali government n parliament]

Insha Allaah Baydhabo will be peaceful again.

[Xadraawi Somaliland-na waxa la gudboon inay dagaalka ka qayb gasho]

Xadraawi nabada ka shaqee

 

ma warlord baa noqotay!!!!!!!!

 

I heard Xadraawi was the top poet of SNM, and composed thousands of poems to boost up SNM war efforts!!!!!!!!!!

[SNM (Kulmiye) devotee perception on Somaliland’s current president]

THE LEADER WHO WAS NEVER MEANT TO BE

Jamal Madar — London, USA — 15 March, 2005

 

More than one and a half decade ago during the heyday of Siad Barre’s military junta, I happened to be a witness to an awful but rather amusing experience that left an indelible mark on my memory. It occurred in a small Masjid [mosque], which located in the upmarket district of Hodan, in the former Somali capital of Mogadishu. Almost all the worshippers who frequented that Masjid were exclusively from what was then known as the North West region of former Somalia (today’s Somaliland Republic). Only few people in the neighbourhood were aware that the people who attended the Masjid were, by and large, disenchanted with Barre’s military junta. These consisted of disgruntled senior army officers, demoted government officials and others who were simply antipathetic towards Barre’s regime. They were Somali Qaldaan as the reer Hamar used to refer to them- a derogatory term derived from the infamous union between the South and the North in 1960 when the amateurish Somaliland leadership, who did not yet master the basic ropes of governance, prematurely relinquished the independence and sovereignty of their beloved country by uniting with Italian Somalia without any strings attached to it.

 

One day a man who was apparently not known in the area walked into the mosque. The man appeared to be a stranger and did not seem to have a nodding acquaintance with any of the people in the mosque. Yet strangely as it may seem, he confidently walked straight to the front line, passing through rows of people waiting for prayers. Bespectacled and about 6’ 2†tall, he had a full beard and trimmed moustache. He was wearing a long, spotless white flowing Arab thobe complete with headgear. The congregation was about to get up for the Maghrib prayers when the stranger joined the people sitting at the front. After a little while, there was a murmur among the people at the front row, which later grew into a commotion. Those at the back rows were mystified as to what was going on. But as the argument raged, they began to get a sense of what the argument was about. They heard incoherent sentences like “ Waar daaya wadaadka…Waar u oggolaada…, “ Waar maxaa ku jaban hadduu ina tukiyo…â€. The squabbling as to whether or not to allow the stranger to lead Maghrib prayers went on for a while.

 

“Waar waa nin waalan ee waxba ha u dhiibina!!!..†a loud voice boomed from a corner but no body gave a scant attention to it. The quarrelsome mystics, who often occupied the front row, waved their oversized rosary beads up in the air as the tempo of the squabbling reached to a climax. At any rate, the mystics won the argument as some had acquiesced to their suggestion while others simply capitulated. As a result, the stranger was given the go ahead to lead the prayers much to the indignation of the respectable usual Imam. The protestations as to why the customary imam was unceremoniously sidelined went unheeded. Meanwhile, the stranger began a slow lumbering walk to the front of the mosque to take up his position as Imam.

 

The stranger led the Salat in the usual manner until the second rak’a when suddenly halfway through the third rak’a he turned around a full-circle and faced the congregation he was leading. He then roared into peals of maniacal laughter that reverberated across the serene ambience of the Masjid.

 

 

Shocked and outraged, people began to abandon their prayers. To make matters worse, the imam began to speak in tongues. It was hard to make sense out of what he was uttering. Suddenly, he began counting his rosary beads as fast as he could Subhanalah, Alhamdulilah, Allahu Akbar and subsequently recited supplications (duco) to conclude the Salat.

 

The ill-tempered mystics who allowed the stranger to lead the congregation in the first place froze in shock and utter disbelief. The stranger they have chosen over the usual Imam ruined everyone’s prayers. Yet, the mystics were not prepared to evict the mad man from the Masjid. Other responsible worshippers tried to persuade and reason with the deranged Imam to leave the mosque in peace. Suddenly the Imam leapt off from the rug he was sitting on and began to shout hideously at the top of his voice, “Ha dhaco Afweyne, Ha dhaco Kacaanku.â€, as he attempted feverishly to prove to the usual worshippers that he, too, was against the regime of Afweyne.

 

Seized by a feeling of instant terror people began fleeing the mosque in droves and amid the chaos and confusion that followed some ran away without shoes; for fear that they might be branded anti-revolutionary or reactionary, which at the time of Siyad Bare’s era, carried a long-term imprisonment if not the death penalty. The most argumentative mystic who overruled everyone suddenly seemed less than the man we knew; and more of a desperate fugitive trying to fly off to his secret lair somewhere in the sprawling neighbourhood of Casa Populare. He shot out from the mosque’s main door as if he was shot out from a cannon. He never looked back.

 

“Waar ha yaacina.. …Waar fulay yahay wax isk celiya..†Shouted the Imam after the mystic who ran away, as his hoarse voice boomed from the loud speakers of the mosque. In a matter of minutes, the mosque was emptied and everybody went home to perform their prayers. It was only after he ruined everybody’s prayers that the people realised that the man was; in fact, mentally unfit to look after himself let alone to lead a congregation. His looks, his dress sense and his cleanliness belied the status of his mind. It transpired later that the stranger’s cleric-like looks together with the traditional Arab garb he was donned pulled the wool over the mystics eyes.

 

This bizarre spectacle reminds me of how Rayaale came to power, how he won the presidential elections and last but not least how disappointingly his job performance came to nothing.

 

HOW RAYAALE CAME TO POWER

 

When Egal ditched his much-revered vice-president, Abdirahman Aw-Ali, in his second term of office, in favour of Rayaale, he did so for a good reason. Egal was inherently Somaliweyn supporter and could not stand for the glowing credentials of Abdirahman Aw-Ali whose record of the armed struggle for the liberation of Somaliland was hard to fault. Egal felt increasingly uncomfortable to work with Abdirahman Aw-Ali and sought the services of someone who would not be proud of the liberation struggles waged. Consequently, he sought a running mate from among the people of Borama. Out of the many gifted and talented men in that region, Egal handpicked Rayaale not because he wanted Rayaale to fulfil the obligations of a vice-president but because he wanted him to serve as a pliant vice president- literally a figurehead.

With the loss of his post as a Colonel in the NSS and his subsequent business as a qat retailer not being so profitable, the proposed offer, from zero to hero, could not have been more enticing for someone in Rayale’s situation then and there as well as tainted past record. Egal’s only condition to Rayaale was for him [Rayaale] to keep his mouth shut permanently and stays out of the president’s affairs. Never had Rayale uttered a word throughout Egal’s term of office.

 

The only time when Rayale opened his mouth was when, in the absence of president Egal, he congratulated to Somaliland’s archenemy, Omar Guelleh, on the occasion of his re-election as president of Djibouti. Egal swiftly retracted that congratulatory message. It was a warning shot over Rayaale that he was in breach of the terms and conditions under which he was appointed. Also, it was a powerful signal to Guelleh not to poke his nose into Somaliland’s affairs.

 

Unfortunately, Egal did not live out the last term of his office. He died unexpectedly in a South African hospital following a postoperative complication. When the news of Egal’s death was officially announced, the leaders of the two Houses convened an emergency session to decide who would replace the deceased president.

 

There was squabbling among the decision makers even though the constitution was there to guide them. There was an argument whether Sheikh Ibrahim Madar, the then Chairman of the House of Elders, should take over the post or whether the vice-president be given the opportunity to replace Egal. It was typical of the arguments that raged between the worshippers in the mosque who wanted the stranger to lead the prayers while others were vociferously arguing that the regular imam be allowed to lead the congregation as was customary.

 

Article 139 of the constitution clearly stipulated that in the event of the president’s death prior to the adoption of a multi-party system of government, the parliament should elect a new president within 45 days. In the meantime, the Chairman of the House of Elders should serve as interim Chief Executive. Egal made this arrangement prior to his death in a bid to preclude Rayaale from becoming a President. He knew that Rayaale was singularly incompetent and could hardly be trusted to run the country.

 

According to sources close to the late President Egal at the time, it was believed that Egal wanted to replace Rayaale. “Rayaale never expected to be a President,†a long time serving diplomat told ICG. However, officials managing the transition were less concerned about whether or not Rayale was competent enough to do the job. They found it expedient to sideline Sheikh Ibrahim and propel Rayale into the presidency even though that was in clear violation of the spirit of the constitution.

 

Just like the argumentative mystics in the mosque who propelled the stranger into the imamship, they ignored Article 139 of the constitution and opted instead to apply Article 89 (intended to come into effect only after the first multi-party elections are held), which states that the Vice-President shall assume the office of the Presidency for the remainder of the year.

 

 

Accordingly, Rayaale was sworn in as interim President until March 2003 while denying the same right to the Speaker of the House of Elders, Sheikh Ibrahim Madar, to serve as interim Chief Executive for 45 days until a president could be elected. It emerged later that the decision to sideline Sheikh Ibrahim was brought about by political differences amongst major decision makers.

 

Egal’s concern about Rayaale was so intense to the extent that, after the referendum, Egal even called together a handful of selected Borama elders and asked them who else they might field as candidate for a Vice President. But Egal met his fate in a far away land before he finalised this business. Consequently, Rayaale stepped into Egal’s shoes as an interim President.

 

HOW HE WON THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

 

Given the divisive and often deadly rivalry amongst major players in Somaliland’s political landscape, Rayale was initially hesitant to throw his hat into the ring but once he secured the chairmanship of UDUB, he was emboldened to declare his candidacy for the presidency. And within a relatively short period of time he began to deploy public funds to promote his presidential campaign. All government employees from handymen to cabinet ministers were hard pressed to become party activists and deliver their services to UDUB. Those who disobeyed or even disinclined to do so risked losing their jobs. Much to his surprise, Rayale found out that there were no shortages of subservient individuals to do the bidding for him.

 

According to sources close to Rayale, it is believed that more than 15 million US dollars worth of Somaliland shillings was printed to use as a slush fund for the Local and Presidential Elections. Moreover, President Omar Guelleh of Djibouti injected sizeable cash into Rayaale’s campaign chest in an attempt to prevent a potential Issaq President from assuming power. Yet paradoxically, contrary to basic principles of democracy, the two main opposition parties fielded Boramese as their vice-presidents. This effectively precluded other indigenous people to have a level playing field in the election as far as the post of vice-presidency was concerned.

 

As the Election Day approached, new Somaliland shilling notes began circulating throughout much of the country, which led to acute inflation in the country leaving many people bankrupt or in debt.

 

The opposition parties never had a level playing field as far as the local and presidential elections were concerned. The government had illegally employed all state resources and other government machinery such as radio; press etc to attract more voters in its sway. Huge wads of public money were being carried around in brief cases in the major townships and cities by government ministers to bribe the poor, the greedy and the illiterate to vote for Rayaale.

 

 

UDUB’s victory in presidential elections came as no surprise but rather it was the razor thin margin result (80 votes) that it won that shocked political observers. Yet, that result itself was highly dubious and controversial given the Electoral Commission’s refusal to review its own figures. This was a source of persistent suspicions that the government had bribed them.

 

The Supreme Court’s judgement further muddied the water when it announced that UDUB won not by 80 votes but 217. More shockingly, the then chairman of the court refused to justify legally or otherwise where the additional votes came from. So Rayaale did it again. First he came to power by stealth and then won the presidential election by deception.

 

 

HOW HIS JOB PERFORMANCE CAME TO NOTHING

 

When Rayale’s mandate was formally extended by popular elections in April 2003, his first post-election cabinet reshuffle disappointed the nation in general and in particular UDUB party supporters. He resurrected a government similar to that of former restaurateur, Ali Mahdi, by appointing dozens of what he called Ministers of State whose functions and responsibilities overlapped with that of existing Vice-Ministers. These so-called Ministers of State suddenly found themselves at loggerheads with both Ministers and Vice-Ministers. It created discord and antagonism amongst cabinet ministers. This resulted in many Somalilanders to doubt the president’s loyalty to Somaliland and the depth of his seriousness and commitment to form a viable and effectively functioning government. The question on everyone’s lip was: how could a country like Somaliland with a paltry national budget of $20m be able to afford to sustain such a cumbersome government? It is a complex structure, which promotes confusion amongst the governed and discourages accountability and transparency as well as decision-making outside the president’s circle. By and large, these ministerial and other administrative appointments had been offered to their holders based on their clans- clans who claim that they twist the lion by its tail. Others had been offered to their posts based on the scale and degree of their loyalty and sycophancy to the president rather than their technical skills.

 

As soon as Rayale was elected his first priority was to test the people’s nerves by deliberately flouting the outstanding parliamentary resolution, which banned Egal from visiting Djibouti, which virulently promotes anti-Somaliland agenda. Rayale went ahead with his visit in spite of public outcry. It was as if he wanted to take revenge against the populace for what Egal has done to him when he was reprimanded for congratulating Guelleh on the occasion of his re-election as President of Djibouti. To rub salt into the wound, Rayale even struck a secret pact with his maternal cousin- Guelleh. The nature of this pact is still shrouded with mystery to this date. In doing so, Rayale strengthened the hand of our sworn enemy- Guelleh- much to the irritation of our old ally- Ethiopia.

 

Following this pact, Guelleh hatched a plot and expelled thousands of refugees from his country. He persuaded Rayale to take in these unidentified refugees and accommodate them somewhere in Somaliland.

 

Rayale’s government wholeheartedly accepted Djibouti’s request in return for two lousy second-hand electric generators and a pie in the sky- a pledge to build a tarmac road connecting between Hargeisa and Gabiley.

 

In fact, Guelleh’s sinister plan was to surreptitiously send saboteurs disguising as refugees into Somaliland. As a result, Guelleh’s sponsored Eritrean trained ONLF terrorists mingled with the hordes of refugees pouring into Somaliland with the aim of carrying out sabotage activities inside Somaliland.

 

It emerged later that the plan of the ONLF included an attempt to blow up an Ethiopian airliner out of the sky upon taking off at Hargeisa Airport. Guelleh’s conspiracy to drive a wedge between Ethiopia and Somaliland failed to materialise. However, this was not the end of the game for Guelleh.

 

Following the ONLF botched operation; a second set of saboteurs-in-place began to get to work. This time Guelleh brought Abdulqassim Salad Hassan, his right-hand man and business associate, into the equation. In turn, Abduqassim activated his sleeper cells in Somaliland. Then began the campaign to murder foreign aid workers in an attempt to portray Somaliland as a hot bed of Islamic terrorism thereby spoiling its chances of getting diplomatic recognition from the international community. In consequence, a Swiss expatriate was murdered in cold-blood in broad daylight in Hargeisa not far from Ambassador Hotel, Dr. Antonelli, a philanthropist, was brutally gunned down in Borama, and a British elderly couple were savagely slaughtered in their home in Sheikh. This was followed by a truckload of explosives caught in Hargeisa but no one was implicated. This ferocious destabilisation campaign took place within a space of short period. Then IRIN had an interview with Guelleh on 23rd October 2003 about the situation in Somaliland. He said categorically, “We support a United Somalia. We cannot allow ourselves to advocate session. He added that so long as the South [somalia] remained unstable, Somaliland would not enjoy stability. Guelleh’s position on Somaliland had always been very clear from the outset and would never change in the foreseeable future but when Rayale was asked why he restored relations with Djibouti, he and his officials failed to give any logical explanation. Bizarrely as it may seem, Rayale and his officials vigorously defend Guelleh’s position to this date. In a local press conference in Hargeisa, Rayale said that the president [Guelleh] was misunderstood. Rayale’s loyalty to Somaliland is in itself questionable because a three-storey castle is being built for him in the upmarket neighbourhood of Guudka in Djibouti. It looks if though he has made arrangements to flee off to his hideout in Djibouti if things go wrong in Somaliland. This is the clearest testimony yet that Rayale has no confidence in Somaliland whatsoever.

 

In December 2003, a group of militiamen under the command of Colonel Abdillahi Yusuf crossed the border into Somaliland. Rayale immediately capitalised on this incident by acting on the advice and guidance of his mentor- Guelleh. Consequently, regiments from the Somaliland National Army that guarded Somaliland’s border with Djibouti were moved to the eastern front under the pretext that Puntland’s militias would be expelled and eastern borders secured.

 

 

However, as time went by, it became quite clear that no militias were expelled from Las Anod and no borders were secured. In fact, the purpose behind this deceitful exercise was to stealthily bring a whole tract of land around Zeila, which is said to contain oil reserves, under the jurisdiction of Guelleh. This is the same piece of land that the late Siyad Barre ceded to Djibouti at the height of SNM struggle against his military junta. It is a land that Guelleh and his predecessor, Hassan Guled Abtidon, often referred to as Issa Land.

 

It is equally true that some members of Somaliland customs police take their orders directly from the head of Djibouti’s Customs and Excise, which is falsely described as collaboration between the two states. It is therefore not surprising to see Rayale getting hot under the collar whenever the press raises the question of his relationship with Guelleh. What we have in Somaliland today is a government of, by, and for Djibouti’s special interests, and by extension Somaliweyn.

 

In a blatant animosity to downsize Issaq to a minority clan that could be easily drowned in the cesspools of Mogadishu, Guelleh plotted against Somaliland in every step of the way in the disgraced IGAD sponsored Somali Reconciliation Conference by lumping Issaq with *** .

 

It is no secret that Guelleh had always been engaged in conspiracies calculated to subvert Somaliland’s sovereignty as an independent state. Up until Egal’s death however Guelleh simply remained a fly buzzing around the ears of a lion [Egal]. Egal never paid attention to Guelleh’s nonsense for he was a veteran elder statesman who was ahead of Guelleh in the diplomatic game by leaps and bounds. But with the sudden death of Egal, Guelleh is now brave enough to interfere in the internal affairs of Somaliland to the extent that he even directs the government’s policies and priorities by proxy.

 

Under Rayale’s administration, the situation of Somaliland got from bad to worse. Today, there is no running water in most parts of Somaliland capital- Hargeisa. It is not uncommon to see entire families staying up all night in their dwellings only to get a trickle of water, if lucky, in the small hours of the morning. Now, the majority of people buy potable water from the open market at exorbitant prices. Poor mothers with little orphan children beg water to cook meals for their children. People who brought over their own water rigs and drilled wells like the masjidul tabliiqiyiin were warned not to provide a drop of water to their neighbours or else they would be imprisoned. Rayale’s government no longer sees water as a basic necessity and an undeniable human right, which must be made available to all people; it sees as a luxury that only the privileged- the ruling class- can access to. Members of this class do not only have running water in their households but also they can refuse to pay their water bills just like the Finance Minister, Hussein Ali Duale, did recently.

 

This is the most rotten and corrupt public service agency in Somaliland and, don’t forget, it comes directly under the control of Rayale. It is a clear testimony of the president’s callous disregard to the welfare of the people. If any, the president colluded with the water agency authorities to misuse public funds designed to improve water supply services in Hargeisa.

 

Somaliland’s trade links with Ethiopia dramatically worsened with the inauguration of Rayale’s presidency. There is still a ban on Somaliland’s livestock exports to Saudi Arabia although this was inherited from the previous administration. However, no attempts were made by Rayale’s government to look for ways and means to find a solution for this problem. Even worse, Somaliland traders can no longer import goods from the UAE.

 

The slippery slope of civil rights curtailment had already begun in Somaliland. The Interior Minister, Ismail Yare, who was a small-time ****** informer, discarded under the directions of Rayale, one of the most basic democratic principles of Somaliland law, the presumption of innocence. The rogue security committee that he chairs denies Somaliland citizens to go through normal judicial process.

 

The government has gone to extraordinary lengths to squelch dissent wherever it has sprung up, drawing on a breathtaking array of tactics from press censorship and surveillance to detention, denial of due process and excessive force including police violence against anyone who dares to speak up like the anti-corruption young protesters in Hargeisa. A so-called National Security tribunal guaranteed that these young men would have the kind of treatment they deserve. Under Rayale, suspects are now as good as guilty.

 

Rayale gathered a lot of people from his former National Security Officers and entrusted them with administrative posts in his government. He created his own Mukhabaaat, which is accountable only to him and is not governed by any legislation. Its purpose and powers remain unknown and it exercises its powers in the absence of public sight. Millions of taxpayer’s money is spent on who is taking qat with whom?

 

Nowadays, a palpable fear of expressing any criticism of Rayale or Guelleh prevails in Somaliland. The press had been gagged under a new legislation enacted recently. However, the government exempted itself from this legislation. It licensed itself to use intimidation and smear tactics against the main opposition parties namely KULMIYE and UCID. The government took advantage of people’s lack of understanding and knowledge of multi-party system of government. More often than not, opposition is equated with ‘state wreckers’. Whenever KULMIYE legitimately opposes the president and his policies, it is accused of ‘endangering the peace’. This tactic seems to have worked well for the government. As a result, KULMIYE- the party of veteran SNM heroes- has developed a tendency to keep quite about the failures of the government for fear of being accused as warmongers by the populace. The idea of a credible opposition is therefore barely alive.

 

Since Rayale was elected, freedom of expression has become a thing of the past. Dr. Bulhan, Director of Centre for Creative Solutions was silenced after he called for a national debate regarding on the IGADD sponsored Somali Reconciliation Conference and how it might affect Somaliland’s sovereignty as an independent state. The government’s response was to withdraw the Centre’s license to operate as an NGO in Somaliland.

 

 

It became increasingly clear that the whole government of Rayale rests in the systematic destruction of civil society as its development entails the growth of forces which will compel the leadership to be accountable for its actions, and of forces which will develop interests diametrically opposed to Rayale and his unscrupulous clique of usurpers. No excuse, however high sounding, even in the name of peace or national unity, can justify the subjugation of people.

 

Somaliland’s judiciary had been mired in corruption and political interference in the last three successive governments. Under Rayale however the situation has even deteriorated to a rotten state. Judges appointed by the president occupy the seats of every local and regional court. These are judges with no judicial acumen who could not be trusted to state the law in a fair and neutral way. There is a fair supply of phoney witnesses for hire loitering in front of Hargeisa court. The situation has reached to a state where justice is sold only to the highest bidder.

 

Under this administration, the Chairmanship of the Supreme Court can only be trusted with an individual who is prepared to depart the well-stated principles of law and more importantly too willing to bend the law to fit the views of Rayale’s government.

 

The embezzlement of public funds during Rayale’s administration has reached to a record level compared to his predecessor. It is so widespread and deeply embedded throughout much of the country as if these thieveries constitute one of the core policies and priorities of Rayale’s Regime.

 

When the former Trade and Industry Minister, Mohammed Hashi asked Rayale and his cronies about millions of dollars of missing funds, he was immediately and ignominiously sacked for not being a ‘team player’- a swindler. The vengeful and Machavellian tactics of the government shocked the nation. However, it became clear that the degree and scale of the scandal left the government reeling. The government’s spin-doctors failed to cope with the enormity of the evidence against them. It is no longer a secret that government officials are using the national treasury as their own piggy bank.

 

Minister Hashi has revealed the shamelessness of Rayal’s regime and how his clique hid their embezzlement of public funds with accounting gimmicks breathtaking in audacity and duplicity. The institutions that were supposed to carry out the checks and balances of the government had been sidelined and the public, unless it intrudes with bombs, is largely ignored. It is now the rule rather than the exception for the highly partisan Supreme Court not to hold Rayale and his ministers in contempt for the continual failure to comply with the constitution. The constitution seems to have long been ripped into pieces and consigned into the dustbin of history.

 

Such is the situation in Somaliland today that the whole country is in a topsy-turvy, mixed up situation. Yet our politicians are engaged in a competitive race to outpace one another in terms of misappropriating public funds instead of tackling issues of national importance such as seeking recognition for the country, managing the economy, building new schools and rehabilitating dilapidated ones as well as improving the ever worsening public health services.

 

Of course, Rome was not built in a day and it is illogical and unfair to expect the government to find remedy for all the economic and social ills of the nation overnight. The problem however is the government’s eagerness to indulge in appalling governance. The government’s unwillingness to submit to a system of governance which will demand accountability and transparency, its deliberate negligence of the development of bureaucratic and technocratic capacities of the country’s institutions, the legitimisation of looting of public purse to name but a few.

 

Such actions demonstrate the bankruptcy of this leadership’s imagination. A lot is possible where there is a positive will. It is this positive will that Rayale’s government lacks and what makes his regime a complete and utter scandal and throws into question the president’s loyalty to an independent and sovereign Somaliland state.

 

Rayale’s appalling presidency and abysmal record of deception and hypocrisy, his tireless devotion to the interests of Djibouti, his secret connivance and collusion with Somaliweyn, his utter contempt and complete disregard of the freedom of speech, and his juggling of clan interests in his government is a crystal clear for every honest and pragmatic person to see.

 

Having destroyed Somaliland, Rayale is now mockingly laughing at us just like the deranged Imam who ruined everyone’s prayers. However, Rayale is neither a fool nor insane as in the case of the Imam. But rather, he is a cold, calculating, treacherous president whose only objective is, given his salary of US $500,000 p.a., to grab every dollar from the national treasury and eventually ensure in collaboration with Guelleh that Somaliland be thrown into a pitch-black bottomless hole from which it would never come out again. Rayale has duped us by portraying himself as a Somalilander when, in fact, he is not. He has camouflaged himself in the mask of Somaliland. In consequence the only realistic alternative to safeguard our hard won freedom is to impeach Rayale out of office before it is too late. And in the interest of fairness, a competent and loyal person should then be sought from Borama in order to complete the rest of Rayale’s term of office. Only a conscienceless, unpatriotic and morally deviant person would argue that Rayale is a loyal president that could be trusted with the destiny of our people. There is a Somali proverb that says: Niman waxa taagan garan waxa soo socda ma garto (He who cannot comprehend the present cannot predict the future).

 

Jamal Madar

September 2004

[RIYAALE’S WAR TO CRUSH PRESS FREEDOM IN SOMALILAND]

Somaliland detains Jamhuuriya reporter in Awdal region

 

 

Hashim Goth, Awdalnews Network=

 

Borama, 30 March 2005—Authorities in the Awdal region of Somaliland have detained a reporter for the Hargeisa-based Newspaper Jamhuuriya for a story he filed for his paper about the people’s feeling towards the upcoming parliamentary elections.

 

Abdirahman Mohammed Habane was woken up Monday morning by local police and was taken to was detained in the local police station. This is the second time in ten days that Somaliland authorities arrest and detain reporters on publishing what they view as anti-government material.

 

Last week Somaliland authorities caused international outcry for firing and detaining, Hodo Ahmed Qarboshe and Ahmed Suleyman Dhuhul, for reporting for a new London-based radio network while working for the state-owned station in Hargeisa.

 

Police sources in Borama, capital of the Awdal region, told Awdalnews Network that the Governor of Awdal Mohammed Abdillahi had ordered the detention of Habane for misquoting him in the report.

 

Habane was realeased few hours after his initial arrest but was immediately rearrested and was still in the prison when Awdalnews reporter had met him.

 

Habane said that he did not even file the story for Jamhuuriya and the authorities detained him for something he didn’t do.

 

The Somaliland Journalists Union which operates from its base in Hargeisa has yet to issue a statement on the reporter’s detention.

 

Reporters in Borama had recently been subjected to harrasment and continued threats by the authorities for reporting about the people’s dissatisfaction over the allocation of parliamentary seats for the region.

 

The government was particularly touchy about statements of prominent community elders threatening that the people of Awdal may boycot the elections if the seats allocation were not revised.

 

 

© 2005 Awdalnews Network

[The phantom debate about the Ethiopian participation in IGAD peace keeping forces in]

The phantom debate about the Ethiopian participation in IGAD peace keeping forces in Somalia

 

It is politically naive to assume that Banadir warlords are honest about their opposition to the deployment of Ethiopian peace keeping troops in Mogadishu because the Ethiopians want to occupy Somalia or support some of their allied warlords.

 

It will be both a historical and a crucial mistake to forget and to underestimate the God-fathers and beneficiaries of the past, ongoing or coming infernos in the country. If we list the names of the pathological killers of Mogadishu, we will find and hear them today speaking on behalf of the oppressed and enslaved people in the Agricultural heart land of Somalia. Does anyone of the biased or naive Somali academicians and intellectuals believe that displaced Somalis for example from Merca and afgoi will oppose the disarming of their present Masters no matter who does it and how it happens?

 

The ugly and hateful game of the Mogadishu warlords is quite clear. They want simply to keep the present status quo in order to protect what they have taken away from all Somalis. Mr. Said Saryan has described in his very outstanding article published in Awdalnews Network the life profile of the warlords in Mogadishu as follows: “More than any other group, the Mogadishu Warlords were responsible for the destruction of the capital and the total obliteration of the State’s intellectual and physical assets. They illegally occupy private and public properties, including the capital’s international airport and seaport, which have been out of commission for the past 12 years. They subsidize their income by running Moryaans for Hire businessesâ€.

 

Remembering the barbaric and disheartening pictures of Mogadishu or Baidao is sufficient for all Somalis to see or hear again how the professional killers of Mogadishu are manipulating the people again and again with the help of naïve Somali pseudo-intellectuals in the diaspora. Nevertheless a well know Religious warlord named Sheikh Hassan Awaes who is an undisputable partner of the anti peace coalition warlords in Mogadishu said today on a BBC interview that he and his friends will not accept foreign troops in their country what ever that means. That statement shows clearly that the debate about the rejection of the Ethiopian peace keeping troops in Somalia by the Mogadishu warlords wasn’t honest but fague, unreal and a trick.

 

For all those who are not clan oriented but politically naïve the second round of the debate about the peace keeping forces in Mogadishu is about to start. IGAD officially declared that Sudanese and Ugandans troops are going to Mogadishu. The Somali exile Government is going reasonably to Baidoa (The Somali home of death) and Jowhar until the situation is cleared in Mogadishu. One must not be a prophet to know that soon or later the Religious warlords and all ‘Secular’ Warlords like Musa Sudi, Osman Atto, Mohamed Qanyere or Mr. Bootan known as Xaarankunaax will bring new obstacles to the fragile Somali peace process.

 

It is time that the Somali intellectuals’ show their people on which side of the ongoing political struggle they stand.

 

Aden Mohamed Tani

 

taniaden@hotmail.com

 

 

© 2005 Awdalnews Network

[RIYAALE’S WAR TO CRUSH PRESS FREEDOM IN SOMALILAND]

The economic and political situation of Somaliland is worsening by the day. It is also a stormy year for the civil society and the opposition parties. The current government has made headlines this year in its frantic moves against the opposition parties and civil society by banning debates regarding the impact of the Kenya sponsored Somali reconciliation conference on Somaliland. And now it seems it is the time for the independent media to be harassed and silenced.

 

The most recent example is the arrest of the long time editor in chief of Jamhuuriya newspaper Mr. Xasan Siciid Yuusuf. The manner, which Mr. Yuusuf was arrested, was both bizarre and shocking. According to local press reports Mr. Yuusuf was arrested at his office by an armed contingent of the CID branch of the Police in the middle of the night on the 31st of August while he and his staff were busy working on the following day’s Jamhuuriya edition. This sudden and unwarranted arrest of the Chief editor of Jamhuuriya came as a shock to Somalilanders inside and outside the country. More than the arrest in itself, it is the message that this latest action of Riyaale’s administration that worries everyone.

 

 

 

Supporters of the Riyaale administration might want us to dismiss this latest action of human rights violations as a small misstep for an administration that is otherwise on the right course. Not so, though, for many of us who early on mistrusted Riyaale’s Gestapo type service in the late dictator’s administration of Somalia.

 

 

 

Governments, particularly dictatorial governments, utilize the art of arbitrary arrests and harassments of its citizens to terrorize and intimidate them. In Apartheid South Africa, imprisonment was used to humiliate, belittle and intimidate African nationalists and liberal journalists. We learn from the South African experience that the political and social ramifications of political imprisonment deeply affect those involved and those around them.

 

 

 

In the case of Somaliland, state terrorism and intimidation of journalists in particular and dissidents in general have taken new heights in the Riyaale administration. Since Riyaale came to power by a razor thin margin, which by no means gives him any clear mandate, members of the traditional leaders, intellectuals and journalist have been arrested without a cause. Individuals who have paid tremendous sacrifice to the struggle for Somaliland during the difficult years have been intimidated.

 

 

 

A case in point is the government’s withdrawal of the license of Dr. Bulhan’s Non-governmental organization. Not only did Dr. Bulhan leave a successful practice in the United States to serve his people, but also he had significantly contributed to the struggle in the 1980s. Dr. Bulhan belonged to a handful of Somaliland scholars who publicized the cause of Somaliland and the atrocities that the Barre government exacted on the citizens. He spearheaded an effort which took the Somaliland cause to the U.S. congress and the State Department by using his personal contacts. It is, of course, a chapter of Somalilands history to see now this warrior being harassed in the hands of Riyaale and company.

 

 

 

The arrest of Mr. Yuusuf must serve as a serious warning regarding the danger facing Somaliland. The arbitrary arrest of the most feasible national journalist in Hargeysa raises several questions? Why does the administration of Riyaale fear so much of a simple civilian whose only weapon is a pen and a paper to express the information that passes through his desk? What is there that the administration is hiding from us that cause the invasion of the offices of one of Hargeysa’s major newspaper? When will this harassment stop?

 

 

 

Arbitrary imprisonment of dissidents and people with conscience is used by unpopular states to break the will of the people. When journalists like Mr. Yuusuf are imprisoned, they are mistreated, intimidated and humiliated in the hands of the arresting officers or visiting high-ranking officials (as already reported by the local press) for the purpose of showing them where they belong! In South Africa, common criminal were used to invade, beat torture and humiliate them. In the Soviet Union, families of prisoners used to lose all their social status in the society. Without loosing sight of the fact that both these countries had connection with the dictatorial regime that Riyaale served, political prisoners are fittingly called “Qaran Dumis†and many other labels are attached to them to erode their social status. The Infamous Minister of Interior of the Riyaale administration Ismaaciil Adan has already accused Mr. Yuusuf as publishing false information that will threaten the peace and unity of the nation. Sounds familiar?

 

 

 

The heavy handedness of the current regime, which has planted the seeds of fear, only shows, its lack of legitimacy and interest in upholding the constitution. A Zimbabwean political commentator, Mr.Lovemore Madhuku once said: “The media can influence public opinion so those who are against democracy will obviously want to destroy it. The government believes anything divergent to them should be thoroughly punished and that what is happening in Zimbabweâ€. This also perfectly fits very well the current actions of the Somaliland administration.

 

 

 

Riyaale’s government shows little tolerance for criticism, from either the opposition parties and the civil society or the independent press. The death of the free expression in Somaliland draws nearer. So, too, does the death of democracy and accountability.

 

 

 

All Comments adress to:

 

Ahmed A. Hassan

 

Ahmedh1@aol.com

[Puntland local elections: Good idea or not?]

Xiliga la qabanayo Dorashada Deeganka PL oo la shaaciyey.

 

{Garowe} Wasiirka Dawladaha Hoose iyo Horumarinta reer Miyiga ee Dawlad Goboleedka Puntland Cali Cabdi Awaare ayaa maanta caasimadda DGPL ee Magaalada Garoowe kaga dhawaaqay wakhtiga la qabanayo doorashooyinka golayaasha deegaanka PL.

 

Cali Cabdi Awaare oo maanta u warramayey Saxaafadda ayaa sheegay in 10-ka bishan April ee sannadkan 2005, ay bilaabanayaan doorashooyinka golayaasha deegaanka Puntland, iyaga oo socon doona ilaa iyo 10-ka bisha July ee isla sannadkan.

 

Doorashooyinkan golayaasha deegaanka ayaa waxaa lagu wadaa in ay ka dhacaan ilaa iyo 30 degmo oo ku yaalla Puntland, kuwaas oo loo kala qaybinayo A,B, iyo C.

 

A, oo ay ku jiraan magaalo madaxyada gobollada Puntland, ayaa waxaa waxaa laga dooran doonaa min 25 xubnood, B, oo ah degmooyinka kale ee ku soo xiga ayaa iyana waxaa laga dooranayaa 21 xubnood, halka degmooyinka heerka C, iyana laga dooran doona min 17 xubnood.

 

Wasiirka Dawladaha Hoose iyo Horumarinta reer Miyiga DGPL ayaa intaasi ku daray in saddexda heer ee degmooyinka loo kala hor marin doono, iyadoo algu wado in magaalo madaxyada gobollada Puntland ay doorashadu ka dhacdo inta lagu jiro bisha April.

 

Cali Cabdi Awaare waxaa uu sheegay in ay maamul ahaan ku rajo weyn yihiin hir gelidda doorashooyinkan oo kuu ku tilmaamay "tallaabo lagu baahinayo maamulka Puntland".

 

Wasiirku waxaa uu sheegay in uu dadweynaha Puntland gacan ka geysan doonaan fududaynta doorashada iyadoo uu mawaadin kastana si iskiis ah isu xilqaami doono.

 

News Desk widhwidh Online Garowe

[Puntland local elections: Good idea or not?]

Madaxweyne ku xigeenka Puntland oo berri Soo gaaraya laascaanood.

 

{Laascaanood} Maalinamada berri ayaa lagu wadaa in uu Laascaanood yimaado madaxweyne ku xigeenka Puntland iyo wafdi uu horkacayo.

 

Soo dhawaynta madaxweyne ku xigeenka iyo wafdigiisa ayaa maalmahaan ka socotay Gudaha magaalada Laascaanood iyadoo la filayey inuu mar hore yimado balse ay baqashooyin fara badan la soo gudboonanaysa.

 

madaxweyne ku xigeenka PL Xasan Daahir Afqurac ayaa Gudoomiye u ah Guddi loo xilsaaray arrimaha Sool iyadoo sidoo kalena ay warar sheegayan in Doorashooyinka dhinaca deeganka Ee Sool uu qilaaf soo galay Balse lagu wado in uu qabomo sida ay widhwidh Online u xaqiijiyeen Dad xog ogaal ah oo codsaday inaan Magacyadoda la shaacin.

 

Mar aan Caawa tagay xarunta Dowladda Hoose ee Laascaanood ayaa la diyaarinayey Soo dhoweynta Madaxweyne ku xigeenka iyo wafdigiisa iyadoo la xirxirayey Cod Baahiyasha loogu talagalay in uu Dadweynaha iyo Maamulka gobalkuba kula hadlo Madaxweyne ku xigeenka.

 

Nuux Muuse Birjeeb Widhwidh Online Laascaanood.

[Little hope put in Somali government]

Little hope put in Somali government

Monday, 28 March 2005

Sunday, March 27, 2005

By Robyn Dixon, Los Angeles Times

 

NAIROBI, Kenya -- The Somali government is not to be found in the chaotic, gun-infested streets of the capital city, Mogadishu, but in the marbled lobbies and plush carpeted hotel rooms of this foreign capital.

 

Somalia has survived the 14 years since it plunged into civil war without any central government. Successive efforts to create one have failed. Somalis now are trying once more, and the effort is again being plagued by internal feuding.

 

Several deadlines to relocate the government from Kenya to Somalia have come and gone. On March 17, two years into the latest effort, Somali parliamentarians based in Kenya punched and smashed chairs and walking sticks into each other in a row over whether foreign peacekeepers should be deployed in their country.

 

The divisions deepened on Monday when 10 government ministers walked out before a Cabinet vote that called for another city to become the capital temporarily because Mogadishu is too unsafe.

 

Somalia erupted into civil war in the early 1990s, and in 1993, 18 U.S. Army Rangers, part of a mission to enable humanitarian aid, were killed in a battle with the militia of warlord Mohammed Aideed. Aideed's son is one of the leading figures in the new government.

 

In the years of war and chaos, the country has been torn into small fiefdoms controlled by rival warlords, each with armed militias.

 

Last October, a parliament meeting in Nairobi elected a president, who in turn appointed a prime minister. In January, the prime minister named a Cabinet consisting mainly of warlords. But despite international support for this latest peace process, there are increasing doubts whether the government can hold together. Many fear that if it crashes, it will be a long time before the international community is willing to invest in another peace effort.

 

Pessimism has grown because of the government's slowness to relocate to Somalia, the failure of President Abdullahi Yusuf and Prime Minister Ali Mohammad Gedi to visit Mogadishu during a recent trip to the country and bitter disagreements over whether to allow peacekeepers from neighboring countries.

 

There are four big clans in Somalia and various smaller clans and sub-clans. The fighting and rivalries run along clan lines and loyalties run deep. A person's clan is the basis of his identity and defines his home territory.

 

Osman Harare, 30, from the mareehan clan, was brought up to believe that his main duty was to defend his clan, even if it meant dying. In 1992, his family fled Mogadishu to the interior of the country to escape clan fighting. But gunmen found them and killed his two older brothers.

 

"They said 'Which clan are you?' As soon as we said mareehan they started shooting," recalled Harare, who along with thousands of other Somalis now lives in Kenya. The family fled to the border town of Belet Hawo where his father declared they must stop running and fight. But Harare refused and crossed the border. His father died fighting soon afterward.

 

Harare returned several months later to work for various humanitarian agencies, and setting up his own business in 1998. But two years ago his town came under attack again, and to survive, Harare had to disown his clan. He eventually left again.

 

"I was really feeling marginalized and humiliated. When I thought how badly I had suffered and even took another clan's name, I decided to leave. I didn't want that ever to happen to me again," he said. "The clan is the only identity that everybody in Somalia has got."

 

Harare said he believes that strong clan identification has hurt the cause of peace.

 

"The only way you can destroy clan identity is to make the younger generation believe that clan identity was the reason their forefathers were killed, and they are going to die for it in the future," he said.

 

The new government includes members of all the main clans, which is widely regarded as a necessary evil. The last government formed in 2000 was snubbed by the powerful Mogadishu warlords and never controlled more than a few blocks of the capital. The new government is more inclusive, but deeply divided.

 

Analyst Matt Bryden of the International Crisis Group said that while many people in Mogadishu were willing to give the president and new government a chance, Yusuf was a divisive figure.

 

"He represents for many the winning side in the civil war. People will tell you he's seeking revenge against their clan," Bryden said. Divisions over the peacekeepers and the question of an interim capital were worsening sharply, he said.

 

"If these issues are resolved without consensus and compromise then you really do risk destroying the unity of the government and the Cabinet," Bryden said. "Then you'll have two armed camps and no peace process."

 

Yusuf initially demanded a force of 20,000 international peacekeepers, leading to speculation that he was so concerned about the government's credibility that he wanted a massive protection force, or that he wanted to use it to protect himself from his rivals.

 

He also called for neighboring countries' troops to be part of the peacekeeping force despite deep opposition, especially to Ethiopian troops, who are accused of arming some of the Somali factions. The United States and the International Crisis group have opposed the inclusion of troops from neighboring counties as too divisive. Countries promoting the peace process are urging a force of 6,800 that would exclude troops from neighboring countries.

 

The failure to resolve these issues without walkouts and fistfights bodes ill for tougher issues in the future, such as forcing warlords to disarm and surrender control of roads, ports, airports and other lucrative infrastructure.

 

"It's going to require a level of leadership that we haven't seen from the leaders so far," Bryden said.

 

Harare was no more optimistic: "President Yusuf is a destroyer. He wants all the decisions to be made by him and the warlords want to keep their names as being warlords and strong men. I don't believe this peace process will work."

 

Source: Los Angeles Times, Mar 27, 2005

[Xadraawi Somaliland-na waxa la gudboon inay dagaalka ka qayb gasho]

Axsaabta Siyaasiga Ahi Waxay Ka Soo Dhex baxeen Xaaladihii Somaliland Ka Dhacay, Mana Garanayo Aragti iyo Barnaamij Ay ku Kala Duwanyihiin" Abwaan Hadraawi

Friday, 01 April 2005

 

Hargeysa (Haatuf) Abwaanka caanka ah Maxamed Ibraahim Warsame (Hadraawi) ayaa ka hadlay xaaladda Somaliland ee waqtigan xaadirka ah iyo aragtidiisa ku wajahan hanaanka asxaabta badan ee dalka laga abuuray, isaga oo ka sheegeeyey marxaladihii iyo sooyaalkii taariikheed ee ay Somaliland soo martay iyo dagaalkii hubaysnaa ee ururkii SNM, sidoo kale waxa uu ka hadlay xaaladda Somaliya iyo sida uu u arko ciidamada shisheeye ee la qorshaynayo in la geeyo.

 

Hadraawi waxa kale oo uu iftiimin ka bixiyey aragtidiisa cusub ee waqtigan, xaadirka ah iyo halka uu ku dambeeyey hal-abuurkiisi suugaaneed, wuxuuna Hadraawi arrimahaa kaga hadlay waraysi gaar ah oo ay la yeesheen weriyayaal Haatuf ka tirsani, waraysigaasina waxa uu u dhacay siddan:-

 

S. In muddo ah waad ka aamustay suugaanta maxaa kuugu wacan?

 

J. Way jirtay inuu is dhimay xawligii aan maansada ku tiring jiray, hadiisa aan jawaab ka bixiyo su'aasha nolosha ayaa leh meel ay ka bilaabato iyo meel ay ku dhamaato, qofkuna weligiiba ha ordo iyo xilkasta oo noloshu leedahay waxa khasab noqonaysa meel uu ku soo afgo inuu gaadho, markaa ta aynu hadal haynaa laba mid uun bay noqonaysaa, waayo gabayga aad wax ka bilowday gabayga ku xiga ee ka dambeeya waa inuu fiican yahay, kan xeel dheer yahay, ka saddexadana waa inuu ka sii fiican yahay, markaa waxaad waddoba waxaad imanaysaa meeshii lama dhaafaanka ahayd ee ahayd figta u dambaysa, waxaana kaa hor imanaya meel aanad dhaafi karin, dabadeedna waa inaad meel kale uga wareegtaa ama mar hadii aanad meesha kuuga dambaysa ee ugu xeesha dheerayd aan la dhaafi karayn waa inaad markaa ku celcelisaa wixii hore, taasina dadka macno uma samayso.

 

Markaa waxa fiican intaanu xiisuhu kaa dhamaan ama faraskaagu dheeraynayo inaad inyar inyar tirada u dhinto, marka u dambaysana aad dhinaca kale uga wareegto, kama dhex baxaysid ee halkii aad adigu ummadda soo hortaagnayd, dadkuna aragti cusub bay u baahan yihiine inaad cidda soo koraysa barbaariso oo ku hogaamiso, oo aad wax hogatusaalayso, oo macalin u noqoto.

 

Sidaa darteed kulamo badan baan ku qabtay dalal debedaha ah iyo gudahaba, aniga oo martiqaaday dhalinyaro badan oo suugaanyahanno ah, kulamadaas oo ka dhacay London, Hargeysa iyo Djibouti, intaas oo goobood waxaan soo fadhiisiyey dhalinyaro badan oo hibo u leh suuganata, balse ay tahay inay magacyo waaweyn oo ku gudbanaan baneeyaan. Anigu markii aanu suugaanta bilownay waxaanu ka bilownay duni nabdoon, laakiin ragga maanta joogaa waxay ka bilaabayaan duni rogmatay, ma aha niman jacaly ka hadlaya, waayo mushkiladda ina haysataa jacayl ma aha.

 

Markaa waxay ku qurux badan tahay qof walowba markaad xilkaaga gudato jidka bannee, markaa inuu qofku soo tagnaado waa mushkilad ina haysata oo dhinac kasta leh, waa ayaandaro in siyaasigii hore uun la sugo muddo ilaa 40 sannadood ah.

 

S. Waqtigan xadirka ah sidee baad u aragtaa xaaladda Somaliland?

 

J. Horta aan inyar ka waramo halka uu ka soo jeedo magaca Somaliland, taasna waxaan dib ugu yara noqonayaaa dagaalkii SNM iyo kuwii la midka ahaa, waayo waxa maanta jira waxa saldhig u ah wixii shalayto dhacay ama jiray way adagtahay xaaladda sawir fiican ka bixiso.

 

Dagaalka SNM waxa uu ahaa dagaal hubaysan oo shacbi ah, waxaana la odhan karaa muddo gaaban ayuu socday markaa loo eego dhererka dagaalada ka dhaca, dagaalkaa SNM waxaan cadaynayaa inaanay dadku naf iyo maal midna la hadhin, waxaase jirtay waayo aragnimo la'aan oo dagaalkaasi waxa uu ahaa kii u horeeyey ee noociisa ah ee la galo, waxa jirtay cadho iyo ummal biiray, dabadeedna dagaalkaasi waxa uu dadkii geliyey cadho iyo qiiro badan, waxaan timi in la cadho dhaqaaqo, oo wixii la samaysanayba cadho lagu sameeyo ama degdeg lagu samaayo, taasina waxay noqotay in nabarka uun la xoojiyo, ka dibna lama haleelin in la sameeyo barnaamij iyo itijaah siyaasiya oo ummmadda aayaheeda ah meel dhiga.

 

Laakiin aakhirkii waxa dhacday in nidaamkii jiray la ridday, laguna ridday qiimo culus, boqolaal kun baa dhintay, boqolaal kun baa dhaawacmay, boqolaal kun baa cadhoobey, boqolaal kun baa waalatay, khasaare iyo rogmasho ayaa dhacday, markaa Somaliland xaaladdaa aan ka waramayo ayey ka soo dhex baxday. Ka dibna waa tii ay hadana dagaalo sokeeye dhaceen, waxaas oo dhanna xaaladda maanta jirta ee quusta ah, ee tiihu jiro ee camal la'aantu jirto ayaa ka dhalatay.

 

Asxaabta siyaasiga ah ee maanta jirtaana xaaladaas ayuun bay ka soo jeedaan, markaa u malayn maayo asxaabta siyaasiga ah ee maanta Somaliland ka jirtaa inay leeyihiin istaraatijiyad qaran oo xeel dheer, oo koleyba anigu ma garanayo ama iima cadda barnaamij iyo aragtida ay ku kala duwan yihiin, sidaa ayaana u malaynayaa inanay dadka kalena ugu caddayn, waxaana fiicnaan lahayd inay asxaabtu cadeeyaan oo uu mid waliba ku baaqo halka uu sahanka u yahay.

 

Dee kolay loollan baa saxaabta u dhexeeya, oo waxa niman kuraas ku loolamaya, laakiin waa inuu jiraa loollankooda wax ka sii xeeldheer oo aragti ama barnaamij ah oo ay ku kala duwan yihiin oo aayaha ummadda ku saabsan, laakiin waxaan anigu intaa raacin lahaa oo aad u fiicnaan lahayd in la helo wax bulshada dhexdeeda ka soo baxa oo aan siyaasi ahayn, waa in la helo ururo bulsho, oo ka shaqeeya adeegga dadka, oo wixii dadka ka yimaadda dib ugu celiya, oo wax laga qabto adeegga bulshada, taas ayaa malaa waxa u tari lahayd.

 

S. Sidee bada u aragtaa Ciidamada la sheegay in Somaliya la keenayo iyo Samaynta ay Somaliland ku yeellan karaan?

 

J. Horta hadii halka (Somalia) ciidamo shisheeye la keeno ama dagaal ka oogmo waa arin aan ku ekaanayn halkaa ay ka bilaabatay, markaa dadka waxaan ku baraarujin lahaa in dhibaatooyinka iyo waxyaalaha hareereheenna ka dhacaa ay ina saamaynayaan, oo hadii uu waxaasi shar yahayna inta uu halkiisa jooga aynu ka qayb galno dagaalkaasi, wixii khayr ahna laga qayb qaato, waayo hadii aanay wax kaleba dhicin, waxa culays inoogu filan Somalia oo dagaal ka dhaco oo dadkii soo qaxay halkan inoogu yimaadana, taas ayaan culays iyo dhibaato inoogu fillan.

 

Ciidamada la leeyahay waxa la keenayaa Somaliya waxaan qabaa inay ka digtoon yihiin intii wax garanaysay, waxayse micnaynaysaa qas iyo fara gelin shisheeye, ciidamada la keenayaana ma aha ciidamo iska imanaya ee cidda soo diraysaa danno ayey ka leedahay, waana arin istaraatijiyad leh, falsafad leh, danno laga leeyahay. Qofkii caqli liihi wuu iska garanayaa inay tahay gumaysi cusub, faro gelin shisheeye.

 

Dawladda halkaa lagu sameeyey hadii ay tahay dawlad ay ummaddu leedahay oo ay ummadda wakiil ka tahay ha aaminto dalka iyo dadka, hanala timaado aragti iyo barnaamij ummadda dan u ah oo lagu taageero, dadka dhaqaale ha waydiisato, oo arin iyo talo ha waydiiso, waa la yaqaan sida ay xasiloonida dalkaasi ku timaaddo, waxay taasi ku timaaddaa ama ku xidhan tahay sida ay dadku dawladdaa ugu qancaan, kalsoonida iyo cadaaladda iyo wax qabadka ay dawladdaasi samayso ayey ku xidhan tahay, laakiin kuma xidhna ciidamo shisheeye iyo awood shisheeye midna.

 

S. Hadii ay ciidami shisheeye yimaadaan Somalia oo uu dagaal ka dhaco maxaad odhan lahayd baa la gud boon Somaliland?

 

J. Waxaan u arkaa hadii uu dagaal halkaa ka dhaco, halka fadhi ma yaalo, markaa Somaliland-na waxa la gudboon inay dagaalka ka qayb gasho oo ay ka hortagto intay aanay ciidmadaasi inoo iman oo ina qabsan, oo aynu xoojinno baaqyada lagu diidan yahay inay ciidamadaasi yimaadaan.

 

S. Sidee baad u aragtaa dalka Djibouti ee aynu jaarka nahay iyo arimhiisa?

 

J. Horta Djibouti waa dal aynu deris nahay, waa ummad aynu geerida iyo noloshaba wadaagno, oo aynu isku dan nahay, siyaasaddu waxay doonto ha noqotee, waxaan leeyahay labada dad ma kala maarmi karaa. Markaa waxaan ku talinayaa in la iska ilaaliyo colaad iyo xumaan labada ummadood dhex timaadda.

 

S. Djibouti waxay had iyo jeer dedaal u gashaa ururinta suugaanta iyo hidaha Somalida, taas sidee baad u aragtaa?

 

J. Taa waxaan u arkaa fursad ay Djibouti ka faa'iidaysay markii uu burburay dalkii Soomaaliya la odhan jiray, shirar badan oo dhaqanka iyo suugaanta Soomaalida ku saabsan ayaa lagu qabtay Djibouti, qaarkoodna shirarkaa waan ka qayb galay.

 

Waxa kale oo jirta urur la yidhaahdo ururka qorayaasha iyo hal abuurka Soomaalida oo ay markii hore xarun u ahayd London, haatanse xaruntiisu loo soo raray Djibouti. Ururkaas oo jiray tobbaneeyo sannadood, balse aan markii hore waxtarkiisa la balaadhin, markaa waa in iminka kaalintiisa iyo waxtarkiisa la arko, taas ayaa qurux badan, magaca ururkuna laba qoddob oo muhiim ah ayuu ka kooban yahay, tasana in laga faa'iideeyo ayaa muhiim ah, ururkaa anigu gudoomiyayaal sharafeedka ayaan ka mid ahay aniga iyo Nuuradiin Faarax iyo rag kaleba, laakiin aniga arintaydu waa odaytinimo iyo xubin sharafeed guud, raggase hawshaa wadaa waa rag aanu saaxiib nahay oo la wada garanayo, markaa reer Hargeysa waxaan ugu baaqayaa in ururka laga hawl galo oo waxtarkiisa laga faa'iideeyo oo halkan la keeno. Maadama uu ka mid yahay ururada bulshada ee aan soo sheegay.

 

Abdifatah Hassan, Hargeisa Somaliland

 

reporter@halganews.com

[Puntland local elections: Good idea or not?]

Puntland should complete the democratic process; citizens should elect all officials in all levels of government.

 

Local elections is crucial component of the democratic process, and without local elections Puntland democracy will be incomplete, as well as the only way to solve SSC regions crisis and Somaliland-Puntland conflict is through democratic process, and respecting the will of the people in SCC regions.

 

I just want to remind those who oppose democracy, and self determination of the people inSSC regions, the Golden Rule: "Do unto others as you would have others do unto you." It is the ultimate norm of high morality in all cultures and religions that we should treat people as we would like to be treated.

 

In Islam, Our prophet Mohammed (May peace and blessings be upon him) said "No one of you is a believer until he desires for his brother that which he desires for himself."

 

 

Indeed local elections is a great initiative. And no one can resist the will of the people.

"Democracy is the government of the people, by the people, for the people"

Abraham Lincoln (American 16th US president (1861-65), who brought about the emancipation of the slaves. 1809-1865)

[Magaca X. Ceydiid oo laga Helay Website ay ku Qoranyihiin Diktatoorada la Kirays]

Magaca X. Ceydiid oo laga Helay Website ay ku Qoranyihiin Diktatoorada la Kirays

 

 

 

Xuseen ceydiid oo haatan ka mid ah DFKMG ahna rai,sul wasaare ku xigeen iyo wasiirka arimaha gudaha ayaa magaciisu ku jiraa, qolooyin calooshood u shaqeystayaal ah oo ay ka mid yihiin Mengiste Haile Mariam, Gen Pinochet, Hussen Hebre, kuwasoo loo kiraysto in ay

 

leeyihiinee khibrada Diktatoornimo , taasoo ay ka mid tahay; sida dadka loo laayo, loo xukumo, iyo sida dadka lagu tuhmo argagixiso inay yihiin loo aamusiyo abid iwm. Boga ay dadkani ku jiraan oo lagu magacaabo Dictator For Hire ayaa waxaa ku qoran shirkadda ay u shaqeeyaan ee laga dalbad in dadkaan ay yihiin dad khibrad u leh shaqadaan u fulinayana sidii aad rabtid, .

 

Waxaana ku qoran nin kastaa taariikhdiisa oo kooban iyo wakhtiga uu diyaarka u yahay shaqada, tusaale ahaan Mengiste , waxaa u qoran inuu laayey dad ka badan 100,000 oo ruux uuna diyaar u yahay shaqada ah in la ijaarto xili kasta xiligii loo baahdo, hadii aad u baahantahay inaad kiraysato, waa inaad E-mail u dirtaa shirkada ay u shaqeeyaan oo aad soo martaa iyada si aad ugu heshiisaan wixii ku saabsan qarashka.

 

Xuseen ceydiid ayaa laga qoray warbixin kooban oo ku saabsan noloshiisa ,inkastoo ay u qoreen inuu ku nool yahay Ethiopia, waxaana ay sheegeen , inuu Amerika u haajiray markii uu jiray 14 sano isaga oo la socda hooyadiis iyo shan caruur ah oo la dhalatay, waxaana uu dhameeye High School, lagu magacaabo Covina High School oo u dhaw , Los angeles, wuxuuna dhameeyey sanadkii 1981, lix sano ka dibna wuxuu ku biiray ciidamada mariniska ee Mareykanka, waxaana loo tababaray Madaafiicda, (artillery). Ka dibna wuxuu ka mid noqday qeybta keydka ah ee ciidamada.

 

Isla sanadkaas wuxuu bilaabay inuu koorso ka qaato Citrus College oo ku yaalla California,isagoo bilaabay inuu ka barto Engineer, jaamacada Califonia, laakiin Xuseen wuxuu ka tagay asiga oo aan wax shahaado ah ka qaadanin labadaba ( Collegeka iyo Jaamacadaba).

 

December 1992, isiga oo fadhiya Fasalkii uu ku jiray ee jaamacada, ayaa waxaa irida galaaska soo galay laba sargaal oo ka socday Marineska Mareykanka, waxeyna u sheegeen in laga rabo soomaaliya, sabatoo ah Mareykanka ayaa soomaaliya u diray ciidamo, waxaana loo baahanayahay, turjumaano.

 

Sidaas ayuuna Soomaaliya ku aaday Xuseen, wuxuuna ku shaqeeye turjubaanimo iyo inuu isku xiro aabihiis Gen Ceydiid ( alllaha u naxariistee ) iyo ciidamadii Mareykanka , laakiin xiriirkii u dhaxeeyey ceydiid iyo UN-kii ayaa xumaadey, ciidamada mareykankana waxey Xuseen usoo celiyeen America.

 

Xuseen wuxuu dib ugu soo noqday California USA, wuxuuna dib ugu noqday Jaamcadii , iyo inuu shaqeeyo Week endska. Wuxuuna mar kale dib ugu noqday Somalia 1995, isaga , xaaskiisa iyo canug yar oo uu dhalay, dibna uguma noqonin Jaamacadii iyo waxbarashadii, wuxuuna gacan yare u noqday aabihiis, waxaana loo diyaariyey inuu aabihiis xilka kala wareego , wuxuuna la wareegay booskii aabihiis, markii la toogtay 1996.

 

Hadaba su'aasho waxay tahay

 

• Muxuu xuseen u sheegtaa Engineer , hadiiba uusan dhameeynin jaamacadii? Mise sida rag aan ku arkay London oo aan weligood ayagoon jaamac kasoo bixin sheegta ineey jaamacad ka baxeen ayuu ka mid yahay?

 

• Maxaa ku kalifay inuu calooshiis u shaqeyste la kireysto noqdo ? , muxuuse ka yaqaanaa diktatoor, goormuu dal xukumay?

 

• Marar badan ayaan maqalnaa inuu safaro badan dibada u aado ee ma hawlahaas buu u aadaa toloow?

 

• Hadiiba uu hawlahaas ku shaqeysto muxuu noogu dhibayaa soomaaliya, oo uu u yahay warlord?

• Ma xuseen kaliya ayaa hawshaan ku jira mise waa jiraan qaar kale oo soomaali ah oo hawshaan ku jira, ?armeeyba inta badan hogaamiyeyaasha soomaalida ku jiraan hawlahaan iyo kuwo ka sii daran?

 

• Suura gal ma tahay in xuseen xil qaran lagu aamino , oo uu noqdo Raisul wasaare ku xigeen iyo wasiirka arimaha gudaha?

 

Runtii arintaan waxeey aniga igu noqotay filanwaa iyo yaab, waxaase ogaatiin soomaaliyeey in nimanka siyaasada soomaaliya hor boodaya maanta ay yihiin sidaan iyo wax ka sii liita, waxaana isku dayi doonaa, inaan taariikhdooda baaritaan dheer ku sameeyno, si aanan ugu kadsoomin, oo aan inta goori goor tahay isaga qabano.

 

Waxaad og tihiin in madaxweynaha Mudane C/laahi Yuusuf, uu maalin hore markii uu joogay Jowhar yiri Xabada soomaaliya sidaan u gashay anaa bilaabay, taasoo u muuqata qirasho danbi ah Qaran dumis iyo dad leyn, aan sabab laheyn, koleyna aakhiro ayuu abaalkeeda helayaa waayo , Nabigeenii NNK wuxuu yiri qofkastaa wuxuu bilaabo abaalkeeduu leeyahay , Hadii aad xumaan bilowdid oo laguugu daydo wixii ka yimaada oo dembi ah oo ay sameeyeen kuwii kugu dayday ciqaabteedaad leedahay, Hadii aan wanaag sameeysidna ajirkeedaad leedahay, .

 

Hadaba C/laahi yuusuf hadii uu yahay ninkii xumaantaan noo horkacay , sida uu qirsanyahay isaga ha ogaado, in xisaabta ugu jirto wixii xumaan ah ee jidkaa uu bilaabay lagu sameeyey inuu ciqaanteeda miisan doono.

 

Wuxuuna intii shirka socday yiri Soomaaliya waxeey u baahantahay habaarqabe anaana ah Habaar qabe ee haleey dhiibo, marka su'aashu waxeey tahay nin habaaran kheyr iyo wanaag ma noo horseedi karaa? sowtii lagu duceeysan jiray ilaahoow kheyr qabe wax noogu dhiib.

 

 

NB:Arintaan xuseen ceydiid ka fiiri = www.dictatorforhire.com , ka dib dhinaca midig ( Dossiers) ka fiiri liiska dadka ku jiro

 

Diyaariye

Mr Abdullahi Osman ( BA, Msc)

London , UK

 

Source:

Magaca X. Ceydiid oo laga Helay Website ay ku Qoranyihiin Diktatoorada la Kirays

 

Dictator For Hire

[somali leaders c/yusssef and c/gelleh in algiers, arabl league summit pic]

26

مليون دولار مساعدة عربية للصومال

 

 

الرئيس الصومالي عبد الله يوس٠أحمد يلتقي بنظيره المصري (الÙرنسية-أرشيÙ)

أعلن وزير الخارجية الصومالي أن القمة العربية التي اختتمت Ùعالياتها ÙÙŠ الجزائر الأربعاء خصصت مساعدة عاجلة لبلاده بقيمة 26 مليون دولار.

 

وقال عبد الله شيخ إسماعيل خلال مؤتمر صحÙÙŠ عقده بالجزائر إن هذه المساعدة "ستشكل أرضية لإعادة الإعمار ÙÙŠ الصومال ودعما ماديا لمؤسساته الدستورية".

 

وأضا٠أن بلاده حصلت على دعم الدول العربية لمساعدتها على نزع سلاح المليشيات وكذلك مشاركتها ÙÙŠ القوة المتعددة الأطرا٠لإعادة السلام إلى الصومال. وأوضح أن قمة الجزائر تبنت أيضا مبدأ عقد "مؤتمر عربي" لوضع خطة من أجل إعادة إعمار الصومال.

 

يشار إلى أن الصومال شاركت بوÙد ÙÙŠ قمة الجزائر ترأسه عبد الله يوس٠أحمد الذي انتخب رئيسا ÙÙŠ أكتوبر/تشرين الأول 2004ØŒ بعد أكثر من عامين من المحادثات ÙÙŠ كينيا.

 

وصوّت أعضاء الحكومة الصومالية التي تتخذ من كينيا مقرا لها لصالح العودة إلى بلادهم، ولكن ليس إلى العاصمة مقديشو بسبب خطورة الأوضاع Ùيها.

 

ويهدد الخلا٠الناشب حاليا بسبب اقتراح نشر قوات أجنبية بالصومال، بنس٠الجهود الرامية إلى تنصيب أول حكومة وطنية منذ 14 عاما.

 

وما تزال مقديشو منقسمة بين مختل٠الÙصائل على غرار بقية البلاد. ولم تبدأ هذه الÙصائل ÙÙŠ نزع سلاحها بعد رغم أن أغلب زعمائها أصبحوا أعضاء ÙÙŠ الحكومة.

 

وكان قادة دول شرق Ø£Ùريقيا قد اتÙقوا على إرسال 6800 جندي من أوغندا والسودان لحÙظ السلام ÙÙŠ الصومال، وليس من الدول المجاورة مثل إثيوبيا وكينيا وجيبوتي المجاورة.

 

ويلح البرلمانيون على أن على أعضاء الحكومة الذهاب إلى مقديشو ÙÙŠ الـ 25 من أبريل/ نيسان القادم كآخر موعد، وإلا اعتبروا مستقيلين.

 

Al-Jazeera: 26 مليون دولار مساعدة عربية للصومال

[somali leaders c/yusssef and c/gelleh in algiers, arabl league summit pic]

Source: Agence France-Presse (AFP)

 

Date: 24 Mar 2005

Arab states pledge 26 million dollars aid to SomaliaALGIERS, March 24 (AFP) - Arab countries pledged urgent aid of 26 million dollars to Somalia at this week's summit in Algiers, Somali Foreign Minister Abdullahi Sheikh Ismail said here Thursday.

 

The aid "will provide a platform for the reconstruction of Somalia and material support for its constitutional bodies," he told a press conference a day after the summit closed.

 

Ismail said Somalia had also obtained support from the 21 other members of the Arab League for an Arab conference to draw up a plan to rebuild the lawless Horn of Africa nation.

 

They will help the Somali government, currently based in neighbouring Kenya because of insecurity at home, to disarm the dozens of militias in the country and join a planned multinational peacekeeping force, he said.

 

Ismail insisted that the government would be returning to Somalia to perform its duties "because the anarchy that reigns there now and the constitutional void benefit no one."

 

Somalia has been in chaos without any functioning central authority since the ouster of strongman Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991 turned the nation into a patchwork of fiefdoms ruled by feuding warlords.

 

Up to half a million people are estimated to have been killed as a result of mass murder in Somalia's civil and clan wars, compounded by man-made famine and diseases such as cholera and malaria.

 

bb/mb/gd AFP 241655 GMT 03 05

 

Copyright © 2005 Agence France-Presse

Received by NewsEdge Insight: 03/24/2005 11:57:25

[somali leaders c/yusssef and c/gelleh in algiers, arabl league summit pic]

Arab Summit in Algiers Pledge 26 million dollars to Somalia

Djibouti (HAN) March 25, 2005--Arab Summit in Algiers Pledge 26 million dollars to Somalia- Arab countries pledged urgent aid of 26 million dollars to Somalia at this week's summit in Algiers, Somali Foreign Minister Abdullahi Sheikh Ismail said.

 

The aid "will provide a platform for the reconstruction of Somalia and material support for its constitutional bodies," he told a press conference a day after the summit closed.

 

 

Ismail said Somalia had also obtained support from the 21 other members of the Arab League for an Arab conference to draw up a plan to rebuild the lawless Horn of Africa nation.

 

 

They will help the Somali government, currently based in neighbouring Kenya because of insecurity at home, to disarm the dozens of militias in the country and join a planned multinational peacekeeping force, he said.

 

 

Ismail insisted that the government would be returning to Somalia to perform its duties "because the anarchy that reigns there now and the constitutional void benefit no one."

[Somali warlords want to impeach the president]

It is regrettable, that Somali warlords do not want peace at all; they are against every initiative to bring our lawless country back to peace, law and order. Somali warlords’ dilemma is not tribal because they opposed Abduqassim, it is not ideological because they are opposing Abdulaahi Yusuf (SRRC ally)! What do these warlords want?????

 

I do not understand what these warlords want, but I believe they just prefer Somalia to stay lawless, in that way they can maintain their power and collect taxes.

 

 

However, the Somali people reached a point, were they willingly supporting any government in place, because something is better than nothing.

[somali leaders c/yusssef and c/gelleh in algiers, arabl league summit pic]

To Nayruus and Og Girl

 

The news is accurate and one of the sources is Al-Riyadh newspaper. And fortunately a total of 26 million US dollar was allocated for Somalia; to help the new Somali government.

 

Nayruus thanks for the good news

 

 

ترحيب بالمصالحة الصومالية

 

يرحب القادة بالتطورات الايجابية والانجازات التي حققها مؤتمر المصالحة الصومالية ÙÙŠ نيروبي برعاية الايجاد ومشاركة الجامعة العربية وخاصة انتخاب الرئيس عبدالله يوس٠احمد رئيساً للصومال وتشكيل البرلمان الصومالي الانتقالي والحكومة الانتقالية ويدعون الدول الاعضاء الى تقديم الدعم الÙوري اللازم لتمكين مؤسسات الدولة الصومالية الوليدة من اداء مهامها وخاصة ÙÙŠ مجال اعمال النظام والقانون واعادة اعمار البلاد ويطالبون من الامين العام مواصلة التنسيق مع Ù…Ùوضية الاتحاد الاÙريقي ومنظمة الايجاد والمنظمات الدولية والاقليمية المعنية للاعداد وتنÙيذ برنامج مشترك لنزع أسلحة الميليشيات الصومالية واعادة دمج اÙرادها ÙÙŠ مؤسسات المجتمع والدولة الصومالية بالتعاون مع الحكومة الصومالية كما يرحبون بطلب الحكومة الصومالية ارسال قوات عربية وتجهيزات لوجيستية لدعم السلام ÙÙŠ الصومال ويدعون الدول الاعضاء الى المشاركة ÙÙŠ تنÙيذ وتمويل برامج لتوطيد الامن والاستقرار ÙÙŠ ربوع الصومال وقيام الدول الاعضاء والامانة العامة بالتحرك لدى مجلس الامن لتأمين مشاركة قوات الامم المتحدة ÙÙŠ دعم السلام ÙÙŠ الصومال ويحثون كاÙØ© الÙصائل والÙعاليات وجميع قطاعات الشعب الصومالي العمل بكل صدق واخلاص وتعاون ايجابي مع الرئيس الصومالي المنتخب والمؤسسات الشرعية الصومالية من اجل ارساء دعائم الامن والاستقرار والحÙاظ على وحدة الاراضي الصومالية واستعادة الصومال لموقعه ضمن اسرته العربية ومحيطه الاقليمي والدولي ويقررون تقديم دعم مالي عاجل قدره 26 مليون دولار للحكومة الصومالية عن طريق صندوق دعم الصومال بالامانة العامة ÙˆÙقا لحصص الدول ÙÙŠ موازنة الجامعة لمواجهة الاحتياجات العاجلة للحكومة الصومالية بما ÙÙŠ ذلك Ù†Ùقات انتقالها الى داخل الصومال.

 

Source:

 

Al-Riyadh: نص البيان الختامي للقمة العربية السابعة عشرة

[Increase AU Somalia Mission]

UPDF Deploys in Somalia Late April

 

The Monitor (Kampala)

NEWS

March 24, 2005

Posted to the web March 23, 2005

 

By Grace Matsiko

Kampala

 

The UPDF begins deploying in Somalia next month, according to a programme drawn by the military command.

 

Military sources say about 750 soldiers from the UPDF 401 Infantry Brigade will be involved. The troops are currently undergoing intensive military drills in Mbarara ready for deployment, The Monitor has learnt.

 

Army and Defence spokesman, Maj. Shaban Bantariza, on Tuesday confirmed the deployment.

 

"That's the plan," Bantariza said. The deployment is expected to be on April 30. Bantariza said the military command is yet to appoint the commander for the Ugandan peace keeping force.

 

The force will be under the African Union multinational force to help stabilise Somalia as well as enable the exiled country's government relocate from Nairobi, Kenya to Addis Ababa.

 

Sources said, Col. Clovis Kalyebara, the UPDF Director of Operations in the Army Commander's office, is expected to command the UPDF contingent in Somalia.

 

Former UPDF spokesman for the northern region, Lt. Paddy Ankunda based in Gulu was appointed spokesman for the Somalia mission.

 

"I deployed him to be the information officer for our forces in Somalia" Maj. Bantariza said. Unrest has reigned in Somalia since the overthrow of President Siad Barre 15 years ago.

 

Thousands of people have been killed as a result of starvation or fighting while others have been displaced and live as destitutes. To date there is no recognised government in Somalia.

[Increase AU Somalia Mission]

Increase AU Somalia Mission

 

New Vision (Kampala)

EDITORIAL

March 23, 2005

Posted to the web March 23, 2005

Kampala

 

AN AFRICAN Union-mandated peacekeeping force is yet to deploy in Somalia as debate continues on its composition.

 

Uganda will send a battalion. Somalia's various factions, though, are contesting the nationalities of some of the other peacekeepers, coming from IGAD, the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development. Some factions are opposed to forces from the other IGAD countries Ethiopia, Djibouti and Kenya.

 

They contend that these three have had partisan involvement in Somalia at one time or another over the last 15 years, and so they do not trust their troops to be impartial in pacifying the country.

 

Somalia has been a dysfunctional state for the last decade and a half.

 

Local militias have held sway as warlords filled the vacuum created by the absence of central government. Even now as a government of sorts takes shape, it is functioning from exile, in Nairobi, where even the parliament is sitting.

 

It will be important to win the various factions' co-operation if the country is to truly settle.

 

Their concerns should not be simply swept aside. IGAD, and the AU, should have a give-and-take attitude in tackling Somalia's problems. The militias are still powerful, and while their power has to be reduced, it should be borne in mind that a previous effort to pacify the country proved reckless and bloody, because the foreign forces did not take time to understand the dynamics of Somali society. US forces had to retreat tail-between-legs.

 

The starting point now would be to listen to the various Somali interest groups. Of course, not everything they say or stand for can be accepted as it is. But there is a lot that can be learnt from them; just listening should also give them a sense of belonging to the goings on, and engender goodwill.

 

And if at all engaging troops from the contested neighbouring states is proving untenable, there is no reason why the AU should be adamant. Soldiers can be sourced from elsewhere on the continent. The pacification of Somalia remains paramount.

[somali leaders c/yusssef and c/gelleh in algiers, arabl league summit pic]

Arab states support for Somalia is important

[XUSEEN CAYDIID: Siyaasi aan cidna col la ahayn]

XUSEEN CAYDIID: Siyaasi aan cidna col la ahayn

 

 

 

Talaado, March 22, 2005(HOL)@8:19GMT: Xuseen Maxamed Faarax Caydiid waa Wasiirka Arrimaha Gudaha Xukuumadda Federaalka Soomaaliya, ahna Ra'iisul Wasaare ku xigeenka labaad, waa siyaasi da' yar oo mustaqbalkiisu ifayo, kaasi oo aan dooneyn in xoog iyo dagaal wax lagu xaliyo sida uu isaguba horay u sheegay.

 

Dadka arrimaha siyaasadda ka faalooda ayaa ka hadlay mowqifyadiisa iyo is-bedbedelkiisa siyaasadeed ee uu la soo baxay tan iyo wixii ka dambeeyay markii loo magacaabay xilalka is-dul saaran oo uu Xukuumadda ka hayo, isagoo la saaxib ah labada dhinac oo ay u kala jabtay Dowladda Federaalka. Xuseen Caydiid waxaa lagu tilmaamay in ay dani ku xambaareyso labada dhinac oo uu marba mid la jiro, matalan waxaa la leeyahay dhinaca Madaxweynaha iyo Ra'iisul wasaaraha waxaa ku celinaya abaal loo galay oo ah in la isugu daray labo jago oo waa weyn, halka wasiirradii kale ee kala soo joogay Beesha ****** la siiyay Wasiirro qaarkood markii ugu horeysay hadda uun la maqlayo magacooda sida Wasaaradda Amniga Qaranka oo ka howl gudasho ahaan ay isku dhacayaan tan Arrimaha Gudaha, sidaas darteed ayuuna dhinacaas ugu caasin karin, halka dhinaca kale ee hoggaamiyayaasha Muqdishana uu ula jiro qaab beeleed aanan looga maarmi karin, bacdamaa uu ku magacaaban yahay Arrimaha Gudaha.

 

Xuseen Caydiid waxaa uu ka qeybgalay shir ay hoggaamiyayaasha Muqdisho ee dowladda ku jira ku go'aamiyeen in ay Gobolka Banaadir maamul u sameeyaan, hayeeshee iyadoo la sugayo saxiixa go'aankaas ayaa la maqlay Xuseen Caydiid oo Baydhabo la jooga Madaxweyne C/llaahi Yuusuf iyo Ra'iisul Wasaare Geedi oo ay hooggaamiyayaasha ****** ka soo horjeedeen.

 

Nairobi ayuu ku soo laabtay, waxaa uu wax ka saxiixay heshiiskii ay hoggaamiyayaasha ****** ku gaareen in ay Gobolka Banaadir maamul u samaeynayaan, ammaankiisana ay sugayaan, saacado kadib wuxuu hadana ka mid noqday Wafdi ay hoggaaminayeen Madaxweyne C/llaahi Yuusuf iyo Ra'iisul Wasaare Geedi oo socdaal labo maalmood ah ku tegay dalka Masar, wuu soo laabtay, waxaa dhacay kulankii xubnaha baarlamaanka isku dhangadeeyeen [uleeyeen], kaasi oo sida Guddoomiyaha Baarlamaanku sheegay lagu diiday in ciidamo ka socda dalalka safka hore Soomaaliya la geeyo, wuxuuna mar kale magaciisa ka soo dhex muuqday liis ay soo saareen Xubno ka tirsan Golaha Wasiirrada oo taageerayay go'aankaas Baarlamaanku gaaray. shalay ayaa u dambeysay wuxuu ku haray shir ay isaga baxeen Wasiirrada Muqdisho, kaasi oo gunaanadkiisii laga soo saaray in Dowladda Federaalka ay si KMG ah u sii degeyso magaalooyinka Baydhabo iyo Jowhar.

 

Si kastaba arrintu ha ahaatee, Xuseen Caydiid waxaa lagu tilmaami karaa siyaasi aan cidna col la ahayn, waxaana taasi caddeyn kara weli afkiisa lagama hayo isagoo xubin ka tirsan dowladda Federaalka si gaar ah wax uga sheegaya amaba af-lagaadeynaya sida hoggaamiyayaasha kale, isagoo weliba saaxib la ah dhinacyada isku khiaafsan Siyaasadda Dowladda Federaalka KMG ah ee Soomaaliya.

 

Salaad Iidow Xasan (Xiis)

Hiiraan Online

sxiis@hiiraan.com

Mogadishu, Somalia