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NASSIR

THE TRANSITIONAL FEDERAL GOVERNMENT AND THE POLITICS OF DISINTEGRATION IN POST-EMBA

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NASSIR   

Two words: great opinion from a Somali scholar

 

THE TRANSITIONAL FEDERAL GOVERNMENT AND THE POLITICS OF DISINTEGRATION IN POST-EMBAGATHI SOMALIA

 

By: Abdalla A. Hirad

 

 

Sunday, March 19, 2006

 

 

Wardheernews

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A long read with some valid points and some faults. He divides Somalia-after-disintegration into three main categories:

 

Type I: territorial disintegration (Somaliland)

Type II: social disintegration (Puntland)

Type III: administrative/political disintegration (i.e. Why Mogadishu is not seat of Somali gov't)

 

What I found most interesting is his application of the types of disintegration into the modern-day situation on the ground. He argues against the creation of sub-states in Somalia, saying that "...sub-states have been designed in the form of rogue mini-states by the same agents of old to reproduce the same past structures and political culture of that failed State."

 

Are these sub-states necessarily "rogue" in nature? He goes on: "...the proliferation of these sub-states — the sub-lands or sub-national entities, as a phenomenon — will not only prolong the stagnation and political stalemate experienced through-out, but will also deepen the extent of division and conflict between and within communities at local levels beyond easy repair."

 

How will the creation of sub-states "prolong" the conflict? He fails to explain. However, I do believe that the "bottom-up approach" is a valid course to recovery in Somalia. Look at the sub-states that do exist today. For example, let's look at Middle Shabelle region. Only 90 km from Mogadishu, Jowhar is a city where law and order reign supreme. Is this sub-state necessarily "rogue" in nature? I don't think it is. Do the benefits of this sub-state outweigh the ills? Absolutely!

 

The problem with the old regimes was that everything, from education to finding a career, was tied to Mogadishu. Worse, under the old systems, an official born in Nugaal region, for example, would be "appointed" as the governor of Middle Shabelle region. What sense does that make?

 

Sub-states offer a way for those who share close social and economic ties to cooperate on issues of utmost importance, from security to social welfare. What's wrong with that? So his argument is that these sub-states are "clan-based." Well, news flash: Somalia is, was and will forever be a clan-based society. Unless we replace clan-based governance with Islamic rule, I don't think any other system will work in Somalia (not even the "federal" formula).

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NASSIR   

Codetalker, I think the creation and political existance of sub-states have been hampering the reconciliation of Somalis while reinforcing federalism of Somalia into states, even parts seceding.

 

 

Don't you think that Somaliland campaigns hard to advance the instability of Mogadisho because they see the status quo as their only hope for recognition. Definately, these sub-states are rogue states whose leaders squabble over the spoils of the revenue generating sources they happen to manage so effectively.

 

How many times have you seen discussions about State Formation by some other clans, which i believe that the process to form many other sub-states has already started and will continue to result in at least some new adminstrations. They will perforce increase the balkanization of Somalia into mini mini states.

 

 

I believe the article is well-backed. His writing contributions seemed to have been predictors of the directions Transitional governments most likely have ended up ever since the collapse of our state.

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NASSIR   

For I had genuinely expected something, that I can, at least, say to my eager-to-learn students, here is a political thesis, that one should learn from it; particularly, as to how to marshall the facts, and force or conscripts the various nooks and crannies in which the argument seemed to consist of, into a holistic-intact view, and therefore only to arrived at, after much dialectical synthesis(i.e., in comparison with the counter arguments to that of which you are putting forward in your thesis); into the final lap of presenting the logically water-tight conclusions, that one had chisseled away or distilled it away very methodically and systematically, from the recess of the said argument or from said thesis, that hitherto was not apparent to the naked eye or anyone who merely glanced it through with a cursory look.

With all due respect Oodwayne, for i respect your ideas and great knowledge of history and world politics, the piece is theoritically well backed for the simple reason that the author illustrates our division and the politics of disintegration from grassroots level. The author gives our current leaders or local agents a new definition for their relative power, ability to amass enough constituency and arrogate a claim on geographical base under their control. The polital elite, that is an interesting definition for the pursuit of power to which some aspire to it and others fight for it if they have it. He futher shows of their adverse effect on us, using type methods. This should blink some light to you , "Type III Methods:competing for and seeking international presence, assistance and/or diplomatic links as a symbol of recognition in the expense of their political adversaries, if not as an instrument for discrediting their rivals, since they tend to attach a high value to foreign sponsorship as an important source of political legitimacy. This mechanism explains the role the foreign pseuds play and their usefulness for those who need their services among the elite."

 

 

It is a long piece

 

 

Thanks for your input.

 

Thanks for your input

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NASSIR   

This is where I was leading my argument, and I think, that is the difference, that I have with Mr. Hirad, and as much as I respect his intellect, I still think, he could of genuinely start his thesis with different line of enquiry, such, as as to whether the present-day Somali's people of the horn-of-Africa,
are better of,
in different political configuration,
or must we blindly trodd, that tired line of what was build in 1960,
which had ceased to exist in 1991 is still a socially and politically Sacrosanct.

If this is your firm position that Somaliland constitutes a political authority of its own (sui generis) and that we must under the adverse conditions, already complicated by the absence of government, rise to the this malady of infinte disintegration of Somalia into a two largely opposed and independent countries, then i would say you are heading to a wrong political system so much as to render everything you said dispensable for calculating culpable conduct of division.

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