Mintid Farayar

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  1. The Economist Aid and Somaliland Mo money mo problems Jun 24th 2011, 17:28 by J.N.L. | NEW YORK RULING parties in Africa often have to answer as much to their donors as their citizens. A recent paper suggests that the government in Somaliland has become more accountable to its citizens because of the lack of aid. Somaliland announced its secession from Somalia in 1991 and has operated as a more or less independent country ever since. It has its own president, parliament and constitution. It even boasts a central bank that prints its own currency, the Somaliland shilling. The peaceful existence of its three million mostly Muslim, but secular, residents contrasts sharply with the disorder and instability of Somalia. The world, however, has refused to recognise Somaliland. Reluctant to encourage other separatist movements, the West remains committed to supporting the embattled Transitional Federal Government in Somalia which opposes its separation. In his paper, Nicholas Eubank, a researcher at Stanford University, claims that some of Somaliland's success is down to a dearth of aid. Donors cannot give aid directly to the government since it is not recognised as such. It has been dependant on raising local tax revenue, which the paper says citizens have used as leverage to make the government more inclusive, representative and accountable. For those looking to bash the multi-billion dollar aid industry, it is an appealing thesis. But is it true? The port of Berbera, a trade hub for landlocked Ethiopia's 80m consumers, is one of the government's main revenue streams. In 1992 the government tried to take the port by force form the **********, a small clan. Having failed, it entered into negotiations which led to the inclusion of other clans into a more representative government that won the backing of the country's richest businessmen. Mr Eubank argues that the government was forced to negotiate with the owners of the port because it was short of money. This would not have happened if it had access to aid money; the port brought in 80% of the government’s $51m budget in 2008, a measly sum compared to how much Somaliland could get in aid were it to be recognised. Others say that the "benign neglect" of British colonial rule allowed stronger political institutions to develop which made negotiations about the port more productive. Even so, the government's dependency on taxation certainly gave local business people greater leverage. Somaliland's experiences cannot be applied directly elsewhere. But it offers some lessons. The resource constraints which led to a more inclusive government gave each clan a stake in maintaining stability. It is impossible to judge whether this outweighs the benefits that aid might have brought, but it should give donors pause for thought when they start splashing cash around. Somaliland's chances of becoming a fully-fledged country have risen with the precedent of South Sudan's independence. But the Somaliland government should consider its options before accepting the aid that would pour in if and when it is recognised. Its stability has in part been a result of a weak central government that does not threaten traditional regional leaders. An influx of money could upset this delicate balance. http://www.economist.com/blogs/baobab/2011/06/aid-and-somaliland
  2. It's to Somaliland's interest to open itself up to outside visitors. Few are left without sympathy for the Somaliland cause after visits to the country. Mahiga is only the latest to voice support. It's precisely this type of engagement which has been lacking in Somaliland's traditional foreign policy for the last two decades. Greater attention should be paid to reach out to 'think tanks' and 'opinion makers' in the capitals of the world.
  3. Making amends for earlier lapses 30 November 2011 NGI Knowledge Exchange English Copyright 2011. New Global Indian India, Nov. 30 -- Dr Adityanjee explains how India can safeguard her maritime security and long-term strategic interests in the Indian Ocean region by offering diplomatic recognition to the new nation of the Republic of Somaliland. India made history when she liberated and recognized the Republic of Bangladesh despite fierce international opposition from some of the Cold War superpowers. India took that strategic step because that was the right thing to do and suited India's long-term geopolitical interests as well as international humanitarian concerns. Though the doctrine of international intervention for safeguarding the responsibility to protect had not been codified by the UNGA or the UNSC at that time; India did act in sync with the spirit of the responsibility to protect (R2P). Time has come for India to assert herself again and recognize diplomatically the break-away Republic of Somaliland, located on the Horn of Africa. It suits India's geopolitical interests as well as the international humanitarian concerns. Lack of a functioning central government in Somalia since the ouster of the Muhammed Siad Barre's government on January 26, 1991, has led to anarchy, clan/tribal warfare and war lords going berserk. There was an international intervention by George H W Bush in 1992, but the Americans exceeded their brief, faced a humiliating defeat and left in a huff. Since then various regional powers have intervened to uphold their narrow interests. Ethiopian invasion in 2006, backed by the US created Al Shabab. Somali civil war has killed approximately half a million people. Somalia has become a fertile ground for recruitment by Al Qaeda and it local proxy Al Shabab. There is no peace in this war-torn land. Government is dysfunctional in central and southern Somalia. Somali pirates have created havoc in the Indian Ocean and commerce has been affected due to ongoing hijacking of merchant ships and their predominantly Asian and Indian crew. Ransom has been paid on numerous occasions on behalf of shipping companies, national governments and NGO to free up the kidnapped crew members of merchant ships. Al Shabab and Al Qaeda have noted with vengeance the Indian vigilance and naval patrolling in the Indian Ocean and the Gulf of Aden and have vowed to target Indian interests. The Somali pirates are routinely making forays into Indian territorial waters and Indian Exclusive Economic Sea Zone. Some of these pirates have euphemistically called themselves as the self-styled "Volunteer Coast Guards of Somalia". They have brought misery to numerous middle class Indian families who have become victims of their ruthlessness and greed. Somali pirates have openly targeted India and refused to release any Indian sailors till their fellow Somali pirates under Indian custody are released. Make no mistake, these pirates are the naval wing of the nascent Islamic Emirate of Somalia under the tutelage of Al Qaeda and shepherded by Al Shabab. Beheading adversaries, chopping off hands, stoning women and girls to death, banning music, and implementing a strict Wahabi Islamic law is the ultimate aim of Al Shabab. UN sponsored "state building" and "peace keeping" have failed in Somalia which is now a lawless, failed nation with ongoing genocide. In 2001, the wise and brave Somaliland nationals held a constitutional referendum and broke away from the failed state of Somalia. Republic of Somaliland is poor, but an oasis of peace in the Horn of Africa. The newly-emerged nation has few natural resources and its limited exports primarily include fish and livestock. They have adopted all the democratic ways and have held multiple elections at local, parliamentary and presidential elections since then. Last presidential elections were held in June, 2010, leading to peaceful and orderly transfer of power when the electorate rejected the incumbent president. Somalia as a unified nation did not exist before 1947. Somaliland was a British protectorate and a paper colony and the rest of Somalia was an Italian colony. India must not shed her tears for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the failed state of Somalia that was essentially the creation of the imperialists. Time has come for India to not only diplomatically recognize the democratically elected government of the break-away Republic of Somaliland, but also enter into a formal strategic partnership agreement with that country. A bilateral friendship treaty between the two nations for a minimum duration of 99 years needs to be signed. India needs to obtain a naval base in the Gulf of Aden in one of the sea ports of the Republic of Somaliland to provide naval surveillance to our merchant ships as well as Indian nationals working as crew in international marine merchant ships. India needs to assert her leadership in the region and not wait for international community to act. India must lead the international community in birth of this new nation and prevent the lawlessness and havoc created by the Somali pirates. India must learn from her mistakes of missed geopolitical opportunities and inaction in the past. It is better to act instead of letting the situation drift and allow hostile Asian nations upstage New Delhi again. India must take a pro-active approach strategically vis-a-vis diplomatic recognition of the Democratic Republic of Somaliland and defeat the hostile intentions of Al Qaeda and Al Shabab. India will safeguard her maritime security and long-term strategic interests in the Indian Ocean region by offering diplomatic recognition to the new nation of the Republic of Somaliland.Published by HT Syndication with permission from NGI Knowledge Exchange. For any query with respect to this article or any other content requirement, please contact Editor at htsyndication@hindustantimes.com NAV GATIH INITIATIVES & MEDIA PVT LTD.
  4. A_Khadar;764098 wrote: Mitid, I think it’s a fair analysis to say Reer Burcos were not die heart secessionists up until Siilaanyo sit on the seat and now Reer Gebiliey and Hargaysa lot are no longer as enthusiastic as they were before to project. Same goes to Reer Awdal and also check reer Galkacyo for the case of p/l. This the best example of Somalis and their association with politics. Such scenario or analogy is very much common wherever you go, and another good example is ATT’s lot where many of his close kin work for the tyranny regime he opposes. Hope you find the answer of question about if there are elements from Sool who is currently with Somaliland. However, I ain't claiming on the perfect side of this or I am any different from other somalis, but my #1 objection against s/l is their “indho adayg” mentality of forcing others to accept with their own clanish interest and blindly feel it's their rightful that they have given which I don't know who gave them that right over others.. Did you heard about the Somali famous statement “Ma inagii baa isu dowladaynay”… You can NOT come to my home/town and tell me you’re a government and expect me to follow you. Why if I may ask you? While I believe you're confusing certain enthusiasm gap pertaining to which party/personalities are in power at any given time within Somaliland vs enthusiasm for the idea of an independent Somaliland - we'll move on from that tangential point of our discussion. Your opinion is that the inhabitants of this region are being forced into a project for which they didn't sigh up. Even though those administring, policing, and running this administration in their hometowns happen to be their clan-kin. There's a lot of room for accommodation between our two positions.
  5. AKhadar and Liibaan, to repeat, the difference between our positions is based upon perception. Would you at least 'allow' that there are elements (and not just politicians but communities) within your Sool community that see their lot as 'with Somaliland'? This fact is pointed out publicly by the Faroole's of the world as well as the AT's. I mention this only in measuring how radicalized/or realistic your perceptions of the region are.
  6. 'Liibaan';763895 wrote: Mintid Farayar, you are another fanatic, actually you are worse than Xaji, JB, Burahadeer, and Duke. How do you expect people to respect your one-clan secessionist Somaliland Faction (snm 2.0)? When you are against other Somali regions? anti-SSC State, anti-NSUM, anti-Awdal State, anti-Puntland, etc snm Clan-secessionists must understand If Somalia is Divisible, so is the former British Somali Colony. Liibaan, I apologize. Fanatic is too strong a word to use. Xaal qaado. I realize you're passionate about this topic and believe (mistakenly in my opinion) that your kin are being oppressed. If your viewpoint is true, then Somaliland is in the wrong. But I give 'your kin' far more credit than you do. I believe if a size-able majority did not support Somaliland in the Las Anod/Sool area, Somaliland would not be able to stay in the area longer than a few days. Somalis are a proud people currently armed to the teeth (including Sool inhabitants). So, in closing, either my impression or yours of the current Sool situation is wrong. The difference is that you view your kin as helplessly under subjugation while I believe the majority living in the area have thrown their support to Somaliland (-remember I'm not including the removed, radicalized diaspora).
  7. Just when the discussion was getting somewhere - here comes another one of the fanatics to bombard us with 'Duke-like' cut&paste. Liibaan, saaxiib, since you don't seem to have your own independent ideas to present, could you sit this one out? Otherwise, attempt to at least state what you believe, what you're for, what you're against - without dumping millions of jingoistic articles written by others on us. Mahadsanid.
  8. A_Khadar;763868 wrote: Listen mate, I don't know what you're brought up and don't make this too personal. We are talking about NSUM(SSC) vs s/l as entity or clan. You pointed out me falling for a clan glory stuff when I agreed the points Xiin made, and if anyone or entity worships a clan, your entity/clan suffers the most. What I agree with Xiin is needless to bring back 1920s colonial borders, but again you are looking everything with clan lens. The better part of your urgement is when you asked to bring an alternative for my community since I don't agree with the succession.. AKhadar, Rather than getting stuck at an impasse where we both accuse each other of clannist leanings, let's move on to possible solutions while limiting the rancor. So what do you propose as the alternative to Somaliland for your community? Kindly, confine yourself to the possible under current circumstances.
  9. A_Khadar;763852 wrote: Mintid, you and your lot have one common bad syndrome that you all suffer so much.. It's all good when you argue against staying with the South Somalia because of its last 20 years’ conditions but in the same paragraph if not the same sentence you all gag a sticky acid air from your stomachs when you hit the clan button.. Darn it, had you not ever gone there, I would have been fallen for your point and probably nodded for you with agreement. But again when in fact the mere reason of all about this s/l project is based on clanish and its emotions, I wouldn't suggest you and your lot to ever bring up clan, being this a hint. Beside the starting point of this topic, you were heading with this towards of that your project made so much progresses and that progresses' front runner is the peace and stability. And all I am saying is, not any more since the invasion to Sool and many other fights after that over the years, one being the latest killings in Awadal. So now come again and clear your point, and don't ever go to the clan "thing" cause that side is your loss.. AKhadar, I brought up clan?? Wasn't it your 'cousin' in the preceding post referring to 'clan glory days' which you so quickly agreed with. I, simply, pointed out the recent history of where that's led some from the 'NSUM' wing. If that's sticky acid from our stomachs, then we have grossly differing perceptions of reality. Yet, my question, stands : The whole world knows what Somaliland is offering, limited as it might be in resources. What's the alternative you're suggesting for your community? To refresh your memory: xiinfaniin;763834 wrote: A Khadar, think of Somaliland as a clan of ours who out of legitimate, political grievance resorted to unworkable approach to remedy the past. The stuff they concocted in thier effort to separate from us is quite entertaining . If you read Mintid Farayar's post, the delusion is ever palpable and raw. But I would say this; after the fall of Laascaanood, Somaliland's separatist project has reached a political sealing. With no history of clan majesty to sing for, the victory against their historical nemesis was perhaps too big a feat for them. I am sure in the chewing gatherings of Hargeysa the fall of Laascaanood is a big deal, but the movement it ignited (which our separatists brothers are now constantly complaining about) made a more profound statement about the viability of separatist project. Here you have a large clan with glamorous history whose capital is taken by a neighboring clan that've gone rouge on them. The people who resisted British invasion, and put up twenty years of struggle against an enemy with vast resources and logistical reach are now waking up to a peculiar reality after a century of Darwish movement; a certain northern movement wishes to relive the relics of colonial era, seeking to curve up entire cities and land to reach a wicked political station called closing colonial borders of 1920s. etc., etc., How simply you fall for precisely what I had just warned you about. All it takes is a little massaging of a wounded clan ego...
  10. AKhadar, word to the wise - don't be hoodwinked by those above^^^ who urge time and time again for you and yours to go to war but are never there to support you in the heat of battle. Examples of this abound in the last 2 decades (Mogadishu, Kismayo, Las Anod, etc.). They're quick to fill the minds of the impressionable with mythical days of clan glory and domination as long as others will do the fighting. Many on the ground are hard at work to resolve the misunderstandings regarding our two positions - but war is not the solution! Don't fall victim to ephemeral feel-good clan 'shout-outs'. How much success has it brought the region and people you claim to love in the last two decades? You usually retort with "And you don't have recognition yet!". But lack of international recognition has not kept Somaliland standing still. Hence, the reason it's used by the international community as the template of what Somalia can become. And likewise, every aspiring regional administration (Puntland, Azania, Galmudug, etc.) uses 'Somaliland' in appendage to their declarations of how they will run their region(in particular, when lobbying for international funds!). By accident of birth, you've been given citizenship and a stake in this regional success story. You oppose it but yet offer no working solutions. Join Somalia? What is there to join? All we see is a carcass of a once beautiful land continuously betrayed by greedy, merciless leadership. If that's your solution, then you're not serious, my friend...
  11. After winning the war for Sool, Somaliland has to concentrate on winning the peace with extremely limited resources(a far more difficult proposition). The Sool community is an integral part of Somaliland and while great efforts have been made to facilitate its reintegration back into Somaliland civil society, it must be redoubled. Significant sections of the Sool 'diaspora' are stuck in the past, still haunted by the fall of the 'Kacaan', fearful of retaliation for past participation by prominent members in that regime, and retelling ancient sub-clan feuds. This decades-long period of exile have left some far removed from the changing realities in the region combined with an inability to move on. People are moving on- more concerned with the struggle of daily survival. The unwillingness/inability of this above-described diaspora group to visit home adds to their alienation from current trends. Hence their celebration of every 'geeljire' clash that happens in the region.
  12. A_Khadar;763782 wrote: You jumped of the question? Bring some help to your claims. Peace was the only over rated claim that s/l used and that is a history now.. Anything else? Either you don't read most of what's been written internationally about Somaliland for the last 10-15 years or you're overcome by your partisanship regarding the Sool issue. What's the point of posting tons of articles about Somaliland's good governance when we've all read them throughout the years?? I'm not 'Duke'. I recognize your opposition to Somaliland and its claim of the Sool community but let's try to be realistic when it comes to its accomplishments in a harsh environment. Denying them doesn't do justice to your cause. ****Corrected a typo
  13. The radicalization of the NSUM diaspora will eventually burn itself out. They will eventually come home, just like the Samater brothers. The SL gov't just has to concentrate on keeping the intercommunal peace internally - a challenging task among poor, aggressive 'geeljireyaal'.
  14. A_Khadar;763763 wrote: The foo must be gone long ago. And will it make a difference? The next rep will visit all corners, compare, and come to the same conclusion. Let's be realistic on this: 1- none of us (Somalis) have the power to replace the UN Rep 2- Recognition/non-recognition is not in the hands of multi-lateral organizations (i.e. UN) But the prevailing good governance in Somaliland is harder to cover up these days. These are the positive side effects of the increasing international presence in Somaliland.
  15. Mahiga Must Go Osman Hassan Northern Somali Unionist Movement (NSUM) December 07, 2011 Since the collapse of the State, Somalia has been a dumping ground for successive mediocre Special Representatives of the Secretary-General of the United Nations (SRSG). Almost all failed in their mission but at least left no everlasting damage after their departure to the country's most important aspect- its unity. Augustine Mahiga, the current SRSG, was seen until now to belong to that mould. A jolly affable former Tanzanian diplomat and erstwhile UN staff, he exudes that quintessential Swahili penchant for la Dolce Vita (good life and fun-loving) and an irresistible urge to ingratiate himself with all and sundry, unionists or secessionists, by telling them what they like to hear. Mahiga's posting to Somalia as SRSG offered him the best of both worlds: to be based in Nairobi and be part of its international and diplomatic high society and yet to be so close to his home town, Dar Es Salaam. Otherwise, his exposure to Somalia, the country to which he is technically assigned, is limited to rare fleeting appearances at Mogadishu airport where he would meet his Somali counterparts in the TFG. Much as he is another failed SRSG despite his appearances to the contrary, Somalis nonetheless had tolerated his shortcomings until now for the simple reason that he was not better or worse than his predecessors. The fact that he is from a country in the region (Tanzania) for which Somalis hold much empathy was hitherto in his favour. Mahiga has now done to Somalia what no other SRSG before him has done: call for the break-up of Somalia by advocating the recognition of Somaliland. This is precisely what he did on a visit to Hargeisa, the capital of the one-clan secessionist enclave, on December 4th, reportedly in the presence of IGAD officials and British diplomats based in Addis Ababa. This is an incomprehensible action from any Senior UN staff and more so from Mahiga whose trade mark is risk aversion that could in anyway upset his applecart. Calling for the break-up of the very country he was supposed to revive and nourish its unity is contrary to his clear-cut mandate and could technically cost him his job. What he did is not an oversight or temporary lapse of judgement on his part. He knows that neither he nor the United Nations for that matter has any power to recognise Somaliland or any other country. That domain is the exclusive prerogative of sovereign member countries. The question that arises is why the normally affable, innocuous and prudent Mahiga should take leave of his senses and embark on this risky gamble that in theory could anger the TFG and ask for his removal? A number of factors, singly or collectively, could explain Mahiga's action and calculations: First, those who follow Somaliland's relentless campaign to gain recognition and its readiness to bribe corrupt African leaders, including Somali ones, or officials heading regional organisations, such as the AU or IGAD, may rightly or wrongly conclude that Mahiga might have fallen for Somaliland's irresistible and lavish inducements. This perception, admittedly, is a long shot but it is also plausible. Mahiga after all is no saint. He is part of his African milieu where taking bribes by African presidents, government leaders and his own peers, is part of the prevailing African conventional wisdom. What Mahiga has done is more likely to be at the behest of some countries who want him to serve as a Trojan horse to facilitate Somaliland's recognition on the understanding that he would be shielded from any punitive action from his boss, Ban ki Moon, and also from the TFG. The USA and EU member countries had in the past predicated their recognition of Somaliland on a prior lead from the AU and its member countries. Mahiga's call for Somaliland's' recognition could therefore be disingenuously construed by IGAD (and AU) members as getting the seal of approval from the horse's mouth and could therefore feel free to recognise Somaliland. Mahiga knows that there is no way he could keep his post as SRSG for Somalia if an annoyed TFG would declare him persona non grata or simply refuse to work with him. What therefore persuaded him and the countries pushing him was the knowledge that there would be no adverse backlash from the TFG, counting on its total indifference to Somalia's unity and their preoccupation with feathering their own nests as their departure from office draws inexorably closer. All the evidence of course supports Mahiga and his backers' calculations. The complete absence of reaction from the entire TFG echelon, after several days since Mahiga made the call for Somaliland's recognition, comes on the heels of a TFG minister who recently advocated Somaliland's recognition without any reprimand from his bosses, let alone losing his job. The conclusions outsiders can reasonably draw are clear: first is the absence of a true Somali government despite the sham TFG claim to be the "internationally recognised government"; secondly, the TFG, far from defending Somalia's unity, may indeed be condoning its break-up willy-nilly. It is these facts which serve as incentives for outside interventions in Somalia, notably neighbouring countries, and also explain the treacherous betrayal of the UN's own country representative. More ominously, Mahiga's call is not an isolated one-off affair. It is part of a concerted attack on Somalia in which neighbouring countries have been given the green light to invade it with western military, financial and intelligence support. The aim is not only the break-up of Somalia into its pre-independence constituent parts but also to carve up the south (former Italian Somaliland) into antagonistic Bantustans at loggerheads with one another and bonded to their respective protégés (Ethiopia and Kenya) and for all practical purposes beyond the jurisdiction of the central Somali government. Since in all probability a successor government to the TFG could turn out to be less pliant and accommodating, the break-up and balkanisation of Som…….. http://www.wardheernews.com/Articles_11/Dec/Osman/07_Mahiga_must_go.html
  16. Mintid Farayar;761755 wrote: Leave Faroole alone. He's a pragmatist who's taking Puntland back to its natural borders. You get my drift... Abdul;762166 wrote: loool@pl natural borders.Classic I'm glad you're amused, Abdul. In reality, though, these natural borders will make Puntland more viable. The elites of Puntland started out claiming and exerting some control over territories as far south as Kismayo in the early '90s. Little by little, the impossibility of holding on to these territories has been demonstrated by one contraction after another contraction. Faroole is a pragmatist who quickly realized this in the 'Sool/Las Anod' issue and seems to be now pondering the practicality of managing Northern Galkacayo from as far away as Garowe. Hence, his calls for an AMISOM presence to police the town (realizing it's beyond the capabilities of his administrations). The man, if anything, is a hard-nosed realist who's realized the cards he's been dealt!
  17. Carafaat;761695 wrote: Somali nationalism as most people know it has died a long time ago. Wounded by clannism, corruptiion, war, diictatorship. And it has delivered 0 for the people Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar;762124 wrote: It may have 'died' on you, but certainly not to me and those who I associate with. We all still believe firmly in Soomaalinimo and Soomaaliweyn. As a great children's t-shirt slogan went by in '90s: Soomaaliya is my country, no matter what happens . MMA, Without delving into the usual sermons and 'qiiro'-filled homilies about the good, old days when this family had a 'LandCruiser' outside the villa in Mogadishu, what exactly has the 'Somali-brand' of nationalism delivered to the Somali people for the last 50 years? Why didn't Djibouti opt to join that 'nationalistic' project when its 'Somali elite' where finally given independence? Given the resources the Somali state had expended to win independence for Djibouti? This concept of 'Somali nationalism' has to be rethought! Look at the mess left in its wake today in the former Somalia. Carafaat claimed it was "Wounded by clannism, corruptiion, war, diictatorship." I disagree; rather nationalism was used as a cover for 'clannism, corruption, war, and dictatorship'. There is a natural bond between Somalis all over the globe. I've already agreed with that statement in previous postings. No Somali sees another Somali as a foreigner. But if the history of the Somali state for the last 50 years is anything to go by, that bond is definitely not a political bond. Why expend so many lives and resources on something that's obviously not working?
  18. Rwanda had entered Congo to pursue the forces that carried out the 1994 genocide in the country, in which nearly one million people were killed. They had regrouped inside Congo, from where they were launching periodic attacks on Rwanda. It was a campaign that ended in controversy, with Rwandan forces being accused of human-rights abuses and plunder. Rwanda, the saying goes, bit off and chewed up Congo, but could not quite swallow it. Some observers think that Burundi — and possibly Uganda — got their appetite for peacekeeping from watching how Rwanda’s peacekeeping role in Sudan’s western Darfur region reversed its fortunes. Rwanda sent the first main body of troops for the UN peacekeeping force in Sudan, UNMIS, in 2005. A grateful international community immediately became reluctant to criticise Rwanda’s Congo role. Before long, when Rwanda sneezed on Sudan peacekeeping, everyone caught a cold.This was demonstrated dramatically last year, when a draft UN human-rights report accusing Rwanda of massacring civilians in Congo in the late 1990s was leaked. The report even hinted that Rwanda troops might have committed “genocide.” Kigali hit the roof, and threatened to withdraw its forces from the Darfur peacekeeping mission. Rwanda’s argument was that if the UN believed its troops had committed genocide, then they were unworthy of being in a peace mission to prevent genocide. A withdrawal would have effectively collapsed the mission. The UN panicked. In a first, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon interrupted a European visit, hopped on a plane, and headed to Kigali to press the flesh with President Paul Kagame and massage wounded feelings. The UN said the report was a work in progress, and hadn’t been reviewed. In the end, its release was delayed, and a “balanced” version was what eventually saw the light of day and made it into the official record. Up to that point, it was only countries like the US or China that had the clout to get that kind of result. As Kenya savours the newfound external attention and respect as a result of the war, it has to contend with several domestic challenges. Because, unlike Uganda and Burundi, it shares a border with Somalia, its security measures to foil possible Al Shabaab suicide bombers have been more extensive. Unusually, over the past three weeks, worshippers arriving for Sunday prayers found that they had to undergo security checks before entering the Lord’s house. Most of the schools in Nairobi where the elite take their children have introduced detectors, and guards are peeking under cars with mirrors. There is virtually no hospital, mall, or office building in Nairobi that you can enter without being frisked, scanned, or having your car checked. However, these are petty changes that will not change society much. Meanwhile, in the past few weeks Kenyans have seen more photographs of soldiers and weaponry, and heard army chiefs and spokesman speak, than they have for all of the past 15 years — including the period of post-election violence in 2008. A national aversion to a high profile role for the military could just disappear in the process. For Uganda, Somalia has been a particular blessing. Like Rwanda’s, the Uganda army, the UPDF, had its image battered by its adventures in DR Congo, where it was eventually condemned as a pillaging and murderous force. A senior military officer in Uganda told The EastAfrican, “Somalia was a blessing. It has allowed our army to again be seen as heroic at home, and respected abroad”.Nothing could be more different than the way the Uganda soldiers who died in Congo, and those who die in Somalia, are treated. Most of the DRC casualties were buried in the jungles there. The Somalia casualties are returned home and given a decent burial. Because the DRC campaign eventually became a personalised war, and attracted too many rogue officers out to cut down forests for timber or take over a diamond or gold mine, there was a massive attack on the formal structures of the UPDF and the military fell into disarray. The Amisom mission, because it involves working with AU institutions, Nato, the US, and co-ordinating with Burundi, forced Uganda to appoint its better officers and to manage the army professionally. Somalia, then, saved the UPDF from becoming a bandit force. An Amisom official told The EastAfrican, “In the fullness of time, Somalia could enable regional integration in ways that will surprise us.” That moment might be here already. Unlike Rwanda, which had closer links to the older EAC countries (Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda), Burundi had been more properly a Central African country that East Africa paid little attention to. For a long time, the Somalia question was an issue for the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (Igad), comprising Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Sudan, Somalia, Sudan, and Uganda. Burundi’s role in Amisom drew it close into an IGAD, and lately EAC, project and did a lot to turn it into an East African country. The involvement of EAC countries in war or peacekeeping in Sudan and Somalia, has also coloured their outlook toward the expansion of the Community. In June, the Republic of Sudan (Khartoum) surprised the region when it formally applied to join the EAC, ahead of the new nation of South Sudan, which was considered a more “natural” and “logical” future candidate. Khartoum’s bid received a cold reception from Uganda, which has had issues with the Sudan government, including its long-time support for the murderous Lord’s Resistance Army rebels. Tanzania also reportedly baulked. Kenya and Rwanda were more open to the idea, and suggested that due diligence be done by the EAC to establish whether the Republic of Sudan met the standard for membership. Empathetic Kagame Of the EAC presidents, the one who has most amplified the need to respond to Khartoum’s courtship objectively, is Kagame. That is no accident, because Kagame has a peacekeeping force in Darfur, and officers in Khartoum and South Sudan. He is therefore more likely to be empathetic to Khartoum, because a relationship between Sudan and the EAC that eventually leads to a reduction of conflict, would also partly be a success for the Rwanda peace mission. It is early days, and there are still many twists and turns to come in the Somalia conflict. For one, Kenya government officials have been warning of anti-Somali sentiment, arguing that a distinction needs to be made between Kenyan-Somali and Somalia-Somalis — the latter remain loyal, and many are playing a prominent role in the Kenya campaign. They are right to be concerned, because the Shabaab have sought to rally their base by saying Somalia has been invaded by a “coalition of Christian armies.” The response that can be gleaned from pronouncements by public officials and the media is quite striking. It would seem as if in a bid not to give Al Shabaab ammunition or to “endanger the troops,” anti-Muslim rhetoric, especially from Kenyan fundamentalist Christian groups, has gone silent.How long it will last, will soon be clear. Support for the Kenyan action in Somalia is shrill, and the Kenyan blogosphere and social media voices are waxing patriotic. A posting by a Christine Mutimura on the social media Twitter on Operation Linda Nchi (Operation Protect the Homeland) as Kenya is calling it, summed it up well: “Kenya’s invasion of Somalia to hunt down Al Shabaab is being viewed as a Big Gamble. I say Operation Linda Nchi is a Worthy Gamble.”
  19. How war boosts Kenya’s regional, global clout The East African . Monday, November 21, 2011 Kenya’s war, and Burundi and Uganda’s aggressive peacekeeping in Somalia, are having a far-reaching and unintended impact inside the East African Community countries. While the three EAC countries all entered troubled Somalia to save it, there are signs that it is Somalia that is changing the way these countries do business at home. The effect of the Somalia war, especially the activities of Al Shabaab, are even being felt in countries like Tanzania — which is not involved either as a peacekeeper or fighting force in Somalia — through the number of its young people being recruited into the militant group’s regional network. Last week, Home Affairs Minister Shamsi Vuai Nadodha announced that 10 Tanzanians had been arrested in Mogadishu fighting alongside the Shabaab. While Kenya’s entry into the Somalia fray has its critics, it has kicked off a wave of nationalist sabre-rattling on the Internet. Not surprising, because though Kenya is the EAC’s leading economy, it was largely viewed as a wimpish nation, with an untested military led by pampered generals growing potbellied in luxury and never having to worry about firing a shot in anger. Indeed, in a leaked US diplomatic cable published on the whistleblower website Wikileaks, Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni is reported by US diplomats in Kampala to have pooh-poohed the Kenya army’s mettle and ability to do anything about Somali insurgents. Museveni is reported as describing the Kenyan military as a “career army” and wondering about their ability to take on bush fighters. “Is Kenya used to fighting like this [bush and guerrilla warfare]? Would Kenya be able to provide logistical support to its Somali allies?” Museveni reportedly wondered. Because of that view, which similar leaked US cables reveal are shared by Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, the meeting in Nairobi last week between President Mwai Kibaki, Museveni and Somalia’s President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed would have been unthinkable just two months ago. When it came to heavy lifting on Somalia, it was considered that Kenya had nothing useful to contribute. In a few weeks, all that has changed. Writing in Uganda’s main independent daily, the Daily Monitor (a sister publication of The EastAfrican), Member of Parliament Capt Michael Mukula noted, “Kenya has displayed that it is not a mere careerist. Its military hardware display inside Somalia has certainly raised eyebrows among regional military strategists.” War brings with it death and destruction, but its ability to boost a country’s diplomatic standing has been displayed many times in the region. Burundi, war-wracked, poor, and obscure, muscled up internationally when it became the only other country to send peacekeeping troops to joins the Ugandans in Amisom, the African Union peacekeeping mission in Somalia. Today Burundi, which used to be relegated to the back of the room, gets a front seat at international meetings on Somalia and peacekeeping in Africa. By the time Burundi arrived at the table, equally tiny Rwanda had been punching above its weight for years, particularly after its lead role in ousting Congo dictator Mobutu Sese Seko in 1997, and the sway it held over its neighbour, which is 27 times its size, as an imperial overlord of sorts for some years after that.
  20. Carafaat;761695 wrote: Somali nationalism as most people know it has died a long time ago. Wounded by clannism, corruptiion, war, diictatorship. And it has delivered 0 for the people....... Mintid, I understand what you meant about the monopolic abuse of Somalism and how some abuse against Somaliland wihout any prober answer or alternative. I think we're on the same page when it comes to this issue. The old adage comes to mind: "Don't throw away the seeds in your hand for the ones still on the tree!"
  21. Abtigiis;761753 wrote: Faroole has what it takes to be worse than Gaddafi. The man is shameless and greedy. Nepotism and naricissim defines him. He must be stopped. Leave Faroole alone. He's a pragmatist who's taking Puntland back to its natural borders. You get my drift...
  22. Gabbal, On another note, where does Gedo leadership stand on the Kismayo offensive by the Kenyans and their Somali allies? Is there support for the Azania project within the Gedo community?
  23. Gabbal, thanks for sharing. Much needed positive news. Beautiful land with beautiful people. The dividends of peace...
  24. Carafaat;761649 wrote: Mintid, my question is. Can one be a Somalilander and Somali nationalist at the same time? Yes, the two can co-exist and do co-exist. The term 'Somalidiid' in reference to Somalilanders is simply a cynical attempt to sway uninitiated believers of Somali nationalism against Somaliland. Nevertheless, experience has thought Somaliland to be wary of recent political standard bearers(of Somali nationalism) given the anti-Somaliland baggage they often carry.