Wallaahi waa digniin. Billaahi waa dardaaran. Dalkayaga ninkii soo doonta. Dakharadaanu gaadhsiin.Dib inuu uga qoomamayn !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! The pirates illegally operate in Puntland coastal area have enormous threat to Somaliland in term of its social structure, currency value and youth mentality in near future unless the government has not taken tight security measurement. The fact that pirate has get much publicity in Puntland state with the positive reaction from its society has expressed overwhelming treat to Somaliland, which may effects it’s social institution – marriage. This is what currently happening in Puntland since pirate emerged. The women’s standard of measurement for selecting their partner has been transformed. In Puntland, Pirates are regarded as the primary hunt let alone the casual labor, and the Diasporas people, contrary to Somaliland, where people from Diasporas are respected more than local guys when it comes to marriage. This is put fuel to the fire, unless price of marriage has not been standardized. The hard currency paid to pirates for the release of hijacked ships may also have another severe problem to Somaliland’s currency value or may disturb the exchange institutions. This has resulted high stander of living and inflation in advance. Similarly, the negligence from hundreds of unemployed youth in Somaliland may inspire our local youths to take parities’ mentality and start haunting vessels in Somaliland coastal area, like the Egyptian teacher hijacked in early January from Burao for ransom. This will have some impact the forthcoming recognition and possibly will spoil the little reputation Somaliland has earned since its inception. Unfortunately, less than five year old gagsters have received global recognition for their notorious record. They become global threat after their bad acts brought together UN Security Council to a draft resolution to act against them (pirates), while well performers have been given no attention. It was in mid 2003, when a first ship has been hijacked in Eyl, coastal area of Puntland for ransom. Reasoning their illegal practices, Parties claimed that their ventures have been destroyed by international fishing companies. Later, the vessel has been released for the recipient of a hundred thousand of US dollars. This influx of money has doubled the value of commodities where the survivals of poor families get risk. Within the past years more than forty ships with food, commodities and humanitarian aids have been seized for payment of ransom. International communities criticized pirate on their illegal acts in Somali coastal area. Millions of dollars received to the Puntland Somali state. To bring an end the effect of pirates to social life’s in Puntland, the past administration, Gen Cade Muse, has attempted to get rid of the pirates operating in coastal area; undesirably he failed to overcome his mission. When he is interviewed by BBC about this matter, he responded “parities are more powerful, trained and equipped then our administration”. In early January of this year, US lead force against pirate has been launched. The creation of special unit force has increased nothing to security measurement in Somali coastal area as well as Indian or red oceans. As the newly president, Abdiraham Farole, has been elected in Puntland, he made a pledge that he would take action to clean pirates, but nothing has been possible. His pledge together with UN resolution and US lead special unit force have restored nothing to Somalia, but increased the hijacking ships and gave chance the parities to get more advanced in technology and economic. From Somaliland administration, several attempts intending to halt the import and export commodities to Somaliland have been seized, while the perpetrators have been jailed and put before the court. But the government has not passed to parliamentary any act against pirate to control pirate movements. Consequently, this can give you a signal that pirates are more like to extend their operations to Somaliland coastal area with the harmony of local people. While it has been discovered that pirates hunter vessels in Golf of Aden and even further area. By: Kassem Daud

Che, just kick his/her ,, Ehem .... and move on Good morning ladies and gentlemen ... Saaka maxaa lagu soo toosay ,, Me = Headache

It is already there .... they lack students

It is not my translation but from other sources ... i don't have that much time in my hands niyow.

Malika you came late dee ,,,, welcome aboard adiguna ,,,

Ohhh ,, I'm glad you're finally here CL ,, welcome aboard ...

Despite rampant poverty, high levels of illiteracy and limited international support, the self-declared republic of Somaliland in the northwest of Somalia has become an unlikely TB success story. “We adopted the DOTS (Directly Observed Treatment Short Course) system for treating TB in 1995, so someone is always present to ensure patients take their medication,” said Dr Ismail Adam Abdillahi, coordinator of the national TB programme. “As a result, adherence is very high and treatment success is over 90 percent.” The World Health Organization (WHO) has set a global target of 85 percent treatment success by 2015; Somalia, part of WHO’s Eastern Mediterranean Region, ranks second in the region’s 22 countries in terms of treatment success. “The majority of the population has access to a health facility with TB services that have at least one doctor able to treat TB,” Ismail said. “There is no shortage of drugs, which we get from the Global Fund [to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria] through World Vision International.” Education has ensured that almost all patients have a basic knowledge of TB, while the establishment of a wide network of TB centres implementing close supervision and monitoring means TB treatment continues to make progress. The global target for TB case detection is 70 percent by 2015, but Somaliland has already achieved a case detection rate of 68 percent. “In 2008 we diagnosed 4,153 cases; we believe these were most of the people who contracted the disease,” Ismail said. Although the country does not have the technology to detect multidrug-resistant TB, he noted that there were very few cases of “chronic” or recurring TB. This progress has been made despite the fact that Somaliland, which has not achieved international recognition as a sovereign state, is extremely poor - a decade-old livestock ban by Saudi Arabia and several other meat-importing countries in the Middle East has devastated its main source of income. Although the country has been relatively peaceful since its formation in 1991, it continues to experience some insecurity, which hampers access and limits staff movement to certain areas. Sustaining the response in a difficult environment “We also have a lot of IDPs [internally displaced persons] and refugees in Somaliland from the south; when people are in such emergency situations, personal health is not a priority and people do not seek treatment,” Ismail said. “The war before 1991 also destroyed our health infrastructure, and we still need many more health facilities and staff trained to handle TB.” The largest urban centre, Hargeisa city, with a population of more than 500,000, still has only one health centre equipped to treat TB. “Our regulations are not as strong as they could be, and we do get unlicensed practitioners treating patients and private pharmacies selling TB drugs over the counter, which risks patients getting incorrect information and taking drugs the wrong way,” said Dr Abdirashid Hashi Abdi, the Global Fund HIV/AIDS coordinator for the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in Hargeisa. “There is also no known data for the level of multi- and extensively drug-resistant TB.” Ismail noted that one of the groups still causing his department some concern were the nomads, who roamed the countryside, never settling anywhere long enough for TB education to reach them, and often grazing their herds far from health facilities with TB services. “Men who chew khat [a mild stimulant widely used in the Horn of Africa] in small, poorly ventilated rooms for hours are also particularly at risk,” Ismail said. “This explains the fact that the ratio of men to women infected with TB in Somaliland is two to one.” Somaliland and Somalia combined have an annual TB incidence of about 324 cases per 100,000 people, with more than half aged between 15 and 34. The disease is strongly associated with poverty, and many TB patients also suffer from malnutrition, making treatment more difficult. Source: IRIN/Plusnews

I don't think they're coming today .........

The Somaliland’s Upper House of the parliament started today the discussion of a Presidential Decree distributed by the chairman. The decree was signed by the President to define the date of the Presidential election which is set to be on 31st May 2009. The session which was participated by 62 members received copies of the degree attached to the Electoral Committee’s decision to postpone the date of the elections. The chairman of the House of the Elders, Mr. Suleiman explained the agenda and requested the members to go through the distributed documents and come back for discussion on Saturday. He said that they have 24 to 48 hours to read and then sit for a discussion according to the law. The security was tightened inside and around the parliament building and many police forces were seen controlling the main entrance of the house. The National Electoral Committee declared earlier this month that the elections will take place on 31st of May this year where the government acknowledged the new date and the main opposition party rejected the decision. The other opposition party said they accept the new date as long as the additional time is very short but called for a broader government which the opposition is included.

Hargeysa(Qarannews)- Golaha Guurtida JSL Ayaa fadhigoodii saaka dood ka yeeshay wareegtadii uu Madaxweyne Rayaalle ku wargeliyay in ay doorkooda ka qaataan soo jeedintii komishanka ee doorashada dib loogu dhigay ilaa dabayaaqada bisha May ee Sanadkan. Golaha oo uu saaka guddoominayay Guddoomiyaha Golaha guurtida Md Saleebaan Maxamuud Aadan, waxa xildhibaanada madasha fadhiyay oo ka koobnaa 62 Mudane loo qaybiyay qoraalka uu Madaxweynuhu u soo gudbiyay kaas oo u dhignaa sida tan: "Mudaneyaal, anigoo tixraacaya warqada ka soo baxday Komishanka doorashooyinka Somaliland, kuna lifaaqan yihiin qorshaha wakhtiyaysan ee hawl fulineed iyo go’aanka Guddiga komishanka qaranka ee doorashooyinka, kaasi oo ay ku caddahay in doorashadii madaxtooyadu ay dib uga dhacday wakhtigii hore loogu tallo-gashanaa inay qabsoonto ayaan idiin soo gudbinayaa qoraalada halkan ku lifaaqan. Haddaba sida ku cad qodobka 8-aad ee xeerka lambarkiisu yahay 20/2001-da xeerka doorashooyinka dawladaha Hoose iyo Madaxtooyada, wuxuu komishanku cayimayaa muddo u qabashada doorashooyinka si waafaqsan dastuurka. Sidaas darteed, waxaan idiin soo gudbinayaa Go’aanka Komishanka doorashooyinka oo is fasiraya, si aad uga gudataan xilkiina dastuuriga ee ku qeexan Qodobka 83-aad, isla markaana aad qiimaysaan sida aynu ku gaadhi karno doorasho aan lahayn mad-madow iyo dib u dhac dambe hadii alle yidhaahdo." Guddoomiyaha Golaha Guurtida Somaliland Md. Saleebaan Maxamuud Aadan, ayaa hadal uu Xildhibaanada u soo jeediyay wuxuu yidhi "Waxa Mudaneyaal la idiin qeybinayaa wixii xeerar ah ama ha ahaado Madaxweynaha ama Komishanka doorashooyinku soo gudbiyeen ha ahaado ee la cuskaday waxa ugu horeeya xeerkii doorashooyinka dawladaha Hoose iyo Madaxtooyada, komishankana aasaaskiisu xeerkaasi ayuu ku jiraa kaas waa la idiin soo gudbinayaa, waxa kale oo aan idiin soo gudbinaynaa xeerkii diiwaan gelinta iyo lifaaqiisii oo wada socda." "Qodobka dastuurka ah ee 83-aad waxaan filayaa inaad dusha ka wada haysaan dastuurkiina aad wada haysataan, marka arrimahan oo kale la inoo soo gudbiyo wuxuu xeer hoosaadka Golaheenu dhigayaa inaynu haysano 24 illaa 48 saacadood oo lagu dul fikiro, maanta iyo barito soo akhridaan ka baaraan degtaan Sabtidana aynu iskugu nimaadno oo hawsha nuxurkeedii uu inoo bilaabmo," Md. Saleebaan waxa kale oo uu ka hadlay Ciidan ilaalo ah oo saaka isa soo tuban wajahada hore ee Golaha guurtida iyaga ooo qaarkooda gudaha aqalka soo galeen, waxana uu gudoomiyuhu arrintaa ku macneeyay mid aanu hore golaha guurtudu dhaqan ugu lahayn in ay yimaadaan ciidamo aan ahayn kuwa golaha ilaaliya, hadaladiisiia waxa ka mid ahaa "Saaka Ciidamo badan ayaan xerada ugu imid sidii dhaqanku inoo ahaan jirayna ciidamadu xeradu dibada ayay ka joogi jireen, Guddoomiyaha Golaha Wakiiladana waan weydiiyay oo wuxuu igu yidhi uma aan yeedhan, hadii aynu u baahano inagaa u yeedhan doona ee waa inay dibada naga joogaan."

Gacayte & Amina

It could be .......

Trollers, where da hell are u ??

Nowhere in Africa that Nature and man-made hazards such as wars and their impact on life and environment are so critical, so complex, and so intertwined as in this sub-region of the Horn, where current state of affairs is one that increases tempo towards protracted religious wars. One of the focal points of this complexity lies in the recent developments in Somalia following the withdrawal of the Ethiopian forces and the vacuum left by the departure of the last contingent of the Ethiopian army from Bay-dhaba, the seat of the TFG parliament. This has caused further escalation of tensions, this time, between radical Islamists on one side, and the government forces and moderate Islamists on the other. This new polarization of forces reshaped the already contradictory situation of uncertainty and hope by casting more doubts on which way things will be turning about. Both ample opportunities and great challenges became open possibilities to inspire sense of optimism but also yielded source of despair in the same time. In the short and medium terms, one can envisage the direction where the stream of events is heading to, through which different options and scenario would justifiably expected. Following the Djibouti agreement, a shift towards exertion to building an Islamic state in Somalia seemed to be the main trend that may decide much of the future developments. The main driving force of this trend and the actors of change are predominantly Islamists who have acquired strength at the formation of the new government of Sheikh Sharief. Serious imbalance of forces have occurred in favor of those who inclined to Shari’a implementation, a matter which added to the Somali conflict still a more difficult religious dimension. The conflict amongst Islamist groups, who have different understanding vis-à-vis the tenets, ways and means to building an Islamic State further radicalized and intensified the conflict over Shari’ a Law. Already the gap between radical and moderates in the Islamist’s front is noticeable. Moreover, different radical Islamist groups each of whom have their own brand of Islam in mind according to their own interpretation of Islam seemed to be stubborn in their believes and dogmas to realizing their objectives. In this regard a promising step was taken by Sh. Shariif’s group of the Islamic Courts Union who recognize political dialogue, rejecting violence and opted to join the peace process. As a result they have deserved acceptance on worldwide level as moderates whom one can deal with and seemingly represent the voice of reason and hope. These positive signs regarding the new leadership seemed justifiable since Sheikh Shariif’s election gave additional hope to Mogadishu population in particular, he as a person has, so far, shown certain degree of leadership qualities and sense of tolerance in his short period of involvement in politics. His decision to leave Asmara camp with his wing of Re-liberation and Re-institution of Somalia made him seen inside and abroad as a man of wisdom and not only a Machiavellian type of politician like most of his predecessors. In spite, of this optimism mentioned above, the way ahead to a real breakthrough to ending the stalemate in Somalia is obviously long and rough, and the challenges ahead are increasingly formidable calling the new leadership to seriously consider the following momentous issues:- What kind of Somalia do you want to build?. This question is the key to better understanding about what the coming days and years will be caring to this already miserable region of the Horn. Hence, there is an urgent need to comprehend the kind of Islamic state the new government in Mogadishu meant by their decision to implement Shari’a law. The reason for such concerns reside in the fact that eventually there will be only two types of states known to mankind, no matter what name they take and on what principles they are based: dictatorship or democracy, social equality or tyranny. After a long history of suffering from brutality of tyranny followed by civil wars and statelessness, Somali people in south have every right to expect a new type of state that constitute an alternative which negates the past atrocities and oppression. The sort of state the Somali people hoped to see has certain qualities and characteristics which qualify for any state in the 21 century to be acceptable locally, regionally and internationally. The new leadership in Mogadishu, whose fate is to face the challenges of the 21 century need to define their priorities accordingly. While dealing with the immediate tasks of peace building and reconciliation, long and medium range challenges will demand equal attention. The capability to foresee and pre-plan for the problems that are on the way will necessarily lead to a realistic approach in dealing with them on time. This will necessitate to depend not only on one’s personal experience and knowledge but mainly on those sincere and credible intellectuals who can produce ideas. Both Local and foreign expertise as knowledgeable think-tang, are indispensably imperative for any statesman in the modern world. Old ideologies and dogmas do not provide appropriate answers for today’s problems in the age of globalization and interdependency, but complicate, confuse understanding, and limit the ability to look at the world as it is in reality. Moreover, it creates imaginary worlds, of permanent enemies and friends. The world outlook that is based on ideology is a claim to have absolute truth which necessarily leads its believers to counteract realities and cancel out the facts on earth. Conservative ideological world standpoint predetermines the inevitability of wars, and as a result presupposed imaginary enemies would be needed to fight on, this happens when the real enemies are forgotten. Somalis and, not necessarily foreigners, are the real enemies whose words and deeds have been against the interests of the Somali people over the years. Experience in the last forty years confirms this fact. Siyaad Barre’s era, was a time when all resources and ideas were monopolized by one man, who claimed to have had the absolute wisdom; “Father of knowledge of our Universe” (Guule-wade Siyad Aabihii garashada Geyigayagow). Followed by the era of Warlordism, the lot of evils, whose slogans had been ‘agree not to agree’, employed clan militias to enrich through destruction and killing. Then came the era of Islamists who declared religious wars, shooting to all directions and killing anyone who might have a different opinion. Democracy is the alternative: To address the controversy over the question of which comes first, democracy or unity and its relevance to ‘Greater Somalia’ quest, one has to generalize the contemporary African political history which has been divided, by scholars, into two main stages, the first phase (1950s-1970s) which was characterized by particular tasks related to liberation from the conventional colonial domination of Europe. The awareness and aspiration of that generation of leaders were focused on political disengagement from colonial powers. The issues of social and economic freedoms were not yet been elaborated and comprehended beyond the scope of presupposed rosy picture related to post Colonial Africa. The awareness of social emancipation, in each of the African countries, was not included in the agenda of nation building at the time. As a result the issues of economic, social, and political liberties as human rights were not raised in a bold manner with the exception of few countries where social classes had been crystallized to certan extent and where strong trade union movements spearheaded these demands, Sudan, Senegal, Angola, South Africa extra. This period in history was known as National liberation phase of Africa. In the second phase, started from late sixties of the last century, democratization became a pressing need as the last Portuguese colonies were liberated and long after South Africa and Namibia followed to deepen the responsiveness to the democratic dimension of the process. By the time Africa entered in the period of democratization as an urgent task. As the peoples of the continent acquired consciousness to social liberties in the course of which distribution of national wealth, and concerns of participation and equity moved to the forefront in the agenda of political and social change in the post colonial Africa. However, democracy was not seen as a long evolutionary process, during which ups and downs are objectively unavoidable. As a result of lack of democracy, which has been the root-cause of all these conflicts between man and between man and Nature, Africa got itself passing through critical times. The phenomenon of failed state became a historical trend, Some countries have already failed, and many others are becoming failing states. Somalia is one of the first failed states in the continent. Problems of failing and failed states require internally induced solutions based on comprehensive national democratic orientation as external factor can be considered only a supportive catalyst. Prismatic slogans such as Continental United States of Africa are attempts of escaping forward to step-over democratization tasks that Africa must face, by which the urgent questions on Africa’s problems are to be addressed. Hasty steps towards unrealistic prestigious projects create confusion and distort awareness to the need to democratization. Against this background, ‘greater Somalia quest must be raised, reviewed, and reversed so that the past atrocities committed under its banner be corrected by taking seriously the co-relation and intertwining of nation building and democratization. In the Somali context there are two different opinions vis-à-vis this issue. Those who sincerely aspire to a new Somalia as a factor of peace and progress in line with issues of rights of the people to choose their leaders through ballot boxes, and those who attempt to the imposition of extremism, propagate for violence at the expenses of peace, stability and democratic choice for Somalia and for the region. Enough experience of atrocities in the past proved intolerable, attempts to repeat that legacy is unimaginable. Injustice can not be repeated under the same slogans of the 1960s. What implies here is to deny the rights of Digil-Mirfle people to rule their regions and to use their own local language, and to cast doubts on Puntland’s status of their people’s choice as an autonomous region with credible record of peace and institutional building and which is willing to be part in a democratic Somalia. Somaliland, which had been a different country before the union with Somalia and which succeeded to make a different history of its own since 1991 has totally been denied (its existence) by Somalia’s leaders. In spite of this rejection, Somaliland does exist as a peaceful and democratic country, the same country which had entered with Somalia in partnership union. This union was abused by Southern political elite. By continuing refuting to acknowledge these facts of the past and present Somaliland, would only mean to make the gap wider and deeper. Democratic minded leadership in Somalia must reflect the interests of the peace and stability in the region, denounce patronage behavior and expansionism, a matter that could open the horizon to pave the way to wider space of opportunities for a peaceful and democratic solutions for the regional problems as a whole. The kind of ‘Greater Somalia’ rhetoric in use in Mogadishu these days worries all peace loving people in this region. The new leadership in Mogadishu should somehow clarify which positions they stand from these basic conceptual issues in question. By so doing they will acquire both more friends and more foes. Somali wisdom that says ‘Laba daran mid dooro’ meaning, the wise person is he who can select one from two difficult choices, is very much in point here. Which way they go will determine the future of Somalia, and the region. New Somalia which is peaceful with itself, with its neighbors and with the world at large would mark the type Somalis need to see. Repeating the history of totalitarianism with the eventuality of Islamic Emirate in the Horn of Africa will open unpredictable options and scenarios. Islam is not the problem, it has been here and known even before most of the Arab countries, deep-rooted in the hearts and minds of this people, the Suffi order of Islam, has been a factor of tolerance, peace and stability over the centuries. The problem is politicizing religion with the aim to use it as a weapon of oppression and a stair to power and money, relevant question, however, is what type of Islam, the Suffi order of Islam, which all Somalis and indeed the entire muslim peoples of the region belong to or Dalibanization of Somalia? Adam Musse Jibril

You might not say that in a year or so ............

Waar Alshabaab miyaad ka baxday ?? Runtii, i though you were one of those blown up themselves in Hargeisa, then again i thought you were those who carried out suicide bombings against the Xabashis in Muqdisho. Another thought was if you were put in Guantanamo Bay and now released by the mercy of Obama. But the way you're talking now, Hmmmmmmm ,,, call it a totally different Alle u baahne anyway ,,, hehehe

They should go to Eyl for training. Someone should tell them that is not how piracy works.

Somaliland Scholars Group Map the Way Forward for Somaliland’s Presidential Elections. The Group Says that a Proposed Consultative Meeting of the Legislature and Parties Could be Risky. The Forthcoming Somaliland Presidential Election. The Forthcoming Somaliland Presidential Election: Challenges and Possibilities I. Introduction: On 14th of March 2008, a group of 8 Somaliland scholars met at Ambassador Hotel to discuss the issues and circumstances surrounding the upcoming presidential elections of Somaliland. The meeting was sponsored by the Social Research and Development Institute (SORADI). It was moderated by Dr. Mohamed Fadal, Director of (SORADI). The participants of the meeting were all long-term participants of Somaliland rebuilding and democratization, who are considered to be highly competent to provide an objective assessment of the difficult situation surrounding the forthcoming Somaliland Presidential Election and to give actionable recommendations. They were: Abdilkadir H Ismail Jirde (Ex-Deputy Speaker and Member of Parliament), Abdirahman Y Artan (Member of Parliament), Abdi Ahmed Nour (Forum for Peace and Development), Amina Mohamoud Warsame (Executive Director, NAGAAD), Bobe Y. Duale (Research Coordinator, APD), Haroon H Ahmed Qulumbe (ActionAid), Hassan Halas (APD), Mohamed Hassan Ibrahim (Researcher-APD), Suad Abdi Ibrahim (Researcher-APD). I am presenting here an early summary of a possible more elaborate document that may come out of the Somaliland Scholar’s Group discussion. II. The Voter Registration System The Group recognized the successful completion of the Registration process as an achievement of profound significance for Somaliland: It was a logistical nightmare and a daring undertaking in the prevailing circumstances of the region, which was completed successfully and with minimum damage to personnel and property. It has demonstrated the human resource potential of Somaliland: A young generation of men and women, under the age of 30 and all home-educated, who are in par with their global compatriots to manage a state of the art Biometric technology and who were prepared to take responsibility of such valuable equipment, to travel far and wide to all corners of Somaliland to collect data from cities, from nomadic hamlets, from fisher communities and often where there is not the comfort of life, which they are accustomed to. The Group also recognized the power of mobilization undertaken by the Somaliland people to register for the upcoming elections, which was a clear demonstration of their commitment to the democratic processes and their desire to be registered citizens of their young nation. It has also shown that the Somaliland people and state are worthy of international communities’ unwavering support and remain to be reliable partners. The group further recognizes the unfortunate widespread multiple registration that took place, which was tantamount to a person stealing from his/her own pocket. It was an act of registration fraud for which there was no single authority or group to blame, but has been aided and abetted by all stakeholders. The Biometric system was chosen in the first place, for the purpose of eliminating multiple voting. The introduction of the Automated Fingerprint Identification System (AFIS) and the Facial Recognition System (FRS) will produce clean lists for every polling station and within a reasonable timeframe. The group has also discussed the recent complaint of the opposition parties that the National Election Commission has uploaded the data into the Server without their presence. We are convinced that it has been an honest mistake, done because of the pressure of the situation, especially regarding the delayed return of the technicians, and had no intention of malice. The political parties are now engaged in the process and have realized that any discrepancy in the uploaded data could easily be verified. The question now is, having succeeded to implement the Voter Registration requirement, how can we proceed with the task of holding a successful, free, fair and peaceful Presidential Election in the shortest possible time? Last year, in June 2008, the three political parties and the National Electoral Commission have signed together an agreement, which paved the way for an election date to be set and for the expiring term of the President and the Vice-President to be extended. Some of the provisions of that agreement, such the formation of the Standing Committee, were exemplary acts of consensus building. The greatest hurdle at the time, which necessitated the extension, was the need to complete the Voter Registration, before the election takes place. Prior to that, we also lost valuable time in putting together a team of Election Commissioners. Today, both conditions are fulfilled. What are the hurdles now? III. Hurdles to Overcome to Hold Forthcoming Presidential Elections The group identified two key hurdles to overcome in order to hold the forthcoming Presidential Election of Somaliland, one is technical and the other is political. 1. The Technical Hurdles: the operational logistical requirements of the election process: Completion of the AFIS/FRS process in order to get clean final voter registration lists. Making ballot papers and other needed voting accessories available. Starting the recruitment process for the personnel who will handle the election operations and to train them to do their job honestly and efficiently. Developing a comprehensive and effective civic education programme, with an especial focus on the expected outcome of AFIS/FRS system, which may differ from the earlier numbers circulating among the communities. Without this operational technical aspect of the election process moving, every day that passes pushes the election date further away. We need to move the technical preparations of the election process. 2. The Political Hurdles: The expiring extended mandated time of the President and Vice-President on 6 April, 2006 To hold elections the President and Vice-presidents’ office holders should have one-month after the election date to transfer power. Today, without going into detail of why it happened, the fact of the matter is, the extension time expires on 6 April, 2009. Considering the requirement of the election logistics, 29 March (date agreed on June 2008 Code of Conduct) is out of the question and the 31st May 2009, recently identified by the Electoral Commission, could itself loose its validity as a realistic election date, in the logistical point of view, if we do not take action to move the technical preparations. Therefore the question is how can we reconcile the shortest possible viable election date with the 1 month transition requirements of the constitution? We are not starting from scratch, we have now enough experience and precedents to build on. III. Discussion of Options The Group has analysed the options floated by different stakeholders to address the above hurdles and identified the one which they consider to be the best option in the prevailing circumstances. Option One: Suggestions from the opposition side: By 6 April, the two Houses of Parliament, jointly with the political parties should deliberate on the situation. In the discussion the following facts were brought out regarding this stand: While it may have some appeal to engage the legislature, it is considered to have many uncertainties. a. It is not an easy matter to get a quick solution from such a large gathering of the two Houses of Parliament and political party representatives. It may lead to a long period of deliberations and could become a cause of continuing uncertainty to the population. Further more engaging the legislature in such a contentious issue will destroy their internal unity and will contribute to further weakening of the democratic institutions. b. It is not clear, what is the task that the members will be asked to fulfil: produce an interim president, produce a date for election, adjust the mandate of the president and Vice-president, or reform the constitution to adjust election requirements. Therefore, the Group views such an option as one with many unanswered questions and which may lead to a situation whose outcome is not clear. Option Two: The hands-off attitude of the Executive, which states a) It is solely the mandate of Electoral Commission to set the election date b) It is the mandate of the House of Elders to extend the mandate. While the Group recognizes the mandates of these national offices, they also take into consideration the unusual circumstances developed from the missed deadlines of the election. They view the Executive should take a more proactive approach in fostering dialogue to solve the problems surrounding the election and the expiring term of the President’s and Vice-Presidents extended term in cooperation with key stakeholders. Option Three: Consensus. We have precedents and ample experience in building consensus to overcome the hurdles facing us, which, if we have the will to do so, are technically easier than the ones we crossed already. It is the Group’s position that all key stakeholders should come back to the consensus and collaborative approach. The National Electoral Commission, UDUB, KULMIYE and UCID should come together on the negotiating table and agree on a date for a successful, free, fair and peaceful election, while keeping in mind the constitutional requirements of the election. The need for extension could only be a technicality to serve the holding of the election - the end goal and the ultimate desire of the people is Election. The Somaliland Scholars’ Group believes that this is the best possible option. IV. Conclusion The Group reached the following conclusions: 1. Somaliland people and their leaders need to appreciate their achievements in their state-building and democratization efforts, realize the long way they come so far, and recognize their latest success story, the Voter Registration. 2. The only way a democratic society changes its Executive and Legislative office-holders is only through elections. Somaliland is lucky to have the competent democratic institutions, the laws, the experience, the international support and the unwavering commitment of its own people. Let us go on with the election and spare the people of unnecessary worries. Earning a living in these difficult times is already enough worry for them. 3. UDUB, KULMIYE, UCID and NEC must come together ASAP to: * Get the technical aspect of the election process moving without further delay. * Agree on an the Election Date. * Revive the consensus solution to extend the expiring extension date of the President and Vice-President’s offices, if required for setting the election date, and through the agreement of all keys stakeholders. * Agree on to fulfil any unfinished components of earlier codes * Stop use of the inflammatory language on the media. We need learn from the experience of the neighbouring regional countries on election violence and how the media was used. We have also to remember that Somaliland is a respected member of the international community, where tolerance for political violence is no longer an option. * Engage and inform the traditional leadership that the AFIS/FRS system is managed by a neutral body of technicians mainly international and in cleaning the multiple registrations, will no doubt produce different results from what is now held by different regions and communities. * Work together to implement the agreement and timetable for the Presidential election. The Somaliland Scholar’s Focus Group 19 March, 2009. Hargeisa, Somaliland

Ali Mahdi of the Manifesto Gen. Aideed of Sal-balaadh Abdiqasim of the TNG A/Lahi Yusuf of TFG Sh. Sharif of the current And many other sheegatooyin ............... I wonder who is next though ..

Budhcad badeed ,,

I think you work for Bin Laden ...........

No wonder Juje has gone with the thin air and made himself busy reporting a demolished 5 star hotel ,,,,

Morning CL and Darawal ,,,,,,,

Subxaan ..........

Cant see the photos but i had to go to his website ,,, looooooooooooooooooo ooooooool@udhis ,, shirkadaha guryaha dhisa ,,, Qolka xaraashka PIS ,,,,