Peasant, Why are you in the Nazi leterature horta ??

Well, it is SOL's -- Soomaaliya Onlayn -- capital, lest you didn't decipher that. If you don't believe Soomaaliya as your own country, I don't know what you are doing here and desperately deluging with propagandic, unverified hearsay articles day in and out, that advocate the dismemberment of the very name this site honourably carries and is named after. Well, just to let you know that you are just a SHAQAALE here ,, what you said is up to the owners. I don't know what you are doing here I don't know what you are doing here either ....

Before Gabre iyo Gabraale iyo Garamgaram wixii la dhahaba maqashay ayaa Soomaaliya iyo Soomaalinimo ka carareysay, no? Were you not separatist in 2006, in 2005, in 2004 when there was no Gabre iyo Gubre wuxuu yahayba? Soomaaliya is not Xamar alone. Xamar is not Soomaaliya alone. Hargeysa, magaalada aad ku sugantahay, is in Soomaaliya, the very country aad ka carareysid. I am only saying dadkaaga iyo dalkaaga [even hadduu burbursanyahay currently] dhinac ka raac, oo keenso wixii keeni lahaa xal, not intaa meel ood isku soo oodid, wax long-departed pink man did a hundred years ago inaa dib usoo celisid, oo wixii halganimo ahaa, gobonimo ahaa aad ka dhigtid hal bacaad lagu lisay. Yes i'm again independent from 1991 and i'm glad i made it. Imisa goor baan kuu sheegaa ,, that UNION was a total failure and we went through waxaad hadda iigu yeedhaysid. Waa la soo dhaafay xilligii jibbada iyo boodboodka ee markii hore aad igu khaladay and i know hadda waxaan rabo coz waan soo arkay dadkaan la midoobayay waanan ka ilbaxay. Union kaas waan ka baxay coz waan ogaa inay gabre iyo gubre iyo qadhmuun keleba u yeedhanayaan oo dalkooda ay sidaa u geleyaan hadii aanan go'aankaa gaadhina maanta sidaas oo kele baan ahaan lahaa lakin Ilaahay baa mahaddaas iska leh iga badbaadiyay. Speaking about borders, well the whole Africa, Arab countries and the rest of the world is using the borders set by the westerns and there is no way you can change that in the current history. Somalia aad iigu yeedhayso border keeda ma Quraankaa lagu sheegay ?? Waxaa aamisantahay waa fikrad aad u qaldan, aanan qumaneen, xaadirkaana adduunweynaha aanan ka soconeynin. Come up with another solution. Kuma waydiinayo adiga inuu sax yahay waxaan aaminsanahay iyo inkele ,, and worst is aduunku adiga waxba kaama waydiinayo inay soconayso iyo in kele ,, markaa spare your idea ,, you can only say it on SOL ,,,,,, Runta marka loo noqdo adiga ayay tahay khalad waxa aad aaminsantahay ,, adiga oo gurigaagii gubanayo sideed reer kele ugu yeedhaa inay kula soo degaan ?? ,,,,, yacnii aynu wada gubanno sow maaha ?? ,,,,,,,, If you were confident in your own self-delusional beliefs, wax la garay ahaan lahayd. Alas and sadly, adigaaba and your beliefs isku kalsooneen, do not even believe your own convictions since you try so desperately try to prove something non-existent on this site day in and out when you inundate some progapandic, half-truth or completely outlandish ah inta kusoo guurisid. Haye ,,, waxa aanad rabin waa been sow maaha ?? ,,, adeer Somaliland is a REALITY that the WHOLE WORLD know about it ,,, cry a river or not ,,, Yours are even worse ,,, what do you post ?? SOOMAAALIYA SIDAN BAY AHAYD 1920 KII ,, berigii 40 kii ,,, blah blah ,,, stop singing the 19th century's tones and come to the reality ,,, there is no country one can call SOMALIA now if you want to know the truth ..... I'm not talking about the future ,,, Ilaahay sidan si ha u dhaamo but imika YOU DON'T HAVE A COUNTRY ,,,,,, give me a call when you got one. Somaliaonline aad waxaan qoraalada dalkaaga kala goynaayo iyo naceybka dadkaaga abuuraayo kusoo guurineysid maalin walba, you are trying hard to convince yourself only, let alone Soomaalida kale. Maba isku kalsoonid. If you are gone forever, as you've just wrote, waxaas ma aadan ku fali lahayn. No? ,,,,,,, Just let you know I'M GONE FOREVER ,,, hada intaas baa kaa xanaajinaysa sow maaha ?? ,, xanaaq haddana ,,,,,,,,,,,,, I'M GONE FOREVER

Yeah ,,,,, I'm here and been here for the whole day. Damn it ,,,,,,,,,,, i forgot it is Sunday and everyone is just dead ,,,

Haven't they already said Obama is as same as Osama ?? ,,,,,,

dadka liiska ku jiraa ma aha oo keliya qaybo ka tirsan dhalinyarada wadaadada ah sida la moodayey, laakiin waxaa qayb ka ah mas'uuliyiin ka tirsan maamulka Puntland, saraakiil hore oo Ciidamada ahaa, hawlwadeeno ka tirsan hay'adaha cadaalada ee Puntland & xubno fadhiyey ama ka qayb galayba kulankaas qalloocan.

maxaad isla qarinaysaa bal sheeg magaca annagaa ku caawine ,,,,,,,,

Somaliland is a relatively new east African republic that broke away from Somalia in 1991 and is still not recognized internationally as independent. But it is a land ripe with historical treasure, including the town of Zeila on the Gulf of Aden and the rock paintings at Las Geel. Cathy Majtenyi takes a look at these major, yet little known, landmarks of human history. Somaliland Zelia historical site turned into rubble Scholars say early followers of the Prophet Muhammad fled to Zeila from Mecca around 615 A.D. And current residents say those early Muslims built a mosque facing in two directions, toward Jerusalem and Mecca. It is believe to have been one of the first outside the Middle East, marking Islam's initial entry into Africa. Arabs began to administer the small town on the Gulf of Aden soon after their arrival, but by the 16th century, Ottoman Turks took over administration, followed by a brief stint from the Egyptians. Britain began governing in the late 1800s. Throughout the centuries, Zeila developed into a major trading and commercial port. Yusuf Hassan Muhid Yusuf Hassan Muhid is said to be Zeila's oldest resident. Muhid, who villagers say is 100 years old, remembers when tea was shipped in from India, and animal hides, peanuts and Ethiopian coffee were shipped out. He recalls, "My father was a businessman who brought in dates and other food items from Yemen." With the development of the port in neighboring Djibouti, by the early 1900s, Zeila lost its importance as a major trading center. And years of warfare and neglect have turned most of the historical sites into rubble. Town elder Ibrahim Ahmed decries the sites' condition. "The historical sites are not limited to the mosques. One good example is the museum next door that needs rehabilitation," he said. He urges Somaliland authorities to restore the mosque and other buildings. Ali Ibrahim Ali Ibrahim is Somaliland's minister of National Planning and Development. Ibrahim says that Culture Ministry officials are consulting with experts on how best to preserve Somaliland's historical sites and are forming plans on how to preserve, maintain and promote those sites. He adds, "These historical sites need a lot of investment for their own rehabilitation and I think the Ministry of Culture does not have enough funds to do that work. That is why it is trying to attract foreign institutions to collaborate with them in the preservation of these historical sites. So the work has started." More than 300 kilometers south of Zeila are the hills of Las Geel. Hidden within the hills are ancient caves. Their walls contain paintings estimated to date from 4000 to 3000 B.C. The paintings depict mostly cows and some human figures. Historians believe that early artists crushed stones of different colors to make a paste that they used as paint. The historians call for the cave paintings to be protected from damage so that the legacy of the ancients can live on. VIDEO VIDEO 2 VIDEO 3 VIDEO 4 SOURCE

A Little History of Sayid Mohamed's Struggle

Wax yar uun ka dib kulankii Qalloocan ee dhowaan soo gebegeboobay ayaa waxaa soo baxaya in Itoobiyada federaalku ay diyaarisay Liis ay ugu yeedhay Argagixisada deegaanada SSC, kaas oo dadka ku jiraa ay hadda ka dib noqon doonaan dad ay raadinayaan hay'adaha Ammaanka ee Itoobiya & kuwa ay wada shaqaynta leeyihiin ee reer galbeedku. Kulankaasi qalloocan ayaa markii uu furmay waxa uu ahaa mid ay isimada qaarkood ka muujiyeen walaac ka dib markii sida la sheegay laga dalbaday in Isim waliba uu soo gudbiyo liiska dadka Ardaagiisa ka tirsan ee uu aaminsan yahay inay xidhiidh la leeyihiin waxa ay reer galbeedku ugu yeedhaan Argagixisada, dalabkaas oo ahaa mid ay ergooyinkii SSC ee Kulanka joogay ay aad madaxa uga ruxeen. Weftigii SSC ee kulankaas joogay waxa ay ku dadaaleen inay itoobiyaanka ku qanciyaan inaanay haba yaraatee deegaanadooda joogin dad xidhiidh la leh waxa loogu yeedho argagixisada, hase yeeshee nasiib xumo kuma qancin itoobiyaanku dhinacooda. hadda waqti yar uun ka dib dhamaadkii kulankaasi waxaa la cadeeyey in itoobiyaankuay daabaceen liis ay ku jiraan dad badan oo ka soo jeeda deegaanada SSC, kaas oo ay u aqoonsanaan doonto itoobiya inay dadka ku jiraa yihiin kooxaha ay itoobiyaanku ugu yeedhaan dadka tilmaaman amaba ay xidhiidhba la leeyihiin. dadka liiska ku jiraa ma aha oo keliya qaybo ka tirsan dhalinyarada wadaadada ah sida la moodayey, laakiin waxaa qayb ka ah mas'uuliyiin ka tirsan maamulka Puntland, saraakiil hore oo Ciidamada ahaa, hawlwadeeno ka tirsan hay'adaha cadaalada ee Puntland & xubno fadhiyey ama ka qayb galayba kulankaas qalloocan. Isimadii & waxgaradkii kale ee kulankaasi ka qayb galay ayaa si kala duwan uga hadlay natiijadii kulankaasi iyadoo ay isimada badankoodu hoos u dhigeen ahmiyaddii kulankaasi kuna tilmaameen mid u dhacay si ka duwan sidii ay moodayeen in loogu yeedhay, waxana ay ku celiyeen in Deegaanada SSC ay yihiin goobaha ugu ammaanka badan xuduuda ay itoobiya la wadaagto Soomaaliya, taasina ay markhaati ka tahay inaanay ahayn Deegaanadani Hoy ay ku Dhuuntaan waxa ay reer galbeedku ugu yeedhaan Argagixisada amaba kooxaha ka soo horjeeda itoobiya. Buuhoodlemedia.com

Garoowe (Jidbaale.com) Taliyihii hogaanka ciidanka Kulmiska Dawlad Goboleedka Puntland yaa saaka ku geeriyoodey shil baabuur oo ka dhacay deegaanka Tuka-Raq oo ay fadhiyaan ee u dhaxaaya magaalooyinka Garoowe iyo Laascaanood. Marxuum Xiif Cali Taar ayaa horey u ahaa taliyaha ciidamada dawlada Federaalka KMG ah ee gobalada dhexe, waxaase mudooyinkii ugu dambeeyey uu ahaa taliyaha ciidanka Kulmiska Puntland waxaana uu ku sugnaa fariisimada ciidamada Puntland ee ku sugan jiida hore ee dagaalka, isagoo ahaa taliyaha ciidamada Puntland. Marxuum Xiif Cali Taar ayaa wuxuu saaka ku geeriyoodey shil baabuur oo ka dhacay Tuka Raq waxaana la gadoomay gaarigiisii gaarka ahaa oo ah Land Cruiser waxaana shilkaasi uu dhaawac ka soo gaarey afar ka mid ah ciidamadii la socdey taliyaha. Wariyaha SBC International ee magaalada Garoowe C/naasir Yaasin ayaa soo sheegaya in meydadka Marxuum Xiif Cali Xiif Taar iyo dhaawicii la socdeyba goor dhaweyd la keenay Magaalada Garoowe ee xarunta Puntland, waxaana lagu wadaa in lagu aaso magaalada Garoowe galabta, iyadoo aaskiisa ay ka qayb gali doonaan masuuliyiin kala duwan oo ka tirsan maamulka Puntland.

A Yonkers woman is facing charges that she stabbed a man who said she was ugly. Kyeisha Fuller was awaiting arraignment yesterday on charges of assault and weapon possession. Yonkers Police Lt. Sean Mullins said Fuller, 23, argued on Tuesday with a guest of her roommate, and it turned violent after the "ugly" remark. She allegedly used a kitchen knife to stab him in the shoulder. Police were called and found the man bleeding on the street. Mullins said officers saw Fuller coming out of the building holding a knife, then ordered her to drop it and arrested her. There was no lawyer listed for her appearance at City Court. AP

Originally posted by Kool_Kat: quote:Originally posted by J.a.c.a.y.l.b.a.r.o: You are officially Canadian ,, Soomaalinimo baad u dhalatay ,, I'm officially Somalilander ,,, soomaalinimo waan u dhashay ,,,,, I did not know you were a comedian...Really, never would've thought... So you're officially Somalilander...How official is that? I mean, don't get me wrong, Somalia is a country, so is Canada, so is USA, so is Djibouti...BUT Somaliland IS NOT and I repeat IS NOT a country...So no need inaa Canada iyo Somaliland isla mid ka dhigto... Just answer these two final questions for me pls: is Somaliland recognized by any country or international organization? And could you list some of them for me pls? I am sure if I ask MMA that same question about Canada, he would have a different answers than yours... Recognition is coming my Dear ,,, it is not a big deal ,,, we are working on it ,,, as long as i exist, have my own passport, my own currency, my own parliament, my own President, my own Police and Military and my own constitution ,, then i'm glad. We started from ground Zero and after 17 years we're in our best possitions ,,,, Now, enjoy your Canadian Citizen and continue to claim Soomaalinimo which you (Somalians) know a very little about it.

Originally posted by Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar: Don't ever again compare Kanada dhalasho dad siiye iyo adiga Soomaalinimada ka carareysid, believing some crap xariijin [so-called boundary beenaad] some long gone white men iska xariiqsaday in Soomaaliya, Soomaalidiina kala gooye where no Soomaali solicited. Isla yaab xataa that same white men iyagii dalkooda uma quurin waxaas, oo Northern Ireland, Wales iyo Scotland ugu horeyso inay ka go'aan uma ogala. Soomaalinimo anigaa kaa badiya sxb ,,, Soomaalinimo waa wixii 60kii aan calankayga sharafta badan ula soo cararay ee aan xamar u keenay ,, maantana waa ta aan ku caanamaalay ,,, whay do you think SOOMAALINIMO means in Xamar la joogo ???,,,,, i'm SOOMAALI more than anyone else here on SOL without being under Xamar and Somalia ,,,,, Second, Marna waxaad leedahay Soomaaliya ha ka go'in marna waxaad leedahay xabashi baa qabsatay ,,, which one should i follow ? ,,, are you calling me to stay under Gabre ?? ,,, mise waxa aan samaystay baad rabtaa inaad burburiso oo xaasidnimo ayay kaa tahay ?? Third, With you or without you i'm gone ,, i'm gone forever ,, catch me if you can miyay odhan jireen ,,,,,,,,,, You have enough problems in Somalia to solve ,,, first Liberate it, then make it stable, then establish an administration, Form a government then call me for Unity ,,,,, then that can be discussed.

Originally posted by Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar: The country aad u dhalatay ka carareysid ayaa wali isku waal waaleysaa, isku dhax walaaqeysaa. It is just too contradictory. Ama si toos ugu carar, ama sida dhabta ah dadkaaga meel ka raac, dalkaagna Soomaaliya in uu yahay aaminsanoow, which is the reality aad iska indhatireysidee. Baxaad beenta u sheegaysaa ,, you've a Canadian nationality and passport ,, ma adigaa dhalasho Soomaali ah haysta ??? You are officially Canadian ,, Soomaalinimo baad u dhalatay ,, I'm officially Somalilander ,,, soomaalinimo waan u dhashay ,,,,, No big difference sxb ,, waxba dhiga ha isku kicin bahasha cidna lagama xigee.

YEah ,, it is and always be the capital of Somalia ,, i agree with you ,,, I feel like i'm going to chat with my Somali brotehrs/sisters from different countries ,,,, Somalia, Somaliland, Djibouti, NFD and Somali Galbeed.

It used to be my Capital but not anymore ,,,, I'm dhoolacadayning coz they dressed nicely to make a show off ,, but forgot the real story on the walls. Gidaarrada inay Ranji iska mariyaan bay ahayd so at least they could get a better photo with a better background.

Garaadadii iyo odayaashii *********** iyo ***** ee ka qayb galay shirkii ka dhacay degmada Qaloocan ee gobolada Itoobiya gumaysato ee Itoobiya ayaa waxaa saraakiishii Itoobiyaanka ahayd ee shirkaas maamulaysey u gudbiyeen liis ay ku qoran yihiin waxa ay ugu yeedheen argagixisada gobolada Sool,Sanaag iyo Cayn. Dadka liiskan ku qoran ayaan ahayn oo keliya rag wadaado ah,balse waxaa wax lala yaabo noqotay in ku jiraan dhamaan rag ka soo jeeda qaybaha kala duwan ee bulshada,sida rag siyaasiyiin ah,saraakiil ka tirsan ciidamada Puntland ah,saraakiil ka tirsan ciidamadii dawladii hore ee Soomaaliya,ganacsatoiyo weliba rag ka mid ahaa ergadii shirka fadhidayba. Kadib markii liiskii la arkay ayaa waxa bilowday in la kala dhuunto,la kala shakiyo oo la is aamini waayo,oo ay noqotay in nin walibaaba is badbaadiyo. Saraakiisha Itoobiyaanka ayaa si kulul uga hadlay in odayaashu u soo gacan geliyaan nimnkaas argagixisada ah,oo ay kala shaqeeyaan sidii loola dagaalami lahaa argagixisada. Odayaasha ka qayb galay shirka oo sida loo sheegay intaanay iman shirka ay si ka duwan meesha wax uga dhaceen,ayaa arintii ku adkaatay,waxayna isku dayeen inay ka dhaadhiciyaan saraakiisha amniga Itoobiya inaanay joogin argagixiso dhulka SSC,balse waxa arintaas ku gacan saydhay saraakiisha Itoobiya oo sheegay inay liiskan u soo gudbiyeen sirdoonkoodu ayna mudo badan ku haminayeen sidii ay dadkaas gacanta ugu dhigi lahaayeen. kulankaas ayaa ku dhamaaday is afgarad,waxaana looga fadhiyaa odayaasha inay fuliyaan balankii ay qaadeen oo ay la shaqeeyaan saraakiisha amniga Itoobiya,qaybna ka qaataan la dirirka argagixisa. Akhbaarta oo dhamaystiran iyo liiska dhowaan ha ka fogaan Afnugaal.com Afnugaal News Desk.

Yeah , they call you Lee coz you write Leebaan instead of Liibaan ,,

Just look at the wall behind them ,,,,, nice dressing but old and devistated buildings. The real story is on the walls behind them ,,

Jiddah(Geeska)- Wasiirkii hore ee Arrimaha dibadda dawladda Imbigaati Md. Ismaaciil Maxamuud Hurre (Buubaa), ayaa markii u horaysay si rasmi ah uga hadlay warar muddooyinkii u dambeeyay si weyn u soo shaac baxayay oo nuxurkoodu yahay inuu geedi ku soo yahay Somaliland kuna tallo jiro inuu ka noqdo mawqifkiisii federaalka Somaliya.... Md. Buubaa, oo hadda ku sugan magaalada Jiddah ee wadanka Sucuudiga, waxa uu arrimahaas iyo guud ahaan aragtidiisa siyaasadeed kaga hadlay waraysi khaas ah oo uu Wargeyska Geeska Afrika, xalay kula yeeshay khadka Telefoonka, waxaanu Md. Buubaa Somaliland ugu baaqay inay door diblomaasiyadeed oo muuqda ka ciyaarto dejinta mandaqadda, isaga oo caalamkana ugu baaqay inay Somaliland u noqdaan oo ay waraystaan islamarkaana loo furo mashaariicda horumarineed. Waraysigaas uu Geeska Afrika la yeeshay Md. Ismaaciil Maxamuud Hurre (Buubaa) oo dhammaystirani wuxuu u dhacay sidan: Ismaaciil, waxa jira warar si weyn loo hadal hayo oo warbaahintana lagu baahiyay, kuwaas oo sheegaya inaad ku soo socoto Somaliland oo aad ka noqoto mawqifkaagii hore ee federaalka Somaliya. Arrintaas bal nooga waran? Awalba kamaan maqnayn Somaliland, waxaanse arkayay in danta Somaliland ku jirto midnimada. Maxamed Ibrahim Cigaal, wuxuu yidhi sidaan wadkayga u hubo ayaan u hubaa in umadda Somaliyed mar isu iman doonto, laakiin maanta wixii suurto gal maaha, waxaanad moodaa in arrimaha ka taagan koonfurtu aad u halaynayaan midnimadii, kolkaas si kasta oo aan u aaminsanahay in danta umaddu ku jirto midnimada haddana haddii aanay suurto gal ahayn wakhtigan inay timaado, waaqica waa in la aqbalaa. Markaas waxay ila tahay in Somaliland iyada oo danaheeda gaarka ah ku jirta inay ka shaqayso degenaanshaha iyo dawladnimo ay hesho koonfurtu oo ilaa hadda laga la’yahay. Haddii ay Somaliland dawladnimo run ah doonayso oo ay rabto in mujtamaca duwaliga ah ee dunidu aqoonsado waxa ay ila tahay inay ka soo baxdo masuuliyadda ah degenaanshaha mandaqadda oo ay ka shaqayso, waxaana kow ka ah dalka Somaliya. Ma jiraa wax xidhiidh ah oo ay kula soo sameeyeen dad reer Hargeysa ah oo isugu jira aqoonyahan iyo wax garad, kuwaas oo kugula taliyay inaad dib ugu soo noqoto Somaliland? Way jiraan dad faro badani, waayo magaaladu waa magaaladaydii oo maalin walba waa la igala soo xidhiidhaa, maalin aan la igala soo xidhiidhina ma jirto. Ismaaciil, markaas haddii ay jiraan xidhiidho socdaa, ma laga yaabaa inaad bedesho fikirkaagii hore ee federaalka oo aad u soo noqoto Somaliland? Waa laga yaabaa, laakiin fikirka ah in midnimada umadda Somaliyed kol uun isu timaado waan aaminsanahay, laakiin haddii ay suurto geli weydo maaha inay hor istaagto wixii loo qaban lahaa Somaliland sida dib u dhiska jidadka, dekedda Berbera oo ah deked ay mandaqadu leedahay, Cisbitaalo la sameeyo. Markaas maaha in arrimahaas la is hortaago, waxaanan ku talinayaa in lala hadlo oo loo yeedho sida Maraykanku uu sameeyay ee uu Madaxweynuhu dhawaan u tagay, imikabana uu Carabta u tagay. Waxaan anigu hadda taaganahay inay maanta haboon tahay in caalamku Somaliland dib ugu noqdo oo loo yeedho oo la waraysto gaar ahaan Carabtu, ciddii waano gaar ah u haysaana waaniso, laakiin dadka intaas xasiloonida ku noolaa in loo furo mashaariicdii ayaa loo baahanyahay, arrinta ictiraafka waxay ila tahay nin dhakhtar ah oo PHD ah oo London jooga oo la yidhaahdo Dr. Maxamed Cumar, ayaa si wanaagsan arrintaas wax uga qora oo arrinta maanta laga hadlaya mabay ahayn ictiraaf ee waxay ahayd in umadda wax lala qabto oo la caawiyo. Ma jiraa wax xidhiidh ah oo idin dhex maray adiga iyo Madaxweyne Daahir Rayaale? Maya ee toos umaanu wada xidhiidhin. Ismaaciiloow, safarkii Ms. Jendayi Frazer ay ku timid dhawaan magaalada Hargeysa sidee ayaad u aragtaa? Safarkii Jendayi Frazer ee Hargeysa wuxuu ahaa mid tusaalaynaya siyaasad cusub oo ay dawladda Maraykanku ka damacsantahay inay mandaqadda ka fuliso gaar ahaan meelaha xasilooni xoog ahi ka jirto in la xoojiyo oo wax lala qabto sida Somaliland, taasina waxay tusaale u tahay koonfurta. Maxamedoow (Weriyaha waraysanayay), sidaad ka warqabto wadanka Somaliya marka laga hadlayo dhinaca Somaliland waa dhinaca istaraatajiga ah oo boqolaal markab oo baatroolkii dunida sida ayaa had iyo jeer Berbera hor mara, waanay jirtaa in dawlad culus oo sida Maraykanka oo kale ahi kolay danaynayso Somaliland, markaas waxaad moodaa in Maraykanka iyo Somaliland dhinacaas iskaga xidhanyihiin. Ismaaciil, dad badan oo diblomaasiyiin tiro badani ku jiraan ayaa qaba in ictiraafkii Somaliland aanu dheerayn. Adigu fikirkaas ma qabtaa? Ictiraafku wuxuu ku imanayaa dhaqanka siyaasiga ah ee aad la timaado sida isku kalsooni oo macnaheedu tahay inaadan albaab isku xidhin ee aad dunida u furnaato, taas ayaana ictiraafka soo dhawaynaysa, waxaanay ka dhaxaysaa dadka Somaliyed. Somaliland waa inay ka shaqaysaa sidii ay u kasban lahayd dad badan oo koonfurta Somaliya jooga oo sidii markii horeba la isugu yimid in lagu qanciyo in laba wadan la kala noqdo, kol haddii Somaliland midnimadii diidantahay. Ma laga yaabaa amaba suurto gal ma tahay inaad dhawaan timaado magaalada Hargeysa? Maxamed [Weriyaha] I dhagayso, maxaa ii diidaya inaan Hargeysa imaado, waan iman doonaa wakhtiga ay suurto gal noqoto, laakiin waxay ila tahay dhinacaan imika joogo ee ah dawladda federaalka inaan Somaliland u hadal yaraan oo waxay la tahay ee ay Somaliland iyo koonfurtuba ku hagaagayaan sheegto oo waxa ku haboon in loo qabto Somaliland ay sheegto, arrimahaas inay Somaliland sheegato waa lagama maarmaan. Ugu dambayn, maxaad dadka Somaliland leedahay ee aanu kaa gaadhsiinaa? Dadka Somaliland waxaan leeyahay, dawladnimadu waa masuuliyad, ee maaha gudaha oo keliya hagaajintiisa oo ay Somaliland si wanaagsan u waddo, laakiin waa in mandaqadda aad ku nooshahay ka ciyaarto door. Diblomaasiyadu waxay macno ku leedahay sidaas, dano badan ayaa kaaga xidhan, markaas iyaga oo Somaliland ah oo doonaya inay gooni isu taagaan Somaliya amaba koonfurta danaheeda waa inay iyadu daba socotaa ee maaha inay cid kale u dhaafto, diblomaasiyaduna waa inay noqoto mid danaheeda fushata, markaas waa inay dadka reer Somaliland door ka ciyaaraan arrintaas. Aqoonsiga ay Somaliland doonayso waxyaabaha muftaaxa u ah ayaanay arrimahani ka mid noqonayaan, waayo marka la yidhaahdo Somaliland ayaa u faro dhuudhuuban waxay u sii jiidaysaa ictiraaf iyo qiimo, laakiin in la yidhaahdo ha soo hadal qaadin waxay ahayd marxalad hore waxaana hadda loo baahanyahay marxalad cusub. Wargeyska Geeska Afrika, Hargeysa...

By: Peter Pham In October, in my testimony to a House Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health hearing on security in the Horn of Africa, I stated: The most significant national interest at stake for the United States in this complex context is to prevent al-Qaeda (or another like-minded international terrorist network) from acquiring a new base and opening a new front in its war against us and our allies… I would be remiss if I did not avail myself of this opportunity to raise the question of the remarkable reemergence of the Republic of Somaliland amid the ruin of Somalia and multiple conflicts wracking the Horn of Africa. With the collapse of the Somali state, the Somalilanders reasserted their independence and created a functional government, complete with all the accoutrements of modern statehood save, alas, international recognition… Surely if America’s national commitment to support and strengthen democracy as a bulwark against extremist ideologies and terrorist violence has any real-world application, it is certainly the case here. The point I made at last year’s hearing on the expanding crisis in the Horn of Africa is even truer today: “The people of Somaliland have made their choice for political independence and democratic progress. While they have stumbled occasionally along the way, their efforts deserve encouragement through the appropriate economic, political, and security cooperation—which, in turn, will anchor Somaliland within America's orbit as well as international society.” I make no apologies for constantly returning to this theme: it is to me incomprehensible that we continue to express concern about the state of democracy in the Horn of Africa while all but ignoring a New York-sized region that has held internationally-monitored elections for the presidency as well as national and local legislatures. Talk of mixed signals! Last week, in its December 4th issue, the Washington Post carried a remarkable article by Ann Scott Tyson. Under the headline “U.S. Debating Shift of Support in Somali Conflict, ” the piece notes that “the escalating conflict in Somalia is generating debate inside the Bush administration over whether the United States should continue to back the shaky transitional government in Mogadishu or shift support to the less volatile region of Somaliland, which declared independence in 1991” and quotes two anonymous Department of Defense officials: “Somaliland is an entity that works,” a senior defense official said. “We're caught between a rock and a hard place because they're not a recognized state,” the official said. The Pentagon’s view is that “Somaliland should be independent,” another defense official said. “We should build up the parts that are functional and box in” Somalia’s unstable regions, particularly around Mogadishu. In contrast, “the State Department wants to fix the broken part first—that’s been a failed policy,” the official said. In conclusion, Navy Captain Bob Wright, head of strategic communications for the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) based at Camp Lemonier, Djibouti, was quoted as saying “We’d love to [engage Somaliland], we’re just waiting for State to give us the okay.” The next day, December 5th, the Bureau of African Affairs posted to the State Department website a five-bullet point “fact sheet” attempting to explain what passes as “United States Policy on Somaliland”: The United States currently engages the Somaliland administration and has provided assistance, for example to the election effort. Our policy on recognition is to allow the African Union to first deliberate on the question. We do not want to get ahead of the continental organization on an issue of such importance. As indicated in the full quote above, the United States continues to engage with the administration in Somaliland on a range of issues, most directly Somaliland’s continued progress towards democratization and economic development. In FY 2007, the United States provided a total of $1 million through the International Republican Institute to support training for parliamentarians and other key programs in preparations for the upcoming municipal and presidential elections in Somaliland. We expect to provide an additional $1.5 million in continued support for the democratization process in Somaliland following the elections. While we continue to engage with the Somaliland administration, we do believe that the African Union is the most appropriate forum to address the question of recognition of Somaliland as an independent state. We understand that Somaliland is pursuing bilateral dialogue with the African Union and its member-states in this regard. However, as the African Union continues to deliberate on this issue, the United States will continue to engage with all actors throughout Somalia, including Somaliland, to support the return of lasting peace and stability in the Horn of Africa. On the face of it, the Foggy Bottom’s position seems reasonable enough: the United States does not want to be blamed for opening up a veritable Pandora’s Box by backing a secessionist attempt to redraw colonial-era boundaries in Africa which could cause a ripple effect across the continent; better to let the African Union make that call. However, the artful facade the diplomats put up to cover their geopolitical inertia is utterly mendacious, despite the truly diplomatic efforts of Somaliland Foreign Minister Abdillahi Duale to welcome the State Department’s positive comments about the country’s “continued progress towards democratization and economic development. First, as I pointed out in this column nearly two years ago: “From 1884 until 1960, Somaliland existed within its current borders as the protectorate of British Somaliland. On June 26, 1960, Somaliland was granted its independence by the British Crown and was internationally recognized as a sovereign state. When, a week later, the United Nations trust territory that had been the Italian colony of Somalia received its independence, Somaliland joined it to form a united republic. The union, however, was troubled from the beginning…Amid the anarchy that ensued following Siyad Barre’s ignominious flight in January 1991, clan elders in Somaliland issued a declaration reasserting the independence that the northwestern region had briefly enjoyed in 1960.” There is no question of – much less precedent set for – redrawing colonial frontiers. Second, the African Union (AU) itself has acknowledged the unique circumstances surrounding Somaliland’s quest for recognition. The official report of an AU fact-finding mission to the republic in 2005 led by AU Deputy Chairperson Patrick Mazimhaka concluded: “The fact that the union between Somaliland and Somalia was never ratified and also malfunctioned when it went into action from 1960 to 1990, makes Somaliland’s search for recognition historically unique and self-justified in African political history. Objectively viewed, the case should not be linked to the notion of ‘opening a Pandora’s Box’. As such, the AU should find a special method of dealing with this outstanding case.” However, by punting the question to a body like the AU, which decides major political questions by consensus, while simultaneously continuing the delusional policy of recognizing the utterly ineffectual “Transitional Federal Government” (TFG) of Somalia, which asserts sovereignty over the entire territory of the defunct Somali Democratic Republic despite being unable to so much as control its putative capital, the State Department belies any pretensions of neutrality. The Africa Bureau knows very well that there is no way the phantasmal TFG will ever permit an AU consensus to be forged which recognizes the de facto Republic of Somaliland. Thus the State Department’s support for the fictional Somalia’s continued presence at international forums like the AU is fundamentally irreconcilable with functional Somaliland’s ever getting a fair hearing. So the only thing conceivably worse than the State Department being cynically duplicitous in its Somaliland policy is the possibility that its denizens don’t realize this and, hence, are criminally incompetent in their guidance of U.S. policy in the geopolitical sensitive Horn of Africa. Fortunately, the TFG may not be a factor for much longer. Last week, its “president,” Abdullahi Yusuf, was hospitalized in Nairobi, Kenya, and had to cancel a meeting in Addis Ababa with Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice; should his condition worsen, that charade will be over. The meeting that did take place between TFG “prime minister” Nur Hassan Hussein and America’s top diplomat was farcical to anyone with historical knowledge of the region. The secretary said she hoped “Hussein will draw on his humanitarian background to facilitate delivery of much-needed humanitarian aid.” What “humanitarian background” does Dr. Rice refer to? His role as police colonel under the brutal dictatorship of Muhammad Siyad Barre? His tenure as deputy head of the despot’s “National Salvation Court,” a military tribunal that sent thousands of regime opponents to their deaths? Or perhaps his leadership of the Somali Red Crescent Society where he “did well by doing good” – so well, in fact, that as Somalia descended into chaos and its luckier citizens fled, his children inexplicably found the capital to open a string of internet cafés and currency exchanges in Great Britain to meet the needs of their displaced countrymen? And while the secretary could only “encourage” the self-appointed TFG “to develop a timeline for the remainder of the transitional process by early January” in the hope of staging elections sometime in 2009, Somaliland has already held several sets of the internationally-monitored free polls, the most recent, the parliamentary elections of 2005, was observed and reported on by an International Republican Institute (IRI) delegation led by Ambassador Lange Schermerhorn, a former U.S. envoy to Djibouti who has also served as political advisor to the CJTF-HOA. (I served as an election observer with the ambassador in Nigeria earlier this year.) The failure of the TFG should not be surprising. As I pointed out a year and a half ago, the pretender regime is little more than the product of a well-intentioned effort by the international community to conjure up yet another government for Somalia after the ignominious collapse the previous year of its previous attempt, the risible “Transitional National Government” (TNG), which went through four prime ministers and hundreds of cabinet members in three years before going bankrupt, having misappropriated millions of dollars in donor funds while governing nothing other than what was inside the confines of the four walls of “president” Abdiqasim Salad Hassan’s villa in nearby Djibouti. With even fewer prospects and, if it is possible, even less legitimacy than the TNG, the TFG’s leaders have little incentive to do anything other than leverage the international recognition which is their only real asset with which to enrich themselves. One could hardly find a starker contrast to this than Somaliland. As former World Bank economist William Easterly, hardly someone who looks at Africa through rosy lenses, noted in his realistic, if somewhat pessimistic, volume, “The White Man’s Burden: Why the West’s Efforts to Aid the Rest Have Done So Much Ill and So Little Good”: In Somalia, the “international community” has sponsored fourteen rounds of fruitless peace talks since the collapse of the government in 1991, not to mention the failed UN/U.S. military intervention. Meanwhile, without outside intervention, foreign aid, or even international recognition, the breakaway Republic of Somaliland in the north of Somalia has enjoyed peace, economic growth, and democratic elections over the same period. Thus, among the many others which could be adduced, there are five compelling reasons for the United States to abandon the bankrupt, State Department-driven policy of preferring self-appointed “leaders” of a failed construct to an effective government of a real country: Counterterrorism. As the Pentagon has now publicly acknowledged (and as I suggested earlier this year), scarce resources would be better spent boxing in the troubled parts of Somalia, rather than vainly asserting the questionable claims by a clearly unpopular regime whose illegitimacy is actually a magnet for extremists. No less a figure than Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates declared last week while visiting Camp Lemonier that his “biggest concern for Somalia is the potential for al-Qaeda to be active there.” Formal ties with Somaliland would permit closer ties between U.S. military and intelligence personnel with their counterparts in the small country’s services. Access to Somaliland territory, including the onetime NATO installation at Berbera, would also expand the scope for counterterrorism and other operations by CJTF-HOA as well as the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) which will subsume it next year. Regional stability. Far from being destabilizing, as I told Congress earlier this year, recognition of Somaliland would “show the countries and peoples of the sub-region our resolve to reward progress as well as give the lie to those who argue that our anti-terrorism and pro-democracy objectives are not subterfuges for an anti-Muslim agenda. Somaliland’s population is almost exclusively Sunni Muslims and the shahâdah, the Muslim profession of the oneness of God and the acceptance of Muhammad as God’s final prophet, is emblazoned on its flag.)” Furthermore, U.S.-led diplomatic recognition of Somaliland would not only allow the country much-needed access to international institutions and finance for development of the country itself, but also spur regional integration and prosperity. To cite just one example, America’s close partner Ethiopia, whose cut-off from the sea is a factor in the border dispute with Eritrea which I discussed two weeks ago, would benefit directly from access to Somaliland’s 900-kilometer coastline along the Gulf of Aden. Natural resources and economic opportunities. Earlier this year, I reported on mainland China’s play for petroleum resources in Somalia. Establishing formal ties with Somaliland would not only open opportunities for American firms to bid for similar concessions in that country, but also to invest in what could be a significant regional market. Conversely, ties with American commercial interests would also help anchor the strategically-placed country in the orbit of the United States as it joins the global economy. On the other hand, Somaliland’s considerable potential for economic and social progress is jeopardized not only by the maelstrom in neighboring Somalia, but also, as the AU has reported, by “the lack of recognition [which] ties the hands of the authorities and people of Somaliland as they cannot effectively and sustainably transact with the outside to pursue the reconstruction and development goals.” Moral imperatives.As I previously argued, “Somaliland’s trajectory…has been nothing if not extraordinary, being characterized by both social stability and democratic politics—the northern region’s progress standing in stark contrast to the free fall of the rest of the former Somalia And despite being cut off from international financial institutions, direct bilateral assistance, and other sources of development and investment capital—all for want of diplomatic recognition—the Somalilanders have rebuilt Hargeysa, which was leveled during the Siyad Barre regime’s brutal campaign against them, and resettled close to one million of their displaced citizens. ” Somaliland has already had democratic presidential, legislative, and local government elections; even the State Department has acknowledged that its upcoming presidential and municipal elections are more than credible enough to deserve U.S. funding. Global leadership. Despite some major faux pas of American foreign policy in recent years – both in substance and implementation – the world still defaults to looking to the United States to take the lead in critical arenas like the Horn of Africa. A number of governments, both African (including those of Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, South Africa, and Zambia) and European (including those of Great Britain, Germany, and Sweden), have either entered into de facto relations with or at least made friendly overtures to the Republic of Somaliland. In June, the German federal parliament even passed a resolution calling upon Chancellor Angela Merkel’s government “to work towards mitigating dangers for Somaliland’s stability that may arise from the current Southern Somali scenario,” including “initiatives to advance the resolution of the question of an international recognition of an independent Somaliland. ” However, nothing is likely to advance without American leadership or at least tacit approval – in any event, the opposite of the State Department’s passive attendance on the AU’s capacity-challenged policymaking and implementation processed (see my column last week on “The Challenge of Peacekeeping in Africa”). At the very launch of this column series, I wrote: “Since the disintegration of the Siyad Barre’s oppressive Somali regime into Hobbesian anarchy and warlordism, the international community has staunchly defended the phantasmal existence of the fictitious entity known as ‘Somalia. ’ Now, however, is the time for the United States to break ranks and let realism triumph over wishful thinking, not only recognizing, but actively supporting Somaliland, a brave little land whose people’s quest for freedom and security mirrors America’s values as well as her strategic interests. ” If anything, that counsel is even truer today than ever before, as many of our military officers have now publicly acknowledged. The only question is whether or not America’s elected political leaders will have the vision and fortitude to finally instruct their unelected diplomatic mandarins on the real stakes: diplomatic, military, and economic.

The Economist, February 27th 1960 Somaliland and Somalia will soon be faced with the task of running their own affairs—and getting on with their neighbours A GALE of constitutional change is blowing through the Horn of Africa. On February 17th, British Somaliland had a general election, the second ever held in the protectorate, and a party of swift change won a decisive victory. Elected Somaliland members now dominate a Legislative Council that three years ago did not even exist. The timetable for independence has been written in New York, not in Whitehall. In 1950, the United Nations set a term of ten years on Italy's trusteeship of Somalia, and in June the Italians make their reluctant exit. The British in Somaliland can only follow. The Somalilanders are determined that they should go, and there is indeed no earthly reason for hanging on-beyond responsibility for what is left behind. Somaliland and Somalia start off with roughly the same disadvantages; both are harsh, hot lands of sand and rock without water, known mineral wealth, industry or anything else that makes life easy. But the Italian trust territory has had a clear political lead over the Protectorate for which, indirectly, it can thank Mussolini and his imperial dreams. The British military caretakers who took over region during the war exerted themselves to decontaminate the territory from fascist influence by an educational programme that was considerably ahead of anything suggested for Somaliland. Then the Italians came back, uncluttered by other colonial commitments, and more immediately aware than the British that they were working to a fierce timetable. Somalia has virtually governed itself since 1957. Its several political parties and the maze of their tribal ramifications promised a situation of singular confusion. But the Italians, keeping democratic scruples under strict control, picked their man and stuck to him. At the general elections last year, the Somali Youth League, led by Mr Abdullahi Issa, won 85 of the 90 seats, two-thirds of them unopposed because of the "regrettable technical errors" of their opponents. The Somaliland election last week was not distorted by any such technicalities, but the result was hardly less conclusive. The Somali National League (SNL) has won 20 of the 33 seats available; the Somali United party, a new group that shortly before the elections joined forces with the SNL, has won 12 seats. This leaves the National United Front, which won most of the seats in last year's rather timid attempt at elections, and whose members the British authorities were seriously coaching in the arts of government, with only one seat, although it got nearly a third of the total votes cast. The victorious SNL, led by Mr Mohammed Egal, is the party loudest in its demands for quick independence (it boycotted the earlier elections) and its victory is being proclaimed by Cairo radio as a smack in the eye for imperialism. But the decisive factor in the election was probably not so much the party platforms, which were all much the same, as the complex inter-play of tribal, sub-tribal and family loyalties. All the parties agreed that the Somaliland and Somalia should join up, sooner rather than later. Mr Lennox-Boyd, the British Colonial secretary, foreshadowed this last year when he promised British help should Somaliland seek some form of "closer association" with Somalia. Possibly when the time comes the two sides will be less keen than they are now on a complete union. The SNL is not on particularly warm terms with the Somali Youth League in Somalia, while for its part, the government at Mogadishu may cool towards the idea of straightforward fusion. At present Somalia's government is picked from members of the ****** tribe-an ascendancy that is unjustified numerically, and would be very hard to maintain if a deluge of Somalilanders were to join forces with the opposition. Then comes the question of Commonwealth membership. For the commonwealth club to refuse this British territory admission would seem unlikely; but there is no certainty that the new member would be invited to bring a guest. THE challenge is how either state, together or separately, will be able to pay its way. The World Bank has calculated that Somalia will need $6 million a year of outside help if it is to manage at all. For a time, this much is assured. The Italian government has promised $3.6 million a year for the years immediately following independence, and the Americans are expected to find most of the balance. Bananas are Somalia's only export and even they are not grown competitively; about half Italy's aid consists of the government's handsome subsidy on Somali bananas, supported by a generous quota; these arrangements are guaranteed for the next four years. This is not entirely quixotic; the Italian banana-growers in Somalia, most of whom settled there in the nineteen-thirties, have a significant voice in the ruling party in Italy. But against them, the Italian left-wing parties have always contended that Rome should spend what money it has to spare on its strident problems nearer home. After 1964, Somalia certainly cannot count on Italian aid continuing on its present scale. Somaliland needs less money than Somalia, because it is more rural and has about half as many people; otherwise it has roughly the same difficulties and no banana industry. Its exports are livestock and skins; both have done fairly well in the last few years, but one bad drought and Somaliland's exports go by the board. There is a seepage of oil that gives the Somalilanders hope and a dressing for their camels' saddle sores, but little else. Plans for mineral development are in the air, not on the ground. The British Government hands out £1.3 million a year, half of which is used to balance the budget and half for development and welfare. The impossibility, even by expensive hothouse methods, of quickly raising a professional and administrative class in Somaliland has meant that a substantial proportion of the development and welfare grant is held over from year to year. Students with the minimum qualifications are now being bundled off to Britain for further education; in 1959 the Colonial Office gave 60 scholarships, three times as many as in 1956. The nomad existence and deeply suspicious attitude of most Somalilanders provide excuses for Britain's late start, but these do not mitigate the stark difficulty of building on little or no foundation. OVERSHADOWING all these problems is the question of Ethiopia's attitude towards its young, noisy, and weaker neighbours. Somalis are flagrantly calling down trouble upon themselves by the clamour for a Greater Somalia; the union of all Somali-speaking people in Somalia, Somaliland, French Somaliland, Kenya-and Ethiopia. The Pan-Somali movement is led from Mogadishu by an exile from French Somaliland, but some Somali politicians automatically include it in their creed. It gets a certain support from Cairo, although the Egyptians themselves are shaky about what sort of trouble they are trying to stir up for whom in the Horn. Even if Somali politicians are now only playing lip service to irredentism, the fact that they have committed themselves to wooing and subverting the Somalis in the ****** invites Ethiopian retaliation. Addis Ababa, already seriously concerned about the succession to the throne and running an empire that could be knocked apart by one good blow, is in no mood to wait and see what its neighbours are really up to. When in September, 1958, French Somaliland held its referendum, the Ethiopians showed their teeth-and the determination not to lose the right of access to Djibouti-in moving their troops to the frontier. In the event, French Somaliland, whose population is evenly divided between Somalis and Danakil, voted heavily in favour of continued attachment to France. Ethiopian suspicions and Somali ambitions have killed all hope of settling the immediate frontier issues. The border between Ethiopia, Somaliland and Somalia runs roughly down the middle of a hundred-mile-wide strip that each side claims. Mr Trygvie Lie was recently appointed by the United Nations to try his hand at mediation, but like others before him had to acknowledge defeat. On the Somaliland frontier, the ceaseless quarrels over Somali grazing rights in the Haud can only grow more passionate with the departure of the British. When in 1897 the British Government signed away the Haud, its mind was on other African troubles; Somaliland inherits an overwhelming grievance. Both Somaliland and Somalia face a horribly difficult infancy as independent states. But what both must get in their heads is the loneliness of their position if they try Ethiopia too far. None of the western powers will have any interest in supporting a Somali campaign against Ethiopia. © The Economist Newspaper Limited, London, February 27th 1960

Kuwan idho adakaa ,,,, xishoon maayaan xataa hadii xabashi dhirbaaxo ,,

anigaaba mid ku qoray afka Skomos ka ,, oo u diray ,,