Taking the opportunity to raise the issue of Somaliland in the context of the instability facing the Somali state, UNPO’s General Secretary, Marino Busdachin, asked Mr. Evans whether he saw a role for the unrecognized de facto state as a launch pad to rebuilding security in Somalia. Responding, Mr. Evans noted the successes Somaliland had been able to achieve since it had been able to break out of the “implausible marriage” that had united it disastrously with Italian Somaliland in 1960.

Issa G. Shivji Celebrating Pambazuka's 400th issue is celebrating pan-Africanism itself. Through its half a million readership and one thousand plus contributors from all over Africa, Pambazuka has truly set ablaze an intellectual pan-African trail; 'insurrection of ideas precedes insurrection of arms', some militant is quoted to have said. Pambazuka is certainly not a call to (physical) arms, but one to intellectual and ideological arms. We need it if the pan-African vision - not a dream - is to survive and continue to guide our thoughts and actions as Africans. As Souleymane Bachir Diagne says, we should make pan-Africanism a category of intellectual thought. I have asserted many times in the pages of Pambazuka and elsewhere that 'new pan-Africanism', rooted in social (popular) democracy, is African nationalism of the era of the so-called globalised phase of imperialism. African nationalism was born of pan-Africanism, not the other way round. Its genesis was rooted in democracy - self-determination and anti-imperialism. Self-determination and anti-imperialism are two sides of the same coin, none of which could be successfully achieved on the level of colonially carved territories. The first generation of African nationalists were deeply conscious of the dangers of territorial nationalisms based on geographical spaces designed as countries by colonialists. Nyerere derogatively characterised African countries as vinchi or statelets! African nationalism outside pan-Africanism is tribalism on the international level, he boldly asserted in the early 1960s. Both Nyerere and Nkrumah believed that without a continental unity, individual African countries would become pawns on the imperialist chessboard or degenerate into narrow cultural, racial, or ethnic nationalisms, or both. In this, unfortunately, they were prophetic as half a century of African independence has amply demonstrated. On the morrow of receiving the insignia of sovereign states, a few of the 'founding fathers' genuinely set out to build nations within the colonially defined borders, which all of them, as heads of states, unanimously agreed were sacred, although unviable. Others set to build their power-bases on the colonially invented or re-invented ethnic 'identities'. Still others did not survive long enough to do either, or something else, because they were overthrown (Nkrumah) or assassinated (Lumumba) by imperialist machinations. Whatever the case, they all failed to build viable, legitimate states and nations. Kenyatta's Kenya and Nyerere's Tanganyika are illustrative examples. Anchored in ethnic power-bases, which also determined resource allocations, the darling of Western imperialism in this part of the world exploded following the 2008 general elections. The so-called government of the so-called 'national unity' was cobbled together by American pressure while pretending to be a miracle performed by the chairman of African Union, Jakaya Kikwete, the Tanzanian president. Tanganyika has not so far exploded, thanks to the legacy of Nyerere's far-sighted policies, preaching and personal integrity helped by relatively undeveloped class divisions. That is proving to be fragile, thanks to extreme social and economic polarisation wrought by Mkapa's neo-liberal polices, taken over by Kikwete, over the last 15 or so years. The 2000, and even more so the 2005, elections were marked by racial and religious animosity and ethnic based alliances and campaigning. Under the veneer of peace, unity, and stability, Tanzanian political and even intellectual elites are covertly and overtly involved in religious- and ethnic-based politicking. This came out openly in the last session of the parliament where honourable members were unashamedly polarised along religious lines on the issues of the possible membership of OIC (Organisation of Islamic Conference) and the proposal to introduce Kadhi's courts for the Muslim community. Even more problematic is the union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar which this year celebrated its 44th anniversary. While the Cold War was the context and pressure from the West to meet what it considered a communist threat undoubtedly played a role, Nyerere's was driven, at least partly, by his pan-African convictions. He would have preferred Zanzibar to be part of a greater East African federation but his colleagues in Kenya and Uganda were too enamoured with new power and state positions to relinquish it in the interest of a larger association. The failure to form the East African federation bore out Nyerere's fears. He had argued repeatedly that once African countries went into independence alone, it would be too difficult to dislodge vested interests thus created. Once you multiply national anthems, national flags and national passports, seats at the United Nations, and individuals entitled to 21 gun salutes, not to speak of a host of ministers, prime ministers, and envoys, you would have a whole army of powerful people with vested interests in keeping Africa balkanised. While the political union of East Africa is still marking time forty years later, even economic integration has been in the doldrums. The East African Community collapsed in the late 1970s and was only revived 10 years ago. Ironically, therefore, the union with Zanzibar, whose future is being seriously threatened, and the fragility of regional economic integration, are proving Nyerere's position in his debate with Nkrumah questionable. It should be recalled that Nkrumah stood for immediate political union of African states while Nyerere argued in favour of a gradualist approach against Nkrumah's immediate political unification. Nkrumah dubbed Nyerere's efforts at EA federation 'balkanisation on a larger scale' while 'regional economic groupings,' he said, 'retard rather than promote the unification process.' MORE

Gareth Evans, International Crisis Group president, has launched his book ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) in Brussels and UNPO was present to gauge its reception. Below is an article written by UNPO: 7 October 2008, Brussels – Gathering at the international Press Center in Brussels, UNPO joined other NGOs, press, and officials for the launch in Europe of Gareth Evans’ book, ‘Responsibility to Protect: Ending Mass Atrocity Crimes Once and For All’. Mr. Evans, one of the driving forces behind the emergence of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, was joined on a panel by Ms. Emma Bonino and Mr.Joschka Fischer who each took the opportunity to comment briefly on the book and the state of the R2P doctrine in the world today. Mr. Evans developed their references using recent case studies that, in his opinion, showed some of the confusion over the correct application and implementation of the R2P doctrine. Spanning continents, each case study showed the wide applicability of the R2P doctrine, but also the need for international actors to be schooled in its application. Starting with the ethnic violence that swept Kenya in the wake of presidential elections in December 2007, Mr. Evans cited this as a classic instance of R2P and one that “fell far short of military action”. Although it was a case where the failure to protect had gone unnoticed, international diplomatic pressure and the threat of sanctions had led to a resolution of the crisis. This welcome resolution stood in sharp relief to the international community’s failure to act in Rwanda in 1994. Unfortunately there was still much confusion over the terminology of R2P and Cyclone Nargis’ impact on Burma and the “instinctive” response to the junta’s obstruction by some quarters of the international community had shown this all too clearly, Mr. Evans regretted. This response, threatening unilateral air drops of food aid for instance, was “very counterproductive” and ran this risk of reinforcing perceptions among the global South of R2P being another instrument of regime change which had been seen in Iraq in 2003. Looking to more current situations, Mr. Evans remarked that Darfur was “clearly a R2P in my view” and a situation where there had been a clear failure to prevent, protect, or create a situation for stability. The recent decision by the International Court of Justice to indict Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir appeared to indicate a shift in this position, and it was far too early to consider it a failure of R2P by any means. Mr. Evans concluded that one alternative, invasion, would inevitably be a catastrophe and one that no-one was considering with any seriousness. Taking the opportunity to raise the issue of Somaliland in the context of the instability facing the Somali state, UNPO’s General Secretary, Marino Busdachin, asked Mr. Evans whether he saw a role for the unrecognized de facto state as a launch pad to rebuilding security in Somalia. Responding, Mr. Evans noted the successes Somaliland had been able to achieve since it had been able to break out of the “implausible marriage” that had united it disastrously with Italian Somaliland in 1960. Concluding the question and answer session at the close of the event, Ms. Bonino declared her belief that it was important international figures “don’t play grandiose” with crises and use R2P responsibly and as it was designed. Making his own conclusions, Mr. Joschka Fischer saw the need to reinforce the integration and unity of the European Union so that it would be better placed to react to future crises and fill the current gaps in capability that could be seen in the African Union and other regional bodies. Significant gaps remain in the implementation of R2P as a doctrine, but Mr. Evans expressed the hope that this latest text will reinforce the progress already made. The establishment, by Mr. Evans, in 2008 of the Global Centre for Responsibility to Protect (GCR2P) is another step which he hopes will educate and inform decision makers about the implementation and utility of the R2P doctrine. web page

Had to take a quick shower in the office ,, can't resist the heat today.

Marka horeba odayaasha looma ogolayn inay meelahaas khaawisaan niyow markaasaad dalaq iska soo leeyadahay. Mida kele Badda quruxda badan iyo xeebtuba way ka muuqdaan meesha ee dee ma anigaa idhi hablahan yaryari ha isku gudbeen meesha ?

Somaliland Door Intee Le’eg Ayay Ka Ciyaari Kartaa Ololaha Lagula Dagaalamayo Budhcad Baddeeda Somalia Faallo – Axmed A. Cige Tan iyo markii ay korodhay khatarta ay budhcada baddu ku hayso maraakiibta ganacsiga dunida ee maraya baddaha Somalia, taas oo sababtay inay indhaha caalamku si weyn ugu soo jeestaan arintan sidii wax looga qaban lahaa budhcad baddeeda afduubta maraakiibta ayay, Qaramada midoobay soo saartay qaraar u ogolaanaya dawladdaha waaweyn inay ciidamadoodu geli karaan badaha iyo hawadda Somaliya, si loola dagaalamo budhcad baddeeda maraakiibta afduubta meel kasta oo ay joogaan. Dalalka xooga waaweyn ee dunida ayaa ciidamo iyo hub ku soo daldalaya xeebaha Somalia, mana jiro wax u diidaya inay ciidamadaasi soo galaan xeebaha Somaliland si ay uga weeraraan meelah ay budhcad baddeeda hoyga u ah. Ololahan ay wadaan dalalka Maraykanka iyo reer yurub ee ku wajahan la dagaalanka budhcad baddeeda ayaa waxa xukuumadda Somaliland ay ka ciyaari kartaa door diblomaasiyadeed oo ay dalalkaasi kaga dhaadhicinayso sida ay xeebaha Somaliland uga duwan yihiin kuwa Soomaaliya, iyadoo laga dhaadhicinayo sidii ay dalalkaasi wax ula qaban lahaayeen Somaliland, taas oo suurto galin karta inay ka caawiyaan dhinaca ciidamada illaalada Xeebaha. Sidaas darteed xukuumadda waxa la gudboon inay qaado talaabooyin diblomaasiyadeed oo ay kaga hor tagayso inaanay ciidamada caalamiga ah ee la dagaalanka budhcad baddeedu isku si aanay ula macaamilin xeebaha Somaliland iyo Somalia. Dhibaatadan budhcad baddeeda oo aad looga dareemay guud ahaanba dunidda ayaa waxay dad badan oo arimahaa u kuurgalaa ay soo jeedinayaan inaanay arinta budhcada baddu ku dhamaanayn dagaal kaliya oo ay ciidamada dalalka badan ka koobani ku qaadaan kooxaha budhcada ah, balse loo baahan yahay sidii loo heli lahaa cid kaantaroosha ama ilaalisa xeebaha Somalia, si taas loo helana waa in maamul dawladdeed oo hawshaas lagu taageero la helo. Haddaba iyadoo taas laga duulayo waa inay xukuumadda Rayaale beesha caalamka culays ku saarto inay Somaliland tahay dawlad, isla markaana ay door muhiim ah ka ciyaari karto la dagaalanka Budhcad baddeeda, iyada oo xeebteedana ka illaalisay inay kooxaha budhcad baddeedu ka sameeyaan hawlgalo ay maraakiibta ku afduubaan, isla markaana leh ciidamo ilaaliya xeebaha. Waxaanay taasi beesha caalamka ku dhiiri galin kartaa inay ciidamadaasi ay Somaliland ka taageeraan dhinaca tababarada iyo qalabka ay ku hawlgalaan ciidanka ilaalada xeebuhu, inkasta oo Madaxweyne Rayaale dhowaan tegay qaar ka mid ah dawladaha hormuudka ka ah arintan budhcad badeeda lana filayo inay dawladahaasi wax iska yidhaahdeen, haddana waxay dad badani aaminsan yihiin inay arintani tahay mid aan ku filayn xodxodashada dublamaasiyadeed ee loo baahan yahay.

A mixture of different theories miyaa ?? ,,, Islamic in a sense, Secular in the politics and Martial law in the community level. That is how Somaliland survived sxb ,,,,,, No one looses and no one is claiming a victory.

BAIDOA, Somalia, Oct 9 (Reuters) - An unidentified aircraft bombed an Islamist rebel stronghold in central Somalia on Thursday, witnesses said, but it was not immediately clear if there were any casualties. U.S. forces have launched several airstrikes inside Somalia in recent months against al Shabaab insurgents who have been fighting Somalia's weak Western-backed interim government and its Ethiopian military allies since the start of last year. "A plane bombarded the outskirts of our village," said Hassan Maalim in Goobgudud, 30 km (18 miles) southwest of Baidoa. "The whole earth shook but we don't know the damage or death it caused. It was flying over us since morning." The identity of the aircraft was unclear. In May, U.S. war planes killed al Shabaab leader Aden Hashi Ayro, who was said to be al Qaeda's top man in the country. That attack took place in Dusamareb, also in central Somalia. Washington says al Shabaab has links to al Qaeda and says it has provided a safe haven for militants including the bombers of U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998. Somalia-based al Qaeda operatives were also suspected in a suicide attack on Kenya's coast in 2002 that killed 15 people at an Israeli-owned beach hotel. Underlining growing insecurity in the capital Mogadishu, the children's charity SOS said on Thursday it was closing two schools there and evacuating four teachers who were detained by Somali security forces during a nearby gunbattle on Tuesday. "The teachers, Kenyans of Somali origin, are severely traumatised," it said in a statement. "Both schools will be reopened when the situation is considered safe and our co-workers and students are no longer at risk." In a more positive sign, a Jubba Airways plane carrying 120 Somali deportees from Saudi Arabia landed without incident at the city's international airport on Thursday. Last month, al Shabaab fighters threatened to shoot down any aircraft using the coastal airstrip, and fired mortar shells at an African Union military plane that touched down there. The plane from Saudi Arabia was the first to land since then.

imisna ku laha orodo hargeisa ka ibi granadi Mohanad oo Fan dhigo xafiska Aboo anaa afaan khanaa imbeekhuu ........

For Malika, Morning Dada ,,,,,,,

BAIDOA, Somalia, Oct 9 (Reuters) - An unidentified aircraft bombed an Islamist rebel stronghold in central Somalia on Thursday, witnesses said, but it was not immediately clear if there were any casualties. "A plane bombarded the outskirts of our village" said Hassan Maalim in Goobgudud, 30 km (18 miles) southwest of Baidoa. "The whole earth shook but we don't know the damage or death it caused. It was flying over us since morning."

Morning sidaad u dhan tihiin dhamaantiin ,,,, Loooooool@Ibti, yes send some snow plz and don't forget to send a teacher with it so that he will teach how to do skiing ,,,,,,,,, hahaha@Japannesse scientist don't have a passport ,,, very patriotic indeed ,,

London (BBC) Xukuumadda Somaliland ayaa soo dhaweysay qaraarkii golaha maanka ee la dagaalanka budhcad badeeda. Sidaana waxa sheegay wasiirka Arrimaha debadda ee Somaliland C/llaahi Maxamed Ducaale oo ay shalay waraysi la yeelatay BBC World Service qaybteeda Network Africa, isaga oo intaa ku daray inaan arrinta Soomaaliya waxba laga qaban Karin ilaa la xaliyo arinta gooni isutaaga Somaliland. Waxaysigaasina waxa uu u dhacay sidan: Su’aal: Sideed u aragtaa qaraarka golaha amaanka ee la xidhiidha la dagaalanka budhcad badeeda? Jawaab: Ugu horayn waan soo dhawaynaynaa talaabadaa golaha amaanka, marka la eego waxaa ka dhacaya Somaliland iyo guud ahaanba Somalia, Somaliland waa goob xasiloon oo nabadi ka jirto. Marka aan xaqiiqda u daadagno dhibaatada Somalia ka taagan waxba lagama qaban karo ilaa la xaliyo arrinta Somaliland oo ah gooni isu taaga , arrinta budhcad badeeda waa arrin in muddo ahba soo jirtay oo ku bilaabantay tahriibinta dadka iyo hubka sida sharci darrada ah wadanka loo soo galiyo. Somaliland intaaba waxay qayb ka ahayd xalinta arrintaa. Su’aal : Maxaad arrintaa ka qabateen? Jawaab: Waxaanu ka qabanay waxaa weeye, waxa aanu is hortaagnay in falal noocan oo kale ahi biyaha Somaliland ay ka dhacaan. Sideed wax uga qabateen? Jawaab: Runtii aad baanu xukuumad ahaan ugu feejigan nahay arrintaa shicibkayaguna sidoo kale aad buu arrintaa ugu feejigan yahay. Ilaa iyo hadda ma jirto dhacdo noocan ah oo laga soo sheegay inay ka dhacday gudaha Somaliland. Su’aal: Ma waxaad ku bixisaan dhaqaale badan ilaalinta biyaha Somaliland? Jawaab: Ma lihin dhaqaale aanu ku ilaalino biyaha Somaliland oo dhan laakiin shacabka ayaa aad u feejigan islamarkaana gacan naga siiya wax ka qabashada arintaa ha ugu wacnaato hayadaha dimuqraadiga ah ee aan samaynay, feejignaanta dadkayaga iyo doorka xukuumada oo ah wacyigelinta, waxaanu suurto galinay in dhaqdhaqaaqa ganacsi u si caadi ah u socdo oo xoog badan. Arinta budhcad badeedu waa arrin caalami ah balse ma aha mid ku kooban Somaliya waa masiibo caalami ah waxayna u baahan tahay xal caalami ah. Su’aal: ma odhan karnaa waad soo dhawaynaysaa guud ahaan qaraarka golaha amaanka? J: Guud ahaan waan soo dhawaynayaa qaraarkaa, laakiin waxaa jira arimo badan oo siyaabo kale duwan loo waajaho. Arintani waa mid heer gobol una baahan in heer gobol wax looga qabto. Haddii aynu soo qaadano labadii dhacdo ee France runtii waa mid aanu soo dhawaynayno waxayna muujinaysaa in Faransiisku aad uga feejignaa arrintaa. Ma qabo in madax-furasho la siiyo budhcad badeeda, waa arrin aanu ka digayno. Waxaanu gacan siinaynaa bulshada caalamka in ay u soo joogsadaan inay caawiyaan Somaliland ha ugu muhiimsanaato tababarida baarlamaanka. Waxaanu leenahay ilaalo xeebeed oo tirro yar balse aad u feejigan oo u baahan in gacan la siiyo. Su’aal: hadaynu ka hadalno Somaliland iyo xidhiidhka ay la leedahay Somalia, sidee ayay rabshadaha iyo qalalaasaha ka jira Somalia ay idiin saamaynayaan? J: Arinta la xidhidhiidha dhibaatada Somalia ma aha mid saamaynteedu ay ku kooban tahay Soomalidii u Talyaanigu gumaysanayay, balse waa mid saamayn wayn ku leh guud ahaanba gobolka arintani aynu ka hadlaynana waa mid miisaankeeda leh. Waxaan uga digaynaa bulshada caalamka, sida xaqiiqda ahna jirta in bulshada caalamku ay iska indha tirayso in ay ka hadasho arinta Somaliland Su’aal: sidee ayay dagaalada ka taagan somalia idiin saameeyaan gaar ahaan idinka Somaliland? Jawaab: Marka kasta oo dagaal dhaco, dad badan ayaa u soo qaxa Somaliland si ay nabad uga helaan. Taasina waa mid horena u dhacday mustaqbalkana suurto gal ah in dhacdo. Waxaa kale oo jirta in dad badan ay u carareen dalalka Kiiniya, Itoobiya iyo Jabuuti. S: Ma ka baqaysaan in rabshadahaasi ay mustaqbalku u soo fidaan dhinaca Somaliland? J: Runtii aad baan u nasiib badan nahay mar hadii intii horeba aanay na saamayn, feejignaanteeda waanu leenahay. Somaliland way u hawl gashay in arintaasi wax saamayn ah aanay ku yeelan. Somaliland waxay leedahay taariikh fiican oo dhinaca amaanka ah iyo mid dhinaca dimuqraadiyada ah.

Originally posted by Abtigiis &Tolka: Alla Magan way jirtaye, odaygii Xinn baan masaabiir ku garaacay. Ninku waa nin xoog badan oo hadda hubkii wuu soo dhamaystee waxoogaa Gabay ah oo gunaanad ah ayuu ku maqan yahay. Waana Home team sidaad la socotaba. Bal hadda ha la iska war hayo oo xaalkayka la soco! Fariitan waxaan filayaa inaan hore u arkay ,,,

walk around ? where ?? ,,, i can't. I can hardly breathe ,,,

Maamulka Degmada Dayniile ee dowlada KMG oo sheegay in ciidamo ka yimid madaxtooyada ay xiligaan Boob iyo dil kawadaan degmada Dayniile ee gobolka Banaadir. Maamulka degmada Dayniile ee gobolka Banaadir ayaa sheegay in ciidamo ka yimid dhinaca madaxooyada dowlada KMG soomaaliye ee magaalada Muqdisho ay degmada soo galeen islamarkaana halkaasi ay ka bilaabeen dil iyo boob sid uu maamulku hadalka u dhigay. Mukhtaar Xasan Caddow oo ah gudoomiyaha degmada Dayniile ee gobolka Banaadir ayaa waxaa uu idaacada Shabelle u sheegay in ciidamo hubeeysan oo ka yimid dhinaca madaxtooyda ay gaareen xarunta degmada Dayniile halkaasi oo ay ciidamada dadkii ku sugnaan dil iyo boob kula dhaqaaqeen islamarakaana ay shacabkii halkaasi daganaa ay ka bili liqeeysteen dukaamo dhowr ahaa oo halkaasi ku yaal sida uu hadalka u dhigay gudoomiyihu. Waxaa uu intaa ku daray in ciidamadaasi uusan aqoon u laheeyn cida ay ka ammar qaataan balse ay ka soo dareereen dhanka madaxtooyada Vill Soomaaliya kuwaasi oo durbaba markii ay soo gaaraan degmada Dayniile gaari uu lahaa nin shacab ah bool bool u kala furtay,waxaana uu sheegay gudoomiyuhu in Ragaas ay yihiin dad burcad ah islamarkaana ay talaab cad ka qaadayaan ka maamul ahaan. Guoomiyaha maamulka degmada Dayniile ee dowlada KMG ayaa waxaa uu carabka ku dhuftay in maamulka degmada Dayniile ay shir ku saabasaab arinkan u fadhisan doonaan kaasi oo ay kaga hadlayaan sababaha keenay in ciidankii maamulka oo degmadaasi ku sugan ay ciidamo kale oo cid ay ka amar qaataan aan la’aqoon ay bililiqo iyo jir dil u geeystaan dadkii shacabka ahaa ee ku noolaa degmada Dayniile ee gobolka Banaadir. Dhawaanahani waxaa soo baxayay dhibaato dadka Soomaaliyeed ay kala kulmayeen ciidamada dowlada qeybahooda kala duwan kuwaasi oo aysan jirin illaa iyo hada cid wax ka qabatay dhibaataya ay ku hayaan shacabka Soomaaliyed. Shabelle.com

Ciidamada AMISOM oo dil iyo dhac u geystay ciidamada Caruurta ku dhibaateeysan gudaha magaalada Muqdisho Ciidamada AMISOM ayaa xalay dil iyo dhac u geystay qaar ka mid ah Caruurta ku dhibaateeysan gudaha magaalada Muqdisho. Ciidamada AMISOM ee Fariisinka ku leh isgooyska KM 4 ee magaalada Muqdisho ayaa dil iyo dhawac u geystay caruur darbiyo jiif ah xili ay marayeen isgooyska km4 abaaro 11-kii fiidnimo ee xalay kuwaasi oo rasaas ay ciidamada AMISOM ay ku fureen uu u geriyooday mid ka mid ah halka mid kale uu dhaca culus uu ka soo gaaray. Qaar ka mid ah dadka deegaanka oo idaacada shabelle u la hadlayay saakay ayaa waxaa ay shegeen in ay ku soo tooseen iyadoo afafka hore ee fariisimaha ciidamada AMISOM u yaalo meydka Wiil ka mid ah caruurta Dib Jirka ah halka mid kale oo xalay ku dhacamay ay horay u siiqaadeen ciidamaa AMIOSMwaxana la tuhunsan yahay in dilka iyo dhawaca caruutasi ay ka danbeeysay shaki ay ciidamada ka muujiyeen carutasi. Waxaa is dhab ah loo ogeyn wax ay ciidamada AMISOM u toogteen wiilashaasi aan heysan meel ay hoydaan waxana dilka iyo dhacawa caruurta dib jirka ee xalay ay ciidamada AMISOM u geysteen uu ku soo aadayaa xili uusan ku cusbeen dhagaha dadka ku nool magaalada Muqdisho tacadiyada loo geysanayo dadka shacabka ah ee aan waxba galabasn. Shabelle

Huh ,,, to damn hot here today. don't know if that is the weather or me but i'm kinda melting in my office. No AC no fan , nothing.

I watched A-jazeera and there was no such thing. Are you sure you were not dreaming poolwizard ??

You were lucky it was not in August/Sept ,,, try to see that and you will be lucky if you don't melt. January is its best time weliba ,,,,,,,,

Nin dhalashadiisa tahay Bakistaani oo saaka ay ku afduubteen deegaanka Ufeyn ee gobolka Bari niman hubaysan oo lagu sheegay inay ka mid ahaayeen ilaaladiisa,ayaa xoriyadiisii dib u helay kadib markii laga soo furtay dablaydaas afduubatay.Wararka aan ka helayno Boosaaso ayaa waxay sheegayaan in ay ninkaas afduubteen laba nin,kadibna ciidamadii kale ee ilaalada u ahaa weerar ku qaadeen nimankaas dablayda ah,waxayna dileen mid ka mid ah budhcadii,meesha kii kalena baxsaday. Shirkadaha baadhida ka wada deegaanka gobolka Bari ayaa waxaa aad uga cabanaya dadka deegaanka,kuwaasoo ku eedeeya inay sun ku aasayaan deegaankooda,ilsa markaana aanay wax shidaal ah qodaynin taas oo ahayd arin maalimihii lasoo dhaafay muran keedu ka taagnaa deegaankaasi. Shirkadaan ayaa waxa lacago fara badan ka qaatay maamulka Puntland,waxaana lacagtaasi ay ku dhacdaan jeebka masuuliyiin khaas ah taas oo shacabka deegaanku si wayn uga xanaaqsan yihiin taas ookeentay inay isku dhacaan dadka deegaanka iyo shirkadan kadib markii dadka deegaanku ay ka arki waayeen wax dan ah oo ugu jira joogi taankoodan. Siidaynta ninkan la afduubtay ayaa waxaa ka danbeeyay kadib markii shantii nin ee qafaashay ninka ajnabiga ah uu ka goostay gaadhigii ay kula baxsadeen ayna oo gaadheen ciidamo ilaalo u ahaa shirkada taas oo keentay in laga siidaayo mid kamid ah ragii wax qafaashayna la dilo labo kalena la dhaawaco maxbuus ahaana loo soo qaado halka ay labadii kale baxsadeen.

That is during August/Sept when it is humid. Its best is Nov-Feb ,,, the rest is ok ,,,

Oh yeah ,, i'm here as usual. Are you working in this early time ????

While Somalia in the south is in chaos, the north is safe and democratic – yet seems invisible to the international community. The recent spate of piracy off Somalia's coast is yet another symptom of the country's collapse of stability and some of its peoples' intense desperation. Reports that the pirates or hijackers of the Ukrainian vessel had begun shooting each other formed a perfect microcosm of Somalia's brutal inner turmoil. But in the northern half of the country, known as Somaliland, there is no such mayhem. Given its close proximity to the ravaged "failed state" of Somalia, it is astonishing that Somaliland should be stable, safe, democratic and largely crime-free. To most people, Somalia is synonymous with bloody anarchy – simply one of the most dangerous places in the world. Only the few people with an active interest in the Horn of Africa seem aware of Somaliland's peaceful existence. The leading authority on the region since the 1950s is Professor Ioan Lewis – his book, Understanding Somalia and Somaliland, published in July, leads you to the conclusion. In comprehending the unending enigma of the Horn, one course of action is clear – the peaceful north must be allowed to declare independence from the endless chaos of the south. That view is privately shared by many governments in Africa and in the wider world, but Somaliland's declared independence of 1991 is still yet to formally recognised by any nation and it remains an "invisible" country. Diplomatic recognition is the perpetual obsession of the Somaliland government; without it, the country remains starved of foreign investment and aid. In all probability, it would take just one country, such the US, to move on the issue and the rest, with a handful of exceptions, would be bound to follow. However, none of the main players wants to be first, so they are engaged in a multiple "Mexican stand-off". The few countries who openly oppose recognition (Egypt and Italy) argue "former colonial boundaries should not be redrawn". But Somalilanders agree. The country was a former British protectorate which became independent in 1960 and simultaneously joined in union with the former Italian colony of Somalia. By the mid-1980s the union was rapidly disintegrating; the mass bombing in 1988 of Somaliland's capital, Hargeisa, where 50,000 civilians were killed extinguished any thoughts of reconciliation. The collective policy of finding a peaceful solution in the southern half of Somalia has not progressed even after 15 peace conferences in as many years. One Somali commentator called this apparently pointless exercise, "the policy of following a blind camel". A Senlis council report published in April says, "the international community needs to be reawakened from its torpor on Somaliland". But Ted Dagne from Washington's congressional research service argues: "Somalia must develop a federal structure that gives regional autonomy." For the Somalilanders in the north this political theorem is plainly non-sensical. They see the failed union like two brothers who went into business together – while one brother was sober and hard-working, the other went off the rails, destroying the company's stock along with its reputation. Yet it is to the "reckless brother" the international community relentlessly turns to for a solution. The Somaliland president Dahir Riyale Kahin visited the US in April in the hope of broadening support towards the goal of recognition. Somaliland has certainly passed any democratic test set by Washington in establishing a multi-party system, holding free and fair elections and upholding freedom of speech. There is now a division of opinion at the top of the US government on this issue. Pentagon chief Robert Gates sees Somaliland as "an entity that works". But Dr Jendayi Frazer, second in command at the state department said: "The US will not take the first step to recognising Somaliland before the African Union." A change of president in January may alter that position, or before that Bush may be persuaded that Somaliland recognition could be part of his "African legacy". The military see the strategic importance of having a base in the Gulf of Aden as a bulwark against al-Qaida and the deep-water port of Berbera could be ideal. Ultimately, these are the factors which are likely to determine Somaliland's chances of gaining equal nation status under the UN and not its efforts, against the odds, to create a democratic and free society. web page