Zaylici

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  1. To Gadiid You mentioned that the writters that I mentioned were either Arabs or Turkish, I wonder what grounds do you have to conclude that. Surely you are not denying that the Somalis are people who are incapable of producing such works. how can you prove that these were not Somalis. let us put this way how can you prove the work that I cited are the Works of Somalis. Fortuantely I have with me someworks that will prove beyond doupt that Somalis have contributed to the Muslim works. I am however, in the midest of Midterm Exams. so, I do not have the time to respond to you. you also say that due to the presense of Turkish promoted the Ethiopians appeal to the Purtagese intervention what a aggression, the war was continuing for three centuries beging when Solominic dynsty came to in 12th century,It was Iknook Malaak according to both Muslim and Ethiopic sources who accpied Muslim and Somali lands and Somalis and others were only responding.Surely, you do not intend to say as the modern western writters say the war was Turkish/Arab war, what a blasphemy, for the sake of you I have dedicated my life to the history of East Africa, People like you who either self hating Somali or those who beleive we were nothing but nomads wondering through the desert. I am more then happy to produce shortly the reasons why I think the writters that I mentioned ware Either Somalis or other poeples like Cafar in East Africa but it is also fair that you subtantiate your argument. Wasalaamu calaa man itabaca Alhudaa Gadiid I am not clansit I am ******************EDITIED QABIIL NAMES********** so remember that I am only interested in the recollection process of the Somali glorious and Muslim history not any thing else. [ March 11, 2003, 11:41 PM: Message edited by: Admin ]
  2. To Haniif may be you can find by using the search engine Google. Or surely you can find the Book Nis Bu ALraayah, In the Introduction( AL muqaddamah they have his Biography and other works. However, if you are in Cairo, you can find works that more than 1000s unfortunately hitherto unpublished. Inalaaha la yaqayiru Maa biqawmin xataa yuqatiruu Maa Bi anfusuhim Qowlulahi
  3. I am currently cooperating with freind of mine to establish library here in Minisota. God willing I will do whatever in my power to insure such works are collected and stored for future research and transilation, please start doing the same thing. What was the name of the man you mentioned who said Philosophy was haram Thank you Muridi Your question Of looting I do not think so, there are only dying in the hot climate of SOmalia. Modern Somalis predominantly show no love of Knowledge and this reality is manifested in their enitire life. fooloshness as I said dominates their life. wakadaalika yafculahu maa yashaa. Thanks Muriidi
  4. I am currently cooperating with freind of mine to establish library here in Minisota. God willing I will do whatever in my power to insure such works are collected and stored for future research and transilation, please start doing the same thing. What was the name of the man you mentioned who said Philosophy was haram Thank you Muridi Your question Of looting I do think so, there are only dying in the hoty climate of SOmalia Thanks Muriidi
  5. sorry the previous was not edited With the exception of this, there is Ikhtilaaf (difference of opinion) amongst the Fuqahaa (Muslim Jurists) on the law of Hunting Game. It is stated in "Khulaasa" and "Muheet": "If a hunter places a knife in a trap and then leaves, after which an animal is caught and killed in the trap, then it is Haraam, and if the Hunter places the knife and is watching the trap, then such game is Halaal." Differing on this, Imam Zaili (radi Allahu anhu) and various other Jurists say that in both circumstances the animal is Haraam. Thus, Imam Shulbi (radi Allahu anhu) writes that the argument of "Kanz" presented by Imam Zaili (radi Allahu anhu) infers that after the hunter places a small saw and whether he leaves or is present makes no difference, since in both cases the animal, through its own strength, was severed and killed by itself and not by the hunter, thus rendering it Haraam. From this it can be well understood that Imam Zaili (radi Allahu anhu) does not accept the opinion of "Khulaasa", and other Kitaabs in this matter. (Tabeenul Haqaaiq, Vol. 6, pg. 226) this material come from this website, it gives you the extent Imam Zailici influence. http://www.geocities.com/~abdulwahid/muslimarticles/slaught.html Just as the quatation indicates the man is refering to the 6th volume. That gives youan idea on how extensive the work is. However, you should be remained that the auther of this work is fakhru diin ZAylic not Jamal ZAylcic. the former auther' work is titled Tabyaan AL Haqaaiq wal kanz Al Daqaaiq. He too is Hanifi. it is as you can see more than 6 Volumes. Jamal Zailici work is entitiled Nisb rayah Somalis are said to have been Hanafi followers in the Middle ages why they become shafici can be explained by simply observing how they moved from predominantly Sufis to modern Wahabis in th 30 years alone. This shows that they are moble soceity. There is musniscript I once shown by Biimaal sheikh who used to compose the Qassida for Dikri he shawed me in the musniscript (which according to him was 1200 years old) story about entire Somali clan entiring the Islamic religion in one day. The clan is Hawiye who were mentioned in the work of IBN saciid who said, Ibn Saciid an Muslim Geographer mentioned Marka as city of Hawiye clan and 50 other villiges surounding Marka. Other Somali clans mentioned in the medivial BOOks like Tuxfat Zamaan written by Shihaab Diin who was Yamini and writter of Ahmed Guray in the famous 16th century fatuxu Al habasha( conquest of Abyssinia)were the following, Merxan,Habar magaadle, Harti Hawiye, Harla and many others. I have felt obligated to mention other clans sicne I mentioned Hawiye in order people not regard me as Clanist and for that matter to consider me as reactionery Zealot. I am currently Sufi and socialist by politcal inclination. I have no problem with the Salifi or wahabis or any other group. I beleive in the ideas of toloretion and understaning. so much for discussion
  6. With the exception of this, there is Ikhtilaaf (difference of opinion) amongst the Fuqahaa (Muslim Jurists) on the law of Hunting Game. It is stated in "Khulaasa" and "Muheet": "If a hunter places a knife in a trap and then leaves, after which an animal is caught and killed in the trap, then it is Haraam, and if the Hunter places the knife and is watching the trap, then such game is Halaal." Differing on this, Imam Zaili (radi Allahu anhu) and various other Jurists say that in both circumstances the animal is Haraam. Thus, Imam Shulbi (radi Allahu anhu) writes that the argument of "Kanz" presented by Imam Zaili (radi Allahu anhu) infers that after the hunter places a small saw and whether he leaves or is present makes no difference, since in both cases the animal, through its own strength, was severed and killed by itself and not by the hunter, thus rendering it Haraam. From this it can be well understood that Imam Zaili (radi Allahu anhu) does not accept the opinion of "Khulaasa", and other Kitaabs in this matter. (Tabeenul Haqaaiq, Vol. 6, pg. 226) this material come from this website, it gives you the extent Imam Zailici influence. http://www.geocities.com/~abdulwahid/muslimarticles/slaught.html Just as the quatation indicates the man is refering to the 6th volume. That gives the impression how extensive the work was. However, you should be remained that the auther of this work is fakhru diin ZAylic not Jamal ZAylcic. the former auther' work is titled Tabyiin AL Haqaaiq wal kanz Al Daqaaiq. He too is Hanifi. it is as you can see more then 6 Volumes. Jamal Zailici work is entitiled Nisb rayah Somalis are said to have been Hanafi followers in the Middle ages why they become shafici can be explained by simply observing how they moved from predominantly from Sufis to modern Wahabis in this century 30 years alone shows that they are moble soceity. There is musniscript I once shown by Biimaal sheikh who used to compose the Qassida for Dikri he saw in the musniscript which accordin to him was 1200 years old tell story about entire Somali clan entiring the Islamic religion in one day. The clan is Hawiye who were mentioned in the work of IBN saciid who said that marka was their city and 50 villiges surounded them. Other Somali clans mentioned in the medivial BOOks like Tuxfat Zamaan written by Shihaab Diin who was Yamini and writter of Ahmed Guray in the famous fatuxu Al habasha( conquest of Abyssinia)were the following Merxan,Habar magaadle, Harti Hawiye, Harla and many others. I have felt obligated to mention other clans sicne I mentioned Hawiye in order people not regard me as Clanist and for that matter to consider me as reaction Zealot. I am currently Sufi and socialist by politcal inlination. I have not problem with the Salifi or wahabis or any other group. I beleive in the ideas of toloretion and understaning. so much for discussion
  7. Zaylac was city before even the introduction of Islam in East Africa. There are inscriptions on stones outside the city, which have not been adequately examined. Having said this. There is entire section of the Modern Egyptian house of Books dedicated to the works of the Somalis hitherto unpublished. Unfortunately there were not published and thus did not come famous and influential. Zaila have been center of commerce and learning over 1000 years thus whoever wrote in Somalia was named Zailci in reference to this great city. Given the current Somali crisis one would think that I am from this city, No, I am from around Galgaduud/Mogadisho Area. But only in Love with Knowledge and being Sufi inclines me to see this city as my spiritual city. Now, there are many writers whom I have their works. Many of them are named as their last name as Zaylici, while in fact they have not been writing in zaylac, a good example is Sheekh Abdirahman Zaylci who wrote treaties on meditation on the attributes of God( unpublished work) and qasiida and who was also the head of the Qadiriya order was in fact living and writing 1830 in western Somalia as opposed to zaylac. Ironically, people call his tariqa as Zaylciyya while he had been never been to Zaylac. Amongst the msot influential writters are are Jamal Muhamed Zaylci who wrote multi volume book named Nisbu al-raaya li takhriij Axaadiith al-Hidaya( available in the Wilson library in the University of Minnesota with introduction on the life and work of the writer). This was written about 600 years ago. This book is the of major reference to the Hanifi school of law in Asian subcontinent, namely India and Pakistan. In fact his book was not published in Somalia but was published In India 1935 but the original manuscript remains in Somalia. Ibn Zaylici who also wrote on the subject of Music and Philosophy can be found in the Internet. I have his biography and his works and in fact some if you use Google search engine machine you will find some of his work. If you live in UK there is library that has manuscripts of mainly religious and historical narration relevant to the Somali medieval life and works published by Somalis in the ancient period this could give you what life was in the medieval period in Somalia. So much for first discussion.
  8. There is an element of truth in the above statement. However, over the years I wondered if this was true or if this was just another biased view of the nature of the Black mind. After long years of research and wondering I found Large collection of material written By ancient (about 1000 years ago) and modern( last 400 years) Somali writers who wrote about a wide variety of subjects including sciences, medicine, music and Philosophy. I am also still in the process of collecting them. Now, what was the point of writing all this. Simple, There is tendency and urging inclination among human species to assert conclusions( say Somalis are that and that, or so and so is this) while they have no legitimate grounds to do so.This unjustified conclusion serves as their base of reasoning and guides their thought( I,e Somalis did not have intellectual history therefore, they cannot have one, even if this( preceding argument is true, that is to say if Somalis never had history( though I do no believe it, in view of historical works that I currently posses) it does not follow logically that the Somali cannot create history or produce flourishing civilization right now) .What you will end up if the preceding supposition is true, is people who in essence are useless in any respect conceivable to the human mind. What is the point that I am trying to make any way, We did not cultivate this last 70 years knowledge, neither did we studied, translated our inherited resources. Thus, we reasonably find that all Somali life, (whether religion, politics,discussion) manifest high degree of foolishness and if you do not mind I do not doubt given my long observation of Somali life that foolishness in its crudest form dominates our life regardless our geographical location.
  9. while you are becoming the best you can be you could also during this period save lives and enrich the lives of other. Perfecting your self and contributing your country as much as you can are not mutually exclusive
  10. STHLM_Lady A lady by the above name said something interesting. I think you could illuminate us by explaining to us what you mean give him signal, men usually do not understand the signals and I think this is the greatest mistake women do by assuming that men understand the signals they send.
  11. There is nothing wrong with the Somali youth, it is the nature of youthness that people do all sort of things that young people do. That is not big problem. The problem is the social conditions that these young people find themselves, so they are basically trying to fit in and curve a nitche so that they could belong to a group. Human beings are social animals in the sense that they have the tendency to belong to a particular group. So, if you really worried about the Somali teenegers think about ways that you can help them.
  12. This is wonderfull play, and I enjoyed it. Sophist I wonder if you could tell me what the word sophists stands for and for that matter you relation to the school tha existed in Greek prior the emergencey of Socratic philosophy. I usually delight as man whose extremely in love with being whenever the subject of philosophy is mentioned and this seems to me is not unusual given one of the deravatives of the word Philosophy is love. I wonder if You could tell more about your self( your education and where you live) becuese I think we can do some commerce on the subject of philosophy and we can deeply reflect on he realities of human conditions in Somali Pinansula. I am student of Philosophy,psychology and social sciences at the university of Minisota and I live in Mpls Minisota. By
  13. The preceding article is written by Zaylici in celebration for our philosophical dicussion. I have dedicated the preceeding article to the Firstlady who brought the motion. I am student of Philosophy and lover of knowledge By Zaylici
  14. Philosophical papers Philosophy is mode of thinking about nature and human conditions, this mode has distinguishable character relative to other modes that also account for nature and human conditions. Sir Karl Popper said “criticism is lifeblood of philosophy” (Philosophy in Britain to day P 210-211) I agree with Popper because I am convinced that any argument that claims to be immune from potential counter argument on any bases is outside the province of philosophy. Arguments or theories that are philosophical in nature are either produced through employment of logical reasoning or are inferred from empirically observable phenomena. If this is the case, they can be in principle challenged and some cases refuted. One of the hallmarks of philosophy is its acceptance the legitimacy of counter argument that enjoy some form of evidence or the use of logic to present case. This distinguishes philosophy from the rest of the means that are employed to account for things in the universe. In reference to the argument and evidence, Patricia said ‘ whether on the origins of the cosmos or in ethics and politics, were not offered as gospels to be accepted on divine or human authority, but as rational product to be accepted or rejected on the basis of evidence and argument’(Readings in ancient Greek philosophy P viii) Hence we have provided accounts as to why we think extensive use of logic and reliance of empirical evidences are characteristics of philosophy, we proceed farther to assert that every thing that is related in any way to the human species is fair game to be subjected to critical inquiry, by critical inquiry here we mean systematic investigation with regard to the subject of interest. Philosophy, therefore, is way of elevating our understanding of things, put it differently, philosophy is a way of knowing things in the universe through employment of logical reasoning and observation. When you say Mr. X is good you are implying that he exists and it is true that the word is indicates present verb in English grammar, when you say some thing is you are referring to something that exists at that moment regardless the form of its existence. That is you might say Air is fresh referring to a substance or he is good referring to an attribute of human personality. Therefore, I will interchangeably use the word is and existence in this paper. Gorgias said ‘And in fact what is not is not. For if what is not is, it will be and not be at the same time. For in that it is considered as not being, it will not be, but in that it is not being, on the other hand, it will be. But it is completely absurd that something be and not being at the same time. Therefore it is not the case that what is not is’( Pre Socratics reader P 99) Gorgies is trying to refute the existence of non existence things, in doing so he supposes the existence of non existing things, for the sake of clarity of this argument, let us say X is non existing things, we suppose for a moment that X exists, if we do then we admit that X has two properties that is to say X exist and not exists at the same time. We agree that one attribute is the property of X that is the non existence; however, we do not agree that X has also the property of existence in addition to the nonexistence at the same time. I agree with Gorgies that a thing cannot own two apposite properties at the same. It also seems to me that this is correct because you cannot assert with degree of accuracy that Mark is Professor and not a professor at the same time. C- I think Gorgies is philosopher for the following reasons; first Gorgies extensively uses the tools of logical reasoning to present his cases. Gorgies does not say that this material is revealed to me by divine entity, nor explicitly or implicitly affirms that his argument should be taken without further scrutiny on the grounds that he is the wisest man in whole Greek world. It is very clear to me that Gorgies is using logical reasoning to speculate about the nature of things based on the quotation that I provided above. Logic dictates that if some statement is constructed through logical reasoning then that logic could also be used by another person to challenge the statement. Therefore, the use of the logical reasoning by Gorgies and the inference we made with regard to the use of logic allows me to claim that Gorgies is Philosopher. Zaylici
  15. Qaybo ka mid ah Taariikhda Somalida Taariikhdu waa u kuurkalidda waxyabihii tagey, taas loo adeeksankaro in lagu fahmo xaaldaha dhabta ah ee taagan maanta iyo kuwa soo socda oo aanu waajihidoono mustaqbalka. Sidaa awgeed waa muhiim inaan dib ujeleecno wixii tagay si aan u macneeno waxyaalaha maanta kadhacaya dhulka Somalida islamarkaana aan awood ugi helno anaan saadaalino mustaqbalka. Anigoo taa ka duulaya taariikhdii hore, ubucda qormadani waxay noqon doontaa jeexjeexida iyo qaadaa dhiga xaaldahii iyo durufuhii kala kadisnaa ee uu soo maray deegaanka Somalida. waxaan ku tuuntuunsan doonaa guud ahaan gadgadoonkii taarikhda Geeska Africa. Soomaalida waxaa la yiraahdaa isir ahaan waa dhashii Xam bin Nuux nabadi hakor fuushee, waxayna qaraabo layihiin Ormada, Barberka waqooyiga Afrika, Masaaridii hore, arintan waxaa la ogaaday ka dib markii la kuurgalay habdhismeedka afka Soomaaliga oo aad ugu dhow afafka ay ku hadlaan dadyowga ku abtirsada dhashii Xaam, Xaam waxaa ilmihiisa ka mid ahaa Nimruud oo ahaa mid ka amid ah boqoradii bari xukumay aduunka oo dhan, waxaana la aaminasanyahay in reer xaam inay ahaayeen dadkii dhagax dhigay ilbaxnimooyinkii Aseeriya, Babilooniya, Bowrotooyadii faracinidii Masar. Culamda cusub ee sida gaarka ah u daraaseeya luqadaha kala duwan ee dunida looga hadlo waxay ku tiriyaan Somaligu inuu qaraabo layahay afkii hore ee faraaciinda masar, Nuubiyiinta waqooyiga Sudan iyo barbarka Woqooyiga Africa, iyo cafarta iyo Oromada geeska Africa. Waxaa kaleeto si cad oo cilmi ku dhisan loo ogaaday inuu ka mid yahy luqdaha ilmihii Xaam, Xaam waa mid ka mid ah owladii nabiyulahi Nuux calayhi salaam, Haddaba taasi waxay noo iftiiminaysaa xiriirka qotoda dheer ee u dhexeeya Somalida iyo dhulka diimaha oo maanta loogu yeero Bariga Dhexe. Sida ku qoran qoraalka ugu da’da wayn ay faraaciinadii masar ay ka takeen waa dhagaxa layirahdo baleermo, waxaa ku qoran in uu jiray xiriir ganacsi oo balaareen oo dhaxeeyay Soomaalidii hore iyo faraacinadii masar. Soomaaldi hore waxay masar u dhoofin jireen sida ku cad Mowlaca Xashabuut ee Dar bexayr ee ku yaal magaalda Lagsar, bartamaha masar, fooxa qaybiisa kala duwan oo ilaa hadda Soomaaliya ka baxa, haddaba nin Soomaaliyeed oo arimahan u kuur galay moddo dheer oo layiraahdo Dr Cabdiraxaman Xirsi oo marna ka ahaan jiray gudoomiha Jamacadda Ummadda Soomaaliyeed ayaa waxa kuu sheegay buug uu qoray oo la yiraahdo (Arab factor in Somali History) isirka Carbeed ee Taariikhda Soomaaida in xirirka Soomaalidii hore iyo masaarida uu ahaa mid aad u qoto dheer oo aanan ku ekayn ganacsiga oo kaliye oo uu ahaa mid dhaqan iyo mid diineed, waxaa xusud mudan ilaahayda ay masaardii hore caabudi jireen waxaa ka mid ahaa Qoraxda iyo Mukulaasha ama Bisadda, labuduna faraaciinada waxay u yaqaaneen Qoraxa, Iyo Bissad, arintan oo sarbeebaysa xiriirka qotada dheer ee ka dhexeeyay Soomaalida iyo masaaridii hore. Waxaa kaleeto oo xusad koonfurta carabta mar laga caabudi jiray qoraxada, oo Qoraanka waxaa ku xusan in markii shimbirkii Hudhud Yamen u yimid uu yiri sida ku xusan Cutubka Qoraanshada (namli)( waxaan u tagay ayada( Balqiisa) iyo qoledeeda oo u madaxdhigaya Eebe wax ka sokeeya) Qoraalo hadda aan gacanta ku haya ayaa jira oo kuu saabsan Taariikhdii Soomaalida Diinta ka hor ee fadlan u fiijignow. Xili aan ka fogayn dhalashiidii Ciise nabadii ha du fuushee, ayaa geeska Afrika waxaa soo booqday nin shiraacato ah ninka oo ka soo shiraacda ayaa waxaa oo ka soo tagay Masar, waxuuna Badda cas u soo qaaday dhanka Koonfureed, waxuu uuna soo maray Xeebeaha Ereteriya waxa ka soo dusay wadda dhuuban ee loo yahoono Bab-almandab( ama albaabkii tiiraanyada, waxaana loogu bixiyay aa layiri waxaa ka dhaca duufaamo, harar iyo dabaylo waalan)waxuuna maray dhamaan magaalooyinka saaran Badda cas iyo kuwa Badwaynta Hindiya, waxuu ninkan ku sheegay Buug uu katagay oo la yiraahdo ( the peripilus od the Eretherian sea) in dhulka Soomaalida barigaa ay kajireen Magaalooyinka waawayn oo tiro badan waxaa ka mid ah Zaylac, Berbera, Ras Hafuun, Muqdisho,Marka, waxuu ninkan sheegay Soomaalidii hore in ay dhoofin jireen waxii ay dhuufin jireen Masar, kumanaan sano ka hor, oo ah Fooxa qatbihiisa kala gadisan, waxaa xusid mudan xilgan in Soomaalidu soo dhoofsan jirtay waxyaabi ay ka mid yihiin Khamriga oo aad looga cabi jiray. Haddaba agow ilbaxnimo balaaran ayaa ka jirtay dhulka Soomaalida ka hor Diinta. Waa been aan sal lahayn in Carabta iyo Faarisiyiinta ay amaamudeen ama dhagaxdhigeen magaalooyinka Soomaalida. Waa suaal furan una baahan cilmi baaris dheer nolashii Soomaalidii hore ka hor iyo kadib ba Diinta, qoraalo laga helay dad Soomaaliyeed iyo ku Mislimiin ahba waxy sheegayaan in dhulka Soomalida aad u camirnaa waxbarasho aad dhumuc wayna ka jirtay. Ibnu Batuuta oo ahaa Dalmareen Muslim ah, oo booqday inta badan Gurigii Muslimiinta ( Dar Al Islaam)ayaa waxaa ka soo dagay magaalaga Zaylac sanadaka marka uu ahaa 1313, oo hadda laga joogo 700 oo sanno, ayaa waxaa uu soo maray dhulka ilaa magaalda Moqdisho, waxaan uu sheegay in dhulka in magaalada Moqdisho dadka degan ay ahayeen dad aad u barwaaqaysan oo aad u cayilan, waxaa kaleeto uu sheegay in Suldaanka Magaalada Moqdisho uu ahaa Berber ku hadla af aanan ahayn afcarbeed, balse afcarbeedka wuu yaqiinay ayuu yiri, waxuu kaleeto oo uu inoo sheegay in Magaalada ay lahayd jaamacaad ay degan yihiin ardayda oo wax lagu barto. Waxaa xusad mudan in uu Ibnu Batuuta inoo sheegay in Suldaanku uu lahaa nin qora sirta( kaatib al sir). Waa been aan sal lahayn in la yiraahdo Soomaalidu wax maqori jirin. Gobalka Awdal gaar ahaana magaala madaxdiisa Zaylac waxa ay ayadu lahay jaamacado waawayn oo wax lagu barto, waxaa xusid mudan in ragii ka liibaanay Jaamcadahan ay ka mid ahaayeen Imaam zaylici oo qoray kutub la yiraahdo Nisbu-raayah, oo ah kutubta ugu waawayn ee Madhabka Xanafiyada, kutubkiisa waxaa lagu daabacay Hindiya 1935. kutub fara badan ayay qoreen culumadaasi sida ku qoran buuggga Cumar xaaji safaxaat min taariikh Alsuumaal, aqalka kutubta Masar waxaa uu leeyahay waax dhan oo lagu aruriyay kutubkii ay qoreen culamadii Zaylac. Qaar kutubtaa ka mid ah waxay yaalaan jaamacadda anaga aan wax ka barto ee Minisota, ee dalka Maraykanala, Labareeriga waxaa la yiraahdaa Wilson. Waxaa kaleeto xiriirkaa si wayn u xoojiyay Diinta Islaamka oo la aaminsanyahay inay Soomaliya ay soo gaartay ka hor Hijradii nabawiga ahayd ee loogu hayaamay Madinatu Almunarah, Taassi waxaa cadaynaya daahfurid xagga Arkeyolejida ah oo lagu ogaaday qabri ka mid ah qabriyadii hore ee qadiimka laga helay magalada Moqdisha oo ay ku qorantahay haweenay lagu magacaabay Fatima Cabdisamad yacquub oo ku geeriyootay 22 jamadul- uulaa 101 ee taarikhda hijriyada, Qabrigan iyo kuwa kaleeto oo isla meeshaa laga helay waxay cadeenayaaan in Fatuma abaheed iyo awoowgeedba ay dhasheen taarikhda hijriyada ka hor, aadna ay suurtagaluthay inay islaameen ka hor bilowgii tirsiga hijriga, haddaba arintaa iyo arimo kaleba waxaa lagala soo dhexbixi karaa in Islamku oo soo gaaray Soomaaliya ka hor in tuu uusan gaarin dhul fara badan oo ka tirsan gacanka carabta. . markii diinteena timi Waxaa saldhigatay Ilbaxnimo ku salaysan Diinta, waxaa sidoo kale halkaa xididada loogu siibay mugdigii iyo jaahilnimadii ku xididaystatay gayiga Soomaalida. Magaalooyinkaa aan kur ku soo sheegnay waxaa u soorta gashay in lagu daraaseeyo culuumta Diinta Islaamka iyo culuumtii barigaa loo aqoonjiray Faarisiga oo ka koobnayd Xisaabta iyo Culuumta saynska, waxaa kalooto mudnaan wayn leh in lasheego Ikhtiraacistii qorista afka Somaliga, Waa barigii ugu horeesay ee si cilmi ah loo daraaseeyo qaabka ugu haboon ee loo qori karo afka Somaliga, waxaa si wayn arrintaa wax uga qoray islamarkaan dajiyay habki loo qori lahaa sheekh yusuf alkawnayn oo waqooyiga Soomaaalida looga yaqaano Aw Barkhadle. Sheekhani waa ninkii soo alifay higaadda caanka ah ee Alif lakordhabay Alif lahoosdhaby Alif laagoday. Waxaa Xusid mudan in farta lagu fiiqo in miisaankii xagga siyaasdda ee geeska Africa inuu is badalay, maxaa yeelay taariikhyahanadu waxay aaminsanyihiin diimuhu inay ahaayeen halbowlayaasha ilbaxnimada aadanaha, haddaba ilbaxnimadii Xabashida oo ku salaysnayd diinta masiixiyadda ayaa dareentay isbadalka miisaanka Geeska Africa. In badan ayay Soomaalidu iyo xabashida is barbarnoolayeen si ay ku dheehantahy darisnimo wanaag, hadda waxaa xusid mudan in Gacanka Soomaolidu ay ka dhasheen dalal ama saldanado xoog badan oo leh talis dhaxe, kuna baahsanaa dhulka maanta loo yaqaano Woqooyiga Soomaalia, iyo Gacanka Tojara ama Jibuti, iyo Dhulka maanta ay Xabshidu haysato sida galbeedka Soomaalida, Showaa, Dawaara, Harar. Haddaba sababahii ugu waawaynaa ee dhaliyay dagaalka aanan soo afjarmin ee u dhaxeeyay Soomaalida iyo Xabshida waxaa loo aaneeyaa isbadalkii taliskii xabashida,oo xukanka kula wareegeen qoskii sulaymaaniyda oo loo yaqiinay “Solomonic dynsty” ambaba qoys ku abtrisanayay Sulaymaan bin da’ud nabadi ha kor fuushe, waxayna kala wareegeen xukunka qoyskii agawiyada, oo ahaa jinsiydo isku tagay oo aanan marnaba kusoo gardaroon dhulka somalida, waxaana afka qalaad loogu yaqiinay “Zegwe dynsty”. Sida ku qoran Buuga layiraahdo “Safaxaat min taariikh Al somal” ee uu qoray Cumar Xaaji, boogiisa 14, waxaa heshiis dhexmaray Cumar walsame oo ahaa mid ka mid ah Amiiradii ugu awood badnaa dhuka Somalida xuruntiisuna ahayd magaalda Zaylac ayaa waxa uu heshiis lagalay boqorkii xabashidaa ee barigaa ee la oranjiray Iknook malak, waa ninkan ninkii ugu horeeyay weerar qaawan ku qaada dhulka Somalida, ninkan ayaa rabay in uu baad ka qaado dadka aanan la isir ahayn, kuwii diidana uu qasab uga qaado. Muddo gaaban ka dib tariikhdu marka ay ahayd (1314- 1344) ayaa xukunka xabashida waxaa lawareegay Camad Siimoon, wuxuuna sii waday halgankii uu bilaabay saaxiibkii, wuxuuna weerar ku qaaday Cifat oo ahayd mid ka mid ah kuwii ugu waawaynaa talisyadii muslimiinta, waxaase si buuxda ula dagaalamay taliyihii Cifat oo lo ar anjiray Khayrudiin sida ku qoran buuga cumar Xaaji bogiisa 15, inkastoo oo uu dagaalka ku geeriyooday boqorkii Cifat, haddana waxaa xukunka la wareegay Sabrudiin axmad xafiid oo ku qaaday xabashida weeraro aad u balaaran ilaa uu gacantiisa ku dilay boqorkii xabashida ee lo arnjiray Camad simon. Haddba dagaaladii ay Somalidu iyo ummudaha Muslimiinta ee ku dhaqan geeska Africa ay gaashaanka ugu daruurayeen weeraradii xabashida halkaa ayay ka sii socdayn. marar badan ayaa xabashida loo sheegay inaysan dan ugu jirin inay nagu soo gardarooto, hadiise ay lama horaan noqoto, soomaalidu waxay lawadaagayan miraha ka dhasha gardardas. Haddaba saaxiibow waxaa mudan inaan hoosta ka xariiqno isbadalkii ugu waynaa ee siyaasadda xabashida ku dhacay, taariikhdu marka ay ahayd (1414-1429) ayaa waxaa lawareegay xukunka xabashida boqor Isxaaq Kowaad, ninkan ayaa waxaa qabsaday jab wayn waayo waxaa laga barkiciyay dhamman dhulkii Somalida iyo guud ahaan dhulkii ummudaha muslimiinta ee geeska Afrika. Ninkan ayaa ikhtiraacay in Xabashida aysan jiri karin hadii aanan la kaashan bahwaynta masiixiyadda, asagoo arintan ka duulaya ayuu waxuu diray wafdi uu hogaaminayo waddaad masiixi ah oo loranjiray Sarra Yacquub, waxaana loo diray shirkii midaynta kaniisadahii bariga iyi galbeedka( madhabka Orthodex ee xabashidu waxaa uu ka tirsanyahay kaniisadaha bariga) oo lagu qabtay Foloransaa taariikdu marka ay dhaxaysay (1442-1439) haddaba is la waqtigan xilli aan ka fogayn ayaa boqaradii xabashida waxa kaladireen waddaad misiixi ah oo burtaqiis ah oo la oranjiray birmodar iyo Matew oo armiiniyaan ahaa ayaa waxaa ay lakala kulmeem labo boqor oo burtaqiis oo lakala oranjiray Conamel iyo Joonkii 3aad waxayna adeegayaashii garsiiyeen burtaqiiska iyo dinida masiixiyiinta guud ahaan sida xabashidu ugu baahantahay, waxaan shaki ku jirn tani inay noqatay saldhiga siyaasadda xabashida, waxaana daliil u ah sida maamuladii xabashida ay u caburiyeen halganadii daacadda ahaa ee ummudaha dulmani ay ku doonayeen inay ku xuroobaan, ayadoo adeegsanayay awoodo shisheeye oo aanan tixgalinayn duruufaha kalifay dagaalka, loomana cudurdaari karo awoodahaa shisheeye oo ayagu caadaystay inay iska indhatiraan doonitaankaa ummudha dhulkaa ku dhaqan, haddaba waxaa xusid mudan Soomaaliduna in aysan gacmaha aysan laaban oo kaalmo ay ka heleyeen Bhawaynata Muslimiinta. Si walba arrintu ha ahaatee biiritaankii Diinta ee dhulka Soomaalida ma hayn oo kaliye mid mid abuuray xariir ruuxi ah ee u dhexeeya Somalida iyo Abuurahooda, balse waxuu ahaa nidaam bulsho oo dhamaystiran oo si aan hagar lahayn ugu qaaraamay dhammaan qaybaha kala duwan ee bulshda. Gaar ahaana madaxmanaanida bulshda, Diintu waxay si buuxda u qayaxday inaan marnaba daacad loo noqon talisyada garab mara Mabaadii'da Diinta islaamka, waxay kaleeto oo Diinteenu u cudurdaaratay in tilaabo hubaysan laga qaato kuwa sida bareerka ah u garabmara ummuraha Assaasiga ah ee Diinta. Arrimahan oo dhan waxay si wayn u qaabayeen araa' cusub oo si wayn ugu xididaystatay maanka bulshda Soomaalida, arrimaham oo dhan waxay si wayn caqabad u noqdeen xoogag shisheeye oo doonayay inay is xaaraan ah u guursadaan madaxbanaanida dalka iyagoo fahansanaa muhiimadda uu leeyahay barta uu ku yaalo dhulka Soomaalida marka laga eego xagga istratiijayada amniga iyo ganacsiga adduunka.Si walaba ha ahaatee waxaa la inkiri karin muhiimadda dhulka Soomaalida, tusaale ahaan haddi aad si qotodheer u fiiriso juqraafiga waxaa ku soo baxaya in Soomaaliya ay tahay faras magaalha Aduunka. Maxaa yeelay Soomaaliya waxay isku xirtaa Afrika iyo Ashiya waxay kaleeto oo ay marin dhow u tahay Yurub iyo Ameerika marka aad joogto Bariga dhexe waayo waxaad mari kartaa Badda cas, babalmandab, iyo kanal siwuyska masar saacado gudeeheed ayaad ku gaari kartaa baddwaynta Hindiya. Si walba arrintu ha ahatee xooggaga qaabeeyay fakirka, dhaqanka, iyo habnoleleedka Ummadda Somalida wax aanan lagu soo koobi karin maqaalkan, balse waxaa lo oran karaa deegaanka iyo Diintu waxay qayb ka ahaayeen xoogggii qaabeeyey habnoleleedka bulshada waxeheeda kala duwan, taa waxaan ugalla jeedaa iskaalmaynta xiliga dhibaatada,u dulqaadla,aanta gardarada Gumaysiga ,sooridda martida,iyo kuwo kale oo aan halkan lagu soo koobi karin, kuwan waxay ahaayeen astaanta qaaliga ah ee Somalidii hore oo aan rumaysanahay in diinta iyo deegaankuba ay arrimahaas si wayn ugu qaraameen. Haddaba noloshii noocaa ahayd oo barigaa Somalidu ku noolaanjirtay dunida inteeda badanna looga noolaa ayaa waxaa halis galiyey weeraro dhul doon ah oo leh oo huwan magac diimeed oo ay horkaceyo xabashidu ayaa bilawday qarnigii 13aad ee miiladiga oo ku aadan bartamihii qarniga 7aad ee hijriga. Waxaa gabagabooday iskudulqaadashadii xagga diimaha ee 500 boqol oo sano ka jirtay geeska Afrika. Gardaraas qaawan waxay taariikhyahandu aaminsanyihiin inay tahay bilawgii halkanka Somalida iyo kan Muslimiinta Geeska Afrika Guud ahaan, Halkankaas oo gaashaanka loogu darruurayay shisheeeyaha. Si walba arrintu ha ahaate muslimiinta guud ahaan waxay ka midaysnaayeen inaan laga abaaldhicin Xabashida waayo waxay mar kaalmo siiyeen saaxiibadii suubanaheena nabadgakyo iyo naxariis dushiisa ha ahaatee. Hasa yeeshee taasi uma aysan cudurdaarin in loo dulqaato ulajeedooyinkooda Guracan. Weeraradan oo soo xoogaystay qarnigii 14 ee milaadiga ayaa si faahfaahsan wax looga qoray waxa uu ahaa kii uu hogaaminaayay Imaam Mudafar oo ahaa sheekh ku dhashay wax na ku bartay dagmda Zaylac xarunna u ahayd boqortooyadii Mulmiinta ee Adal. Sheekhu waxa uu wuxuu caabiyay weeraradii xabashida waxauuna shakhsiyan uga tahkulasay Boqor Nagus Yashaq. Sidoo kale waxa uu sheekhu astaan iyo dhiiri galin u noqday dhaqdhaqaaqyadii Muslimiinta ee Bale,Jimma iyo Shawaa oo ahaa dalal Muslimiin ah kuna yaalay dhulka maanta loo yaqaano koonfurta Itoobiya.Sida ku qoran buugga la yiraahdo Al- siraac Bayna Al-xabsha wasomal amba( lagdangii Somalida iyo xabashida) ee qoray Tuxfat zaman qarnigii 16aad bogagiisa 2-70 waxa uu si wayn uga faalooday Guulihii ay soo hoyiyeen mudafar iyo iyo Sheekh abuukar oo labaduba haa xiliyo kala gadisan Imaamadii Adal, waxa kaleeto uu buugani si wayn uga hadlay Boggisa 80-125 sida ay u saameeyeen tlyayashii Adal Axmad Ibrahim Gurey oo asaga naftiisu uu barigaa wax ku baranayay Zaylac. Xaalku si walba ha ahaade Axmed gurey wuxuu ku biiray halkankii barigaa ilaa uu ka noqday abaanduulihii ciidanka somalida iyo cafarta. Axmed Gurey waxaa si wayn loogu xasuustaa xureyntii dhamaan ummadihii dulmanaa ee geeska africa iyo caabintii Inbradooriyadii Bortaqiiska ee uu hogaaminaayay Bedro De Gama oo ahaa wiilkii Vasco Di gama oo asaga naftiisa ku geeriyooday Shimbirkurey oo ahayd goob dagaal oo caan ah. Haddaba waxaa xusitaan mudan in farta lagu fiiqo in duulaankii labaad ee Bortaqiiska ee Imam Ahmed uu ku geeriyooday inuusan hakin halkangiisii. Sidoo kale waxaan la inkiri karin in geeridii Imaamka ay dhintay dhumucdii halganka. si walba ha ahaate waxaan shaki ku jirin in la caabiyey weeraradii Bortaqiiska oo aakhiritaankiina lajabiyay. Taasi waxay Somalida dhaxalsiisay madaxbanaani iyo barwaaqo loo aayay oo laga dareemay dhamaan Gacanka Somalida, Taasina waxay ahayd ilaahay mahadiis. Haddaba labo qarni kadib oo ku aadan qarnigii 18aad ee miilaadiga bartamihiisa ayay markale shisheeyuhu damceen madaxbanaanida Somalida inay xayuubsadaan.Waxaa mudan in farta lagu fiiqo xiligan inay ahayd Bilawgii xilligii dahabiga ee gumystaayashhii reer Yurub oo ayagu doonayay inay dhiigmiirtaan umadaha aan la isirka ahayn.haddaba xilligan waxaa lagu tilmaami karaa bilowgii taarikhda mugdiga ahayd Somalida, maxaa yeelay danaha somalida, ayaahooda,Xuduudahooda,cidda ay lanoolanayaan, meesha ay ku noolanayaan, waxaa ka xaajoonayay,amba jeexjeexayay heshiisna ka gaarayay dadna aan Somali ahayn. Sida uu qoray buug lamacbaxay the "betreyal of the Somalis" Amba Dabamaryayntii somalida oo u qoray Louis Fitzbbon oo ah qoraa Faransiis ah,( oo ku caan baxay u halgamidda xuquudda umadaha dulman, qoraagan Waxaa lagu dilay magaalada Paris ee cariga Frangiga) oo si wayn uga faalooday hagardaamadii iyo naxariisla'aantii Gumaystaha. Sidaa Buugaa ku qoran taariikhdu marka ahayd 1886 ayaa xaaladda geeska Afrika sii Xumaatay, waxaa ku soo biiray faransiiska iyo talyaaniga oo kala qabsaday Koonfurta, gacanga Tojora oo loo yaqaano maanta dhulka Jabuuti. Sidoo kale Ingiriisku wuxuu heshiis kusheeg la galay shakhsiyaad somaliyeed oo aanan matalin dadkooda oo dhan islamarkaana aanan fahansanayn raadreebka iyo natiijada ay foolankarto go'aanadooda, Ragaas Somaliyeed oo sheeganayay inay matalaan beelaha Waqooyiga iyo galbeedka somalida ayaa saxiixay inay hoostagaan waynaanta Ibaratooriyadii Engriiska mudda aan la cayimin, Engiriiskuna u balanqaaday inuu ka difaaco awoodaha kale waa sida uu heshiisku qoreyee, lagana dhadhansankaro macnnaha " Protoctrate" oo ah " Gaashaamid". Hasayeshee, waxaa cadaatay heshiiskaas inuu ahaa xeelad lagu doonayay in si xaaraan lugu mahersado madaxbanaanida Somlida waxaana daliil u ah sanadkii 1889 markii boqorkii Shuwaa Minilik uu qabsaday Magalaada Harar, dooxooyinka iyo haraha ku heeraarsan, soona dul dagay dhul balaaran oo ay degaan dadka ku hadla afka Somaliga, hadaba iska daa in Engiriisku uu difaaco oo ah sida waafaqsan xeerarkii heshiiskee waxaa u diiday in Somalidu hub ay isku difaacdo ay lasoo dagto, taasi waxay kaliftay abaanduulihii uu Minilik u Magacaabay aaga Hararge oo loranjiray Rass Makanon( waa ninkii dhalay Xayle salaase) oo asagu gaystay xasuuqyo isdaba joogg ah oo aad u foolxun oo taarikhda geeska Africa aan horey uga dhicin, taana waxaa daliil u ah warbaxino fara badan oo ay qoreen musaafiriin shesheeye ah oo dhulkaa booqday, oo ka mid yihiin kuwa Maraykan ah oo diiwan galiyay, xitaa waxaa xusid mudan in xiligan lagubay qoraalo taarikhi ah oo yiilay masjidkii iyo goobihii barakaysnaa ee Sheekh Cabdirahman Saylici oo ahaa qoraa wax diwaan galiya, kuna noolaa waqooyiga Somalida. Waxaa kaleeto xabashidu gubeen tuulooyin fara badan waxayna soo rogeen doonfur. Sida ku qoran buuga layiraahdo the patreyal of the Somalis oo uu qoray lous fitzbbon, taarikhdu marka ay ahyd 27 june 1885 nin caan ah oo faransiis ah oo ka bayacmushtara hubka oo laoranjiray Saviyor asagoo matalaya dowlda fransiiska ayaa Itoobiya waxa uu keenay 30,000 00 kartiij 600,0000 00 rasaas ah 3,000 qori garbeed ah ama Muskets iyo 24 madfac. Isla sanadkaas Rashiya waxay Minilik ay siisay 50,000 Refel iyo 50,0000 carabin 5,000 oo refoolferis amba Baastoolda ah, 40 madfac, iyo 5,000 oo warmo casriya ah oo mariidaysan. Sidoo kale 21 janaayo 1886 nin faransiis oo layiraahdo Lebatut ayaa u keenay Minilik hub intii aan soo sheegnay in ka badan, asagoo ku shukaansanaya in Minilik uu gargaaro hadii Somalida ama muslimiinta kale ee ku dhaqan dhulka hoose ay falaagoobaan. Haddaba intaa waxaa ka sii daran in gumaystaashu ay soo saareen xeer lamacbaxay "Brussles general act" oo si heer dowladeed ah loogu ogalaaday inay Xabashidu si xorah u soo dhoofsato hub intii ay doonto. Haddaba, intaa wax barbar socday in laga xayiray Somalida inay soo dhoofsadan wax ay isku difaacaan. Waxaa amar lagu siiyay ciidamada ilaaliyayaasha Embaraadooriydda badaha iyo bariga in sharcigaa ay hoowlgaliyaan, sidaa awgeed ayaa waxaa la dajiyaya doonyo fara badan oo hub sida oo laga keenay dhul kala duwan si la isugu difaaco. Waxaa sidoo kale mudan in xiligan xabashidu ay galeen danbiyo ka baxsan baniiadnimada ayagoo isticmaalaya hubkaa faraha badan ay gacanta ku dhigeen (faah faahin arimahan ku saabsan iyo dhacdooyin waxaan ku soo qori doonaa buug aan dhowaan daabici doono) Xiligan Ayay ahayd waqtigii uu bilawday wax iska celintii Somalida, Wax iska celintaa oo uu horkacayay Halyaygii, sheekhii, wadanigii Imaamkii Imaamyada somaliyeed Sayid Maxamed Cabdalla Xassan nur, waxay taarikhdu cadaynaysaa in sayidka halgankiisu uu ku aadanaa gardadaradii xabashida iyo falalkoodii foosha xumaa ay barigaa ku kacayeen, waxaa kaleeto xusid mudan in Sayidku u si sare uga dharagsanaa sheekooyinka ku saabsan falalkii Xabashida, sido kale waxaa buugaagta taarikhda ku cad in gumaystayaashii reer yurub ay si bareer ah ula safteen cadawgii somalida, intaa kaliye kuma hakane ee waxay cadawad ku dhex abuureen beelihii somaliyeed si ay umarahabaabiyaan halkankankii bulshda islamarkaana Gacanka Somalida ay si buuxda u guumaystaan, halgamayaashii somalida oo si sere u fahmay farsamooyinkii cadowga ayaa inka badan 20sano ladagaalamay oo u diiday in si xaaraan ah loogu harsado dhulka somalida, waxaa lo qoray in Engiriiska, Xabashida, Talyaaniga iyo intii lasafatay ay qaxar iyo salfadhi la'aan ay ku dabaalanayeen. Si walba ha ahaatee gabagabadii 1920kii ayaa rasulwazaarihii Ingiriiska amar ku bixiyay in cirka dhulka iyo badda laga weerara xaruntii sayidka ee taleex, inkastoo ay ku guulaysteen inay soo afjaraan halkankii Daraawishta, haddana kuma aysan guulaysan inay ciribtiraan dareenkii wadaninimo ee somalida. Guud ahaan waxaa la orankaraa waxay ahayd maalin madaw oo soo martay taarikhda Somalida, maxaa yeelay waa markii kowaad oo si buuxda cowdowgu uu gacanta ugu dhigo dhulka Somalida, waxyaalihii foosha xumaa ee gumaystuhu barigaa ku kacay waxaa kamid ahaa balanqaadkii xabashida laga balanqaaday deegaano aad u muhiim marka laeego xagga nolosha reer guuraaga Soomaalida, runta ahaantii way yaraayeen dadka fahmayay ujeedooyinka cadawga uu ku doonayay inay ku qaybsadaan dhulka Somalida, tusaale xiligan ayay ahayd markii Ingiriiska u ogaladay in xabashidu ay katiliso deegaano Somaliyeed oo kala ah Diredhabe, aaga keydka Amba( Reserve Area) iyo Ogeden iyo Dooxada Harar iyo jigjiga. Dhulakan oo ku fadhiya Massaxad ama eeriya Juqraafi ahaan la eg 200,000 oo KM oo jibaaran ayay markii ugu Horeysay taarikhda xabashidu soo dagtay, waxaa kaleeto oo xiligan laga dhabeeyay heshiisyadii dhexmaray cadowga ee lagu qaybsaday dhulka somalida, arintan waxaa lagu tilmaami karaa guuldaradii ugu waynayd ee ebedkeed soo marta ummadda Somalida maxaa yeelay waa maalinta lago, aansady barta kala qaybinaysa Somalia iyo ummadaha dariska la ah,sidoo kale waa maalintii lo,go'aansaday umuuro farabadan oo ku dabran dadbadan oo Somali ah maanta ku dhaqan geeska africa. Si walba arintu ha ahaatee halkankii jowhariga haa ee somalida lagu doonayay in lagu soo gabagabeeyo gardarada shisheeyaha gabi ahaanba ma uu san dhiman, balse waji cusub ayuu qataay, wajigan oo ahaa waji siyaasadeed waxaa horumuud u noqday dhalinyaro naftood horeyaal ah oo sameeyay urur loogu magacdaray SYC(Somali youth club)sanadkii 1943 amba naadiga dhalinyarada Somalida oo markii danbe isku badaly SYL ama Jaamacdda dhalinyarada Somliyeed sanadka markii uu ahaa 1947, ururkani waxuu si wayn uga dharagsanaa baahida iyo himilooyinka dadka Somalida, waxaa kaleeto uu si dhamaystiran uu daahfuray ulejeedooyinka guracan ee gumaysiga, Tusaale ahaan ururkani waxuu xarumo kala gadisan ka samaystay dhamman dhulka ay dagto Somalida sida Harar, Jigjiga, Garissa, Jibuuti, Hargaysa, Moqdisho, waxay taa kuu cadaynaysaa halka uu wacyigooda gaarsiisnaa, haddaba kamadanbayntii raggani waxay ku guulaysteen any xureeyan labo gobol oo katirsan shantii gobol ee Somalida ilaahay janadii haka abaalamriyee waxay baal dahab kagaleen taarikhda Ummadda somalida halkankoodi lagu doonayay gobonimo, barwaaqo ay ku naaloodan dadka ku hadla afka somaliga ku hadla amba ku dhaqan gayiga Somalida dagto ee geeska Africa. Waxay iila muuqatay arin aad u qiimabadan inaan xuso magacyadooda, anigoo uga danleh inaan karaameeyo islamrkaana noo noqdaan tusaale aan ku dayano, gaarahaana anogoo doonaya inaan ku baraarujiyo dhalinyarada Somliada meelwalba oo ay joogaan aduunka in xiligoodii maanta lajoogo lagana doonayo inay gunta giisha isaga dhigaan oo ay ummadooda u adeegaan kana soo baxaan xeryhaha cadowgu uu u maleegay ( Xeryahu waa kuwa qabyaaladda iyo kuwa kale oo daahsoon). Haddaba magacyadoodii waa sidatan: 1 Cqaadir sakhawadiin (Madaxwayne) 2 Maxamed Nur xirsi 3 Yassin Cusman cali (Xoghaye) 4 Max’med Xusen Xamud (Xoghayaha Maliyyadda) 5 Cusman Gedi Rage 6 Maxamed Cali nuur 7 Diiriye Xaji Diiriye 8 Max’med Farax Hilowle (Farnajo) 9 Cali Xussen Max’med 10 Khalif hudde 11 Max’med Cusman Barbe 12 Max’med clahi Xayaysi 13 Dahir cusman Cali Haddba saaxiibow guulihii ay ragaa ay gaareen waxaa sida caadada ahayd ba waxaa hagardaamiyay cadowgii markii horeba gantaalaha kula dagaalamay, cadawgaas oo taarikhdu markhaati ka tahay inuu marnaba uusan raali ka noqon in somalida xuquuqdooda ay dib u soo dhacsato. Sidoo kale waxaaa la ogsoonyahay 1954 in Ingiriisku inuu si bareer ah uu xabashida ugu wareejiyay Galbeedka somalia ayadoo uu indhaha ka laabtay diidmadii qayaxnayd ee kasoo yeeraysay dadyowgii ku dhaqanaa dhulkaa, waxaa mudan in laxuso raggii ugu hereeyay ee diiday gardardaas qaawan oo marka galbeedka somalia la fiiriyo ay ugu waawaynaayeen Assaaasayashii ururka nasrulahi oo kashidaalqadanayay wadaadkii halgamaaga ahaa xaji yassiin xandulleh. Ururkani waxuu ahaa kii ugu hereeyay xiligaas oo aan si gabasho lahyn uga hortagay gardaradii cadowga. Waxaana sidoo kale la iloobi Karin dowrkii firfirconaa ay ciyareen ragii kala ahaa 1 Dr ibrahim xashi 2 Maxamed Diireye Urdox 3 Abdinasir sheikh Adam 4 Maqtal garad dahir 5 Max’med max’mud farax Malinguur 6 yusuf Ahmed Gas Sidoo kale waxaa Ingiriisku sanadkii 1963dii dhagaha ka furaystay qayladii dadka Somalida ahaa ee ku dhaqnaa konfor galbeed Somalia amba dhulka loo bixiyay NFD (Nothern District Frentier) dadkaas oo si xaqdara ah loo raaciyay dalka Kenya ayaga oo ka biyo diidsan arintaa ay bilabeen halkan hubaysan oo oo lagu diidayo tixgalin la, aanta bulshada, kacdoonkan xaqudirirka ah oo uu horkacayeen jabhdda xoreybta Somalida kenya ragii ugu waawaynaa waxay aheeyeen sidatan. Deqow Malim Istanbuul (Madaxwaynaha Jabhadda) Godane waaqow waariyow (madaxwayne ku xigeen) Haji cabdul qadir sheikh xussen (Madaxwayne ku xigeen 2abaad) Waqow haybe taarow (Lataliyaha xagga siyaasdda) Axmed sheikh max’mud badawi (Xoghayaha arimaha dibdda) Gaduud garaad Calasow (xoghayhaha Diffaca) Dahir Max’med ibraahim (xoghayaha tacliinta) Sayid Ahmed xaji cabdi (warfaafinta iyo hanuuninta) Iyo xayn kale oo fara badan oo aanan soo koobi Karin halkan, ilaahay janadii haka abaalmariyo. Dhaqdhaqaaqyadan siyaasadeed ee ka jiray dhulka somalida waxay lahaayeen dhumuc wayn, uu gumatstuhuu lama kaagay, halgan gobonimodoon ah ayaa ka jiray dhulka ay Somalidu iyo cafartu ay dagaan ee gacanka Tojora, raggan oo ku jiray halgan la mid ah kan walaalahood oo si sare u kifaaxay, waxay si cad u yiraahdeen maya ulojeedooyinkii faransiiska, ragii ugu waawaynaa ee arintan ka dhiidhiya, mudana sharaf iyo haydba waxay kala ahaayeen sidatan, Xassan Guuleed abtidoon Guraa Xamaduu Adam Roble Cawaale Hoghayaha guu ee ururka gobonimodoonka Cabdulahi wabiri Xoghayaha maliyadda iyo ummurha fanka Xassan Roble Cadaawe Xoghayaha difaaca Cabdi xassan Liibaan Max’mud xarbi Iyo rag farabadan oo aanan soo koobikarin ilaahay janadii haka waraabiyee Guuldardaas soo gaartay dadkaas Somalida ah waxay na noqotay mid aan sinaba loo aqbali karin taas oo kaliftay dawladahii Somalida naf iyo maalba inay galiyaan sidii loo xoreyn lahaa ummudha dulman islamarkaana loo sugi lahaa amaanka Jamhuuriyadda, maxaa yeelay nabadgalyo kama dhicikarto jamhuuriyadda xorta ah inta xabashidu ay awood u leedahay inay kala go, aynkarto waqooyiga iyo koonfurta dalka, islamrkaana ay si fudud u gaari karto magaalooyinka waawayn ee dalka, sidaa awgeed halgankii ugu waynaa ee lagalay xabashidu waxaa uu ahaa kii 77dii oo loogu doonayay in dib oo loo qabsado dhulkaa Somaliyeed oo sida gardarada ah xabashidu ku haysatay, haddaba isku daygaasu waxa uu noqday mid lagu hongoobay, waxaana kalifaay in labadii awoodood oo barigaa jiray ay la saftaan xabshida ayagoo ugu deeqay ciidan lugta ah oo gaaraya ilaa 20,000 oo Kuubaan ah 3000 oo saraakiil Ruush ah, Waxaa arintan si buuxda wax uga qoray John Markakis boogiisa (National and Class conflict in the horn of Africa) Amba dagaalka dabaqadaha iyo Qaranka Geeska Africa oo ku sheegay bogga 231,sida ciidanka Kuubaanka iyo Ruushka ay isaga kaashadeen burburintii Ciidamadii Somalida. Sidoo kale qoraagan reer galbeedka ah waxaa uu si cad uu sheegay Maraykanku uu diiday in uu lasafto Somalida asagoo oo daliil ka dhigtay in xabashidu ay tahay saxiib maguuraan ah qiimana ay sansamaynin dowladda markaa ka jirta. Waxaa kaleeto Xusid Mudan wax iska caabintii halgamayashii Biimaalka oo si geesinimo ku jirto gaashanka ugu daruuray Faashistayaashii Talyaaniga, ee horka cayay Sheik Max'med Mumin. Sidoo kale waxaan la iloobi Karin wax iska caabintii Galidiga iyo tii Beelaha Hawiyaha ee Banaadir iyo agagaarkiisa. Arintan faahfaahinteeda gadaal baan ka soo sheegi doonaa. Haddaba Guuldaradii Somalida halka ka soo gaartay weeye sida ay aniga ilatahay inay aabo iyo hooyo u tahay dhibaatada maanta ka jirta Somalia, Waayo haddad u kuurgasho Ururada maanta ka jira Somalia waxaa kuu soo baxaysa in badankood laga soo assaasay Itoobiya, sidoo kale waxay ka midaysanyihiin labo arimood oo aan anigu u arko inay yihiin arimo si xirfadleh loo soo agaasimay looguna talagalay in si buuxda loogu wiiqo midnimada Somalida, tan koowad 1- Dhamman jabhadihii ladiriray Nidaamkii siyaad Barre malahayn nidaam habaysan oo isku xira ciidamadooda, taliyayashooda iyo hogaankooda dhexe, 2- sidoo kale malahayn ulajeedooyin wadaniyadeed oo lagu doonayay in lagu saxo khaldaadkii jiray, Labadaas qodob waxay si wayn noogu cadaynayaan in ururadaasi si toos ah amba si dadban ay ugu adeegayeen ahdaaftii foosha xumayd ee shisheeyaha, sidoo kale waxa aan amaan mudnayn nidaamkii barigaa jiray oo ku guuldaraystay in umuuraha Qaranka uu taladoodu dadka wax garadka ah kala tashado, iyo inuu tanasulaad u sameeyo dadka, oo uu mar walba tixgaliyo rabitaanka Bulshada. Arimahaan oo dhan ayaa u qaaramay jabkii ka dhacay Somalia, waxaa kaloo arintan lagu tilmaami karaa jabkii ugu wanyaa ee Somalida soo gaaray xuriyadii ka dib. Guud ahaan labadii qarni ee lasoo dhaafay waxaa dhacay isbadalo waawayn oo inta badan ka dhan ahaa Tolwaynaha afka Soomaaliga ku hadla, haddana waxaa lo orankaraa dowr aad u qiimo badan ayay Somalidu taarikhda ka galeen, maxaa yeelay durufihii kala gadisnaa oo ay soo mareen marnaba ma aysan u hogaansamin xeerarkii iyo rabitaankii cadawga, inkastoo lagu hungoobay riyooyinkii iyo himilooyinkii qaranka, haddana wali baabka rajadu waa furan yahay, haddaba waxaan jeclahay inaan halkan ku baraarujiyo waxgaradka iyo dhalinyarada Somaliyeed halista uu ku jiro Isirka somaliga ah iyo dhulkiisaba iyo marxalada uu marayo halgankii soo jireenka ahaa oo dhalinyaradu ay laf dhabarka u ahayd. Sidaa awgeed waxaan leeyahay waqtigii dhamaa nin walbow aday ku jirtaa sidii aad ugu qaaraami lahayd dalkaaga, dadkaaga maanta gorgortanka ku jira iyo dhulkaaga qashinqubka iyo goobaha lagu tartamo noqday, taarikhda ayaa macalin ah ayada ayaana ku diiwaan galinaysa, gaarahaana dhalinyaradiina haysata fursadaha qaaliga ee ku nool Dunida Galbeedka. Waxaan ku soo gabagabaynayaa ayaayadii uu ilaahay ku soo gabagabeeyay suuratulbaqara oo macnaheedu yahay ilahow nooga gargaar qolada gaalada ah. FG Qoraagu waxuu dhexdhexaad ka yahay muranka beelaha Somalida inta awoodiisa ah, waxaana uu u arkaa in colaadaha jira asal ahaan la xalinkaro hadii ay jirto daacadnimo, madaxbanaani, iyo xilkasnimo. Waxaan u arkaa ragga maanta isku sheega "madaxda Beelaha hubaysan" in la tuhmi karo dhaqdhaaqyadooda siyaasadeed, laakiin aan meesha laga saarikarin awoodooda sidaa awgeed waxay jirtaa wax garadka somalida iyo bulshawayntu inay go’aansato sidii laga yeeli lahaa, islamarkaana loo ikhtiraaci lahaa qaabab cilmi ku salaysan sidii loo la heshiinlahaa si uusan dhiig danbe u daadan , islamarkaana loo niyad jabinlhaa cadowga shisheeyah, waxaan ku dardaarmaya in aan laga farxin hadii ay ahaanlahayd dowladda kumeelgaarka ah amba kuwa ka soo horeeda, waa in DKG ay howlgashaa sidii ay u xalinlahayd amaanka Moqdisho iyo arimaha Jubada hoose, gaar ahaan in si dag dag ah jubada hoose in si cilmi iyo dulqaad kuu jiro ay xaliso kana shaqayso sidii loo baabin laha ismaandhaafka siyaasaded, waan ogahay waa arin aad u dhibadan laakiin waa in loohowlglaa. Sidoo kale arimaha Shabeelooyinka loola mucaamalooda si ay ku jiro xirfad, aqoon iyo cadaalad. Qoraagu waxaa uu ku hawlanyahay qoraalo talo jeedin ah oo ka qaawan danaysiga xaaraanta ah, una adeegaya danta guud ee ummadaha ku hadla afka Somaliga, qoraaladaas oo ku wajahan qaabka loo furdaaminkaro umuuraha murgan ee Soomaalia, qoraagu kama uusan quusan in isbadel siyaasadeed uu dhaco, balse wuxuu aaminsanyahay ummuraha noocaan ah inay jiitamaan, loona baahanyhay bisayl xagga maskaxda ah si loola tacaalo. Zaylici
  16. Visit the general discussion under the Zaylici By Zaylic
  17. The above works are mine, I have produced them. There are other works that I have written both in Somali and in Englsih. Some are edited some are not. They have been published to benifit the general readers. I am currently student. I do not have enough time to edit them. The purpose of the meterial is to stimulate discussion which in some way would contribute to the resolutin of Somali conflcit. My intent is to benifit you, I went through long period of pain stretching for 6 years to write the above material, such intention( I hope) would justify the poorly edited material. I hope you enjoy it Good luck Zailici, Haille, Samatalis, all these are my names. All replies are welcome By
  18. Haille, Samtalis Bush Administration and Gulf crisis How Bush administration handled the Gulf crisis have generated tremendous intellectual debate. Different authors and scholars have attempted to explain this matter, while relying on different methods and theoretical traditions. Berber is one of those scholars whose center of examinations is the character of the president. Berber heavily uses his actions and his (Bush) background to illuminates his presidential conduct. The reason why he relies his actions as guide is that no sufficient information is available to the events or things that shaped his (Bush) life. Another reason may be he lived relatively smooth life that is not marked by loss of life, severe health problems or any other catastrophic events that live clear impact on one¡¯s life. Berber views George as an aristocrat or rather a member of the privileged upper class, by placing in this class Berber seems to agree the classical Marxists view with regard to the role one¡¯s class membership plays about his conception of life and his mode of thinking. ¡°The mode of production of material life conditions the social, political and intellectual process in general¡± ( Power and Rationality,introductions, Hybel) . However, this does not mean class determine one¡¯s way of thinking but rather plays a major role in shaping his worldview. Barber not only thinks he belonged to an aristocratic family but also his actions during his public life favored the rich and the powerful as opposed to the poor and homeless members of the society. Although, he promised he will improve the education and the environment during his campaign, however, he postponed the execution of these projects while he was in office. Berber also informs us that George likes to surprise people, nevertheless he does not provide sufficient account why he wants to do so. However, he provides instance where George did indeed carried unexpected actions, among these are Panama operation and hostage crisis in El Salvador. A primary characteristic of Berber¡¯s analysis of Bush¡¯s presidential character is that he does not furnish sufficient information to speculate why he does what he does. For instance, Berber mentions that Bush and his inner circle run the government in an informal way, that is they did not secure authorization from the pertinent institutions prior to the implementation of their policies. Berber also thinks Bush acted as king of America internationally and acted not in accordance with rule of law but as suits his policies. To provide some evidences to this assertions he mentions how secretary of the state managed to convince some countries in the United nations general assembly to support the campaigns against Iraq. Berber acknowledges that Bush¡¯s world view is unknown, however he seems to have no reservation with regard to his perception that Bush¡¯ actions during his presidency are primarily determined by his class membership. Hybel another scholar who studied the same issue( Gulf crisis) thinks rationality as central issues that determines the quality of the decision making process. Rationality to him is the employment of reason to asses, gather pertinent data, evaluate possible options and their potential outcomes, select policy, and monitor whether it is working or not. Rationality by itself to Hybel does not produce successful outcome, but nevertheless it is terribly needed to do so. Hybel seems to be more critical then Barber in his attempt to explain why Bush did not responded to the Iraqi military buildup nearer Kuwaiti border. For instance, Bush did not took seriously the warning of the security institutions( pentagon and CIA) that Iraqi government was planning to take over the Kuwaiti territory, instead Hybel informs us that he relied on his preconceptions as opposed to rigorous scrutiny to the matter. To stress this point Hybel relies on cognitive theories specifically consistence theory that envisions that human beings strive to achieve balance between beliefs, values, and cognitions. Berber mentions that Bush and his inner circles run the government in an exclusive manner and did not allow others to have say in this crucial matter, specifically he mentions that the secretary of the state started campaigning for war against Saddam in the United Nations before the congress approved the declaration of the war on Iraq. However, Barber, have no theory to why this was happening. Hybel seems to have an answer not only why but also the possible course of action that may be selected to respond to this crisis. Bush according to Hypel relied on historical analogy not only to define the problem but also to formulate policies. For this primary reason and many may have created a condition where Bush and his inner circle did not needed to consult others as they knew exactly what to do next. If there is sufficient evidence that they relied on Munich analogy( because Hybel does not supply sufficient evidence as for example Khong produces in his assessment of Vietnam war) then that may explain why they did not give the economic sanction enough time and rushed to the military option. Both Hybel and Berber agree that there was inner circle that played major role in the decision making process. However, Hypel specifically mentions that Bush and Scowcroft ( national security advisor) would discuss the matter and frame as the way they see fit, and then Scowcroft would present the discussion to the group in organized way. Hypel informs us that the senior advisors understood that Scowcroft represents the president¡¯ view, therefore, they abstained from taking an opposing opinion. If this is the case it best fits the modified groupthink hypothesis where T¡¯ Hart emphasizes the leadership style and what he calls anticipatory compliance. This means that a leader would create a condition where he makes his position clear and expects others to comply with his positions. Hybel also mentions occasions where defense secretary Cheney served as mind guard for the president and silenced Collin Powell who insisted on economic suctions to be given a sufficient time. All these are good reason why I am inclined to claim that groupthink phenomenon was did indeed activated primarily by presidents¡¯ predetermined decisions that did not allowed other members of the group to voice their ideas with immunity( not fearing to be punished in any way.) Hybel relies on variety of theories to illuminate the Bush administration¡¯ performance during Gulf crisis. Roughly, similar explanation would have been given by Khong without relaying on consistence theory, because Khong informs us that once an analogy is chosen it does not only assess the situation but it also gives a clue to what actions are necessary in order to effectively respond to the problem. However, Khong would have failed to explain why Bush assumed that Saddam was rational actor and why did he (Bush) thought Saddam would conclude in the same way as he did with regard to Kuwaiti invasion. However, they would both agree the inferences and suggestions that Munich analogy offered. Finally, I think more information are needed to make convincing conclusions with regard to Bush¡¯ world view and to provide a concrete evidence whether or not Munich analogy was used to guide Bush¡¯s decisions with respect to Gulf crisis. Zailic
  19. Philosophy of Love Diotima according to Socrates not only rejects the view that love is god but also rejects the common sense view (by common sense here I mean that beauty is associated with love, so it is very common among the general population to lump them together or in some case to equate them, therefore it not surprising to see some people in the symposium saying that love is beautifull,it is also very natural accept this view at face value without farther examination.) that love is beautiful. Socrates at the beginning of his speech before narrating what he learned from Diotima he puts forward definition of love that serves as bases to the views later expressed by Diotima, in fact Diotima during her dialogue with Socrates she asks if Socrates agrees with her the very definition that Socrates proposes at the beginning of his speech at the symposium. Socrates reasons that love is love of something, in similar manner as farther is farther of some one. Socrates further adds another component to this definition by stating that the thing that is loved must be something that is needed at the time. Diotima adds another component to this that is the lover of something not only needs to have it but wants to own it forever. Diotima thinks that the objects of love are good and beautiful things. If this the case according to Diotima it would be contradictory to say that love is great god because gods already possessed the good and the beautiful things according the Greek tradition at the time. Therefore, gods do not have desire to acquire beautiful and good things since they already have them, consequently love according to the definition of Diotima is not god. It is very natural to conclude then from this basic argument presented by Diotima that love must be ugly and bad. Indeed Socrates had this thought during his dialogue with Diotima, however Diotima rejects again stating that love is between the good and the beautiful things on one side and the bad and the ugly on the side. Diotima claims that love has dual character derived from it’s parents that the love is product of union between resources and poverty, these mutually exclusive characters have contributed to the love and therefore has some partial qualities inherited from his progenitors. Zailici
  20. Philosophical papers Philosophy is mode of thinking about nature and human conditions, this mode has distinguishable character relative to other modes that also account for nature and human conditions. Sir Karl Popper said “criticism is lifeblood of philosophy” (Philosophy in Britain to day P 210-211) I agree with Popper because I am convinced that any argument that claims to be immune from potential counter argument on any bases is outside the province of philosophy. Arguments or theories that are philosophical in nature are either produced through employment of logical reasoning or are inferred from empirically observable phenomena. If this is the case, they can be in principle challenged and some cases refuted. One of the hallmarks of philosophy is its acceptance the legitimacy of counter argument that enjoy some form of evidence or the use of logic to present case. This distinguishes philosophy from the rest of the means that are employed to account for things in the universe. In reference to the argument and evidence, Patricia said ‘ whether on the origins of the cosmos or in ethics and politics, were not offered as gospels to be accepted on divine or human authority, but as rational product to be accepted or rejected on the basis of evidence and argument’(Readings in ancient Greek philosophy P viii) Hence we have provided accounts as to why we think extensive use of logic and reliance of empirical evidences are characteristics of philosophy, we proceed farther to assert that every thing that is related in any way to the human species is fair game to be subjected to critical inquiry, by critical inquiry here we mean systematic investigation with regard to the subject of interest. Philosophy, therefore, is way of elevating our understanding of things, put it differently, philosophy is a way of knowing things in the universe through employment of logical reasoning and observation. When you say Mr. X is good you are implying that he exists and it is true that the word is indicates present verb in English grammar, when you say some thing is you are referring to something that exists at that moment regardless the form of its existence. That is you might say Air is fresh referring to a substance or he is good referring to an attribute of human personality. Therefore, I will interchangeably use the word is and existence in this paper. Gorgias said ‘And in fact what is not is not. For if what is not is, it will be and not be at the same time. For in that it is considered as not being, it will not be, but in that it is not being, on the other hand, it will be. But it is completely absurd that something be and not being at the same time. Therefore it is not the case that what is not is’( Pre Socratics reader P 99) Gorgies is trying to refute the existence of non existence things, in doing so he supposes the existence of non existing things, for the sake of clarity of this argument, let us say X is non existing things, we suppose for a moment that X exists, if we do then we admit that X has two properties that is to say X exist and not exists at the same time. We agree that one attribute is the property of X that is the non existence; however, we do not agree that X has also the property of existence in addition to the nonexistence at the same time. I agree with Gorgies that a thing cannot own two apposite properties at the same. It also seems to me that this is correct because you cannot assert with degree of accuracy that Mark is Professor and not a professor at the same time. C- I think Gorgies is philosopher for the following reasons; first Gorgies extensively uses the tools of logical reasoning to present his cases. Gorgies does not say that this material is revealed to me by divine entity, nor explicitly or implicitly affirms that his argument should be taken without further scrutiny on the grounds that he is the wisest man in whole Greek world. It is very clear to me that Gorgies is using logical reasoning to speculate about the nature of things based on the quotation that I provided above. Logic dictates that if some statement is constructed through logical reasoning then that logic could also be used by another person to challenge the statement. Therefore, the use of the logical reasoning by Gorgies and the inference we made with regard to the use of logic allows me to claim that Gorgies is Philosopher.
  21. Justification for planned action Very often these days we here how awful the situation in Somali peninsula is ( all Somali inhibited territories) we are also aware that the deplorable condition that Somali masses experience both in the Diaspora ( qurbaha) and in the Somali peninsula. These conditions as you might be aware are characterized by diseases( i.e cholera( Daacuun) that break out every year killing large number of people, the reason for this among other thing is lack of government because no one is there is to remove the waste from the villages and streets and no one is there to clean the water. Hence there was no proper functioning government for the last 12 years cholera was showing every year and thus engulfing the lives of many mainly women and young children. Starvation, famine and wars also take their tall. These forces combined are capable of depopulating or reducing the population significantly to the extent that the Somali territory cannot be defended from foreign invasion. God forbid we cannot wait that moment. We understand people in the Diaspora whether be it students or intellectuals are working to insure that the Somali condition is improved. However, when we observe the rate at which the forces mentioned above are operating and the magnitude of the dasporic response one can assert with degree of certainty that daisporic response is insignificant and cannot therefore contribute to a significant change in the Somali Pinansula.This basic observation would lead us to believe that what was happening in the last 12 years would continue to happen for the next 12 years so long as our response to Somali conflict remains the same. If however, we wish the future of Somali people both in East Africa and in the Diaspora to be different than it is now, than we have to change our overall response to the Somali crisis. By change of response here I mean a radical alteration of previous overall behavior with regard to the Somali problems. Suppose you are a passive (somebody who thinks that somebody else would solve the problems and therefore, can pursue his own individual interest without necessarily pardoning himself/herself to contribute to the general efforts aimed at systematically eliminating the sources of the problems) or an active (believed that the history does not change itself but somebody has to change it). If you were passive then the era of passiveness must end and start new era of activism, that is to say you must start new way of interacting the with Somali issues if you wish the history to be different 20 years form now. It is stated in the Quran that Allah does not change the condition of a given community say Somali civil war unless the people actively and deliberately change their condition. We learn from this verse that people are historical agents in other words they change and shape their future. If they do fail to frame the history then they are condemned to accept the historical conditions engineered by others who fulfilled their historical duties. Having justified the necessities of sustained action, here are suggestions that ere basic and usually may precede any action. 1- Conduct a research and in depth analysis of any subject that you believe is of concern to Somali life priority should be given to those related to the Somalis in the Diaspora and those in East Africa. Possible topics a- Education ( what is the realties of Somalis in the education sector, what is their number, how are they doing, how can they be helped by us and other concerned institutions b- Somali peace process( what is the nature of these conferences why do they fail, what can be done to insure they do not fail so we ca have government in Somali territories. c- Any other topic that is relevant to the Somali life is welcome Requirement All participants of these activities must fulfill the following basic requirements a- Must be willing to conduct research and willing to share his/her written material with others for discussion and possible chance of publishing . b- All written material will be kept and stored for future generations. c- All written material must be free from al forms of prejudices and msut desplay absolute nuatrility of Somali poltcal desputes, however, the written materila must desplay overal interst of all Somalis and at the same time must tell the truth d- The written materiel must also be voice to the voiceless Somali masses.
  22. Marka aad fiirisid taariikhda Halgankii Soomaalida waxaa kuu soobaxaysa dadkii horkacayay halkankaa( Gobonimadoonkii) inay ahaayeen dhalinyaro aaanan dhamaysan tacliinta dugsiga sare iskadaa tan Jaamaacadeed. Taariikhda waxay markhaati ka tahay in halgankoodi 13 sano kadib oo ku abaaran 1960 uu mira dhalay, mirahaas ay noqdeen xorayntii gumaysiga laga xoreeyay dhulka Soomaalida iyo isku keenidii qaybo ka mid ah dhulkii Soomaalida ee markaas gumaysiga ku jiray.. Sidaa awgeed waxay noola muuqataa in anogoo joogna Minisoota in aan wax badali karno. Anagoo ku shaqaynayna dareenkan waxay nala tahay in aan samaynkarno arimahan soo socda. 1- In daraasado qoto dheer lagu sameeyo dhamaan nolasha Soomaaliga iyo waxyaalah la xiriira. Tusaale. a- Sida ay waxbarashada tahay Soomaalida dhigata dugsiyada Hoose/dhexe iyo saraba ee Gobalkan Minisoota iyo in labaadi goobo sida aansi wayn wax uga badali lahayn waxyaabah hortaagan hormarka ardayda. Si loo helo arday fara badan oo soo aada Jaamacadaha iyo Kuliyadaha. Tan oo wax ka badalaysa nolasha Soomaalida qurbaha oo suurta galinkarta in aanan la mid noqono dhanka Nolasha Sida Yuhuudda, Hindida iyo Qawmiyadaha ee kale ee hormaray. Iyo waxay kaleeto tan saamayn ku yeelaynaysaa Soomaaliya maxaa yeelay waxaa soo baxay dadyaw fara badan oo xirfad leh. b- Iyo in baaritaano qoto dheer lagu sameeyo si cilmi ku jiro kana maran eex waxyaabaha hortaagan in shirarka Soomaalida in ay mira dhalaan. Islamarkaana waa in aan daabacnaa waxyaabaha aan u aragno in ay yihiin caqabad guul ka gaarista shirarka Soomaalida . c- In aanan laga aamusin falalka baniiaadnimada ka baxsan ee lagula kaco dadka rayidka ah ee aanan hubaysnayn. Xusuuso Nabageena Naxariis dushiisa ha ahaatee waxaa uu na faray in falalka xun xun in gacan lagu joojiyo haddii laakiin aadan awoodi karin aad ka hadashid ama niyadda aad ka nacdid. Waxay noola muuqataa in aan maanta awood u leenahay in aan ka hadalno falalka bahalnimada ah ee lagu haayo shacabka Soomaaliyeed meelwalba ha joogaane. Si haddaba hadalkeenu uu saamayn ugu yeesho gudaha dhulka Soomaalida degto iyo dabadiisaba waa lama huraan in aan dhalno fikrado inoo sahli kara in codkeena noqdo mid saamayn leh oo waxka ka badala haba yaraadeene xaaladda murugsan ee ka taagan dhulka Soomaalida. 2- Dhamaan qoraalada la samayn doono waa laga doodi doonaa, oo la falanqayndoonaa inta aanan la daabicin laakiin waa lama huraan ka qaygalaha gudigan in laga helo arimahan soo socda a- waa in uu rabaa inuu ka qaybqaato arintan islmarkaana uu galinayo waqti. b- Si aan u hibino in aan diiwaan iyo wax qoran uga tagno jiilalka soo socda ee imaan doona Jaamacadda qof walba markii uu ka soo qaybgalayo shirarka gudigan waxaa lam huraan ah in uu keeno wax qoran si loo kaydiyo islamarkaana xilliga aan wada joogno inuu noqdo xilli aan aqoon kala kororsano. Qoraalku waa faaiido badanyahay oo waxaa uu ka hortagayaa in shirka uu noqdo meelaha shaaho lagu cabo ee kale. Faaiidooyinka iyo lama huraanimada Qoraalka Ugi dambayntii haddii aad jeceshay in si cilmi ku salysan loo wareero dhibka Soomaalida meel walba ha joogee tan waa fursadaadii ka soo qaybgal lama imow fikradao iyo araa wax tara. Qore Samatalis Husseen Xayle
  23. Samtalis Hussein Haille Dear Friends I would like to share with you some of my thoughts with regard to the following questions: what can we do to contribute to the process aimed at ending the conflicts in the Somali inhabited territories of Horn of Africa, this includes Somali west and former Republic of Somalia. Your response to this thought is highly appreciated, however, for thought to be fruitful it is necessary that you put thought in to your response so that we may develop collectively. Emotion based arguments are not progressive that is they hinder our tendencies to grow and achieve perfection, so, it is therefore a matter of necessity, that you suppress your feelings, and think about the subject of interest in profound way, in so doing, all of us will benefit, by consuming the product of our thoughts. To better answer this question I must classify people to different classes and groups, I would start with educated masses, education here is not limited to the academy but it includes acquired knowledge through experience or accumulated of wisdom. This class would called bourgeoisie, bourgeoisie here is not meant in the Marxist sense, but simply to symbolize the metropolitan character of this class compared to other groups in the country such as Camel herders, ( Geel jirayaal) or peasants ( Beeralay). Striking feature that captures the eye of the casual observer is the opportunities that are available to them( such as education, chance to make money, or the information that they can potentially access for personal consumption) as well as the environment they find themselves. In the history of mankind bourgeoisie has always been the agent of change and progress, however, the role taken by this class in different countries and the realties that they have produced shows some remarkable variation. What makes certain bourgeoisie class more successful than others and what are the primary preconditions that are necessary for this class to lead the society in to better life in light of complex socioeconomic and political structure of the world would be subject of our meditation .To answer this question we need to study the specific features of the country under the scrutiny, given the relative success or the failure of this class (bourgeoisie) generally determines the socioeconomic and political destiny of the entire state, it will be noble cause for us to delve in to annual of history to better comprehend the basic structures of the socioeconomic and political discourse of Somali society. To achieve this end we will study the history of the region. History There is historical evidence from reliable source to suggest that the Somali inhibited territory of horn of Africa was land of civilization, which was populated since pre historic time. Starting from Puntite kingdom which flourished before the Common Era to Muslim sultanates that dominated the Somali peninsula and adjacent Muslim states for the last millennia. These city-states had produced tremendous wealth due to their commercial ties with the outside world particularly Arabian peninsula, India and other Eastern societies., we were informed by both writings left by the ancient Egyptians particularly those in the temple of Dayr-el-Bahari on the west bank of the Nile, and the Perpilus of the Erythrean sea that Puntites during ancient times and Berbers during the Time of Christ have used their own bouts to transport commercial goods to Arabia and Egypt and possibly to the far East,to suggest that no coastal cities flourished Pre-Islamic Horn of Africa is essentially ethnocentric and biased reconstruction of history to the least. Eastern coast of Africa was center of commerce that has connection with eastern societies since time immemorial. The oldest known material with regard to the commerce was Palermo stone (the oldest written book in the Egyptian history) which informs us that there was commercial relationship between ancient Egypt and Eastern coast of Africa known at that time as Punt or land of the gods. Some time around the Christ (May Lord grant him peace) we are informed the existence of large Somali Cities by the Peripilus of the Erthraean sea, this book is considered a major reference book with regard to the ancient commerce in the eastern nations, the name of the author is not known probably he was Egyptian of Greek origin. The Somali cities mentioned in this book are the following Zaila( Avalites), Berbera(Malao), Mosullon (Bandar Kasim, known also by the Somali as Bosaso, it is 260 miles east of Berbra)Bandar Hais (Mundus) Ras Hafun(Opene, it is worth while to notice that this is a corruption of Punt, as many historians believe, and this place is about 90 miles below the famous Cape Guardafui( known to the Somalis as Ras Asayr) Mogadishu(Serapion) Brava(Nicon). It is interesting to note that the author calls this area stretching from Zaila to the entire Gulf of Berbera(Aden, it was only recently people started calling this Bay Gulf of Aden, in the last two Miliinia people have been calling this bay, as gulf of Berbera, or gulf of Zayla and therefore I chose to do so) as other Barber country, it is not coincidence that we learn from the famous Muslim expoler Ibnu Batuta who visiting both Mogadishu and Zayla at 1313, mentions in his famous book travel ( or Rehlaha), that the residents of the Mogadisho were Beber origin and spoke Beber language. He farther informs us that the city housed large student population and the Sultan had writer who recorded all secret information, there are important implications to this simple assertion and they are the following. Somali coastal cities were not founded By Arabs or the Persians Mogadisho and other coastal cities in the Somali peninsula were there since time immemorial as we were informed by the Peripilus, even if we were to grant that that the foreigners once dominated the city, and then this was not the case certainty at 1300 AD. The claim by some locals that the city of Mogadisho was a walled city and that the local natives were not allowed to sleep at night is fabricated fantasy that has no historical evidences. But one might say that why some authors say that Somali coastal cities were founded by middle Easterners, some authors who propagated this story have also claimed that the Somalis were not African indigenous but immigrants from southern Arabia, to this day of my writing Some encyclopedia (among them Colombia encyclopedia, search the word Hamites, they have version on the web) claim that that the Somalis are Caucasians decent that is they are the same racial stock that dominates continental Europe. So it is fair to say that there is underlining tendency in many authors to credit others than the native people when it comes to the history and civilization, although, they may have their own reasons which is different than ours, however, we must grant to them the benefit of doubt, thus affording to them, to present historical evidences not biased historical speculations. . Somalis are not oral society The first scholar to study the Somali language was Sheikh Yusuf al kownayn, Known as Aw Barkhadle in northern Somalia (or modern republic of Somaliland), and his tomp is visited by many Somalis to this day of my writing, and he was relative to the ruling family of Adal kingdom. Starting from the time Islam has arrived the horn of Africa, Somalis and other Muslims in the region have contributed to the production and preservation of Muslim and local literature, it is not surprising then that we learn that the major reference book (which has numerous volumes) of the Hanafi school of law (Muslim school of law, dominant in the Asian subcontinent), is written by Imam Zaili’e, his proper name was Jamal Muhammad Yusuf Mohammed Ayub born and grew up in Northern Somalia, particularly in the legendary city as well as the imperial seat of the celebrated Adal kingdom, the magnitude of the works produced by the Somalis is another subject, which I will cover in subsequent paper, however, it might be enough to note that there are entire sections in the modern Egyptian house of books and medieval Mosque of Umayyad Dynasty in Damascus dedicated to the works published by the local Muslim scholars as well as students from this region (horn of Africa). The subjects covered in this works extend from jurisprudence( fiqi), mystics, poetry, law and history to the prevailing social and political conditions. Some of these works could also be found in private libraries in Somalia as well as public libraries around the world, particularly in Europe and Middle East. Large portion of these works were published in Arabic although some of these works were also written in Somali with Arabic alphabet. It is interesting to note that Europe which is land of civilization with considerable intellectual history was employing Latin as medium of expression for science and philosophical discourses as late as two hundred years ago, in fact the great German philosopher Emanuel kant wrote his dissertation paper in Latin about two hundred years ago, therefore, the use of vernacular languages, or put it differently, the linguistic nationalism or the pride one takes in his own language and its use as medium of literary works is recent phenomena, although there are exceptions to this assertion. Therefore, it is not surprising to contend that that the Somalis were producing their works in Arabic prior 19th century, however, this has changed due to the growth of the population and the compelling desire of the scholars to communicate with masses so as to diffuse knowledge and create greater sense of community. Sheik Aways Muhammad Barawi( 1847-1909) born in Brava, he went to Iraq and studied in Baghdad from (1870-188), and visited numerous places in the Islamic world, upon his return to Somalia he visited Mogadishu and met with numerous scholars, and then he left to the south particularly areas between the two the two rivers, where he was recognized as leader of the Qadiriya order. He founded the farming communities called Jama’at literally means communities that have celebrated Muslim cultural heritage through the production of poetry (mainly in the form of Sufi poetry that are designed to celebrate the personalities of Prophet Mohammed may Lord grant him peace and other prominent Muslim saints both locally and internationally) thus creating the sprit of brotherhood among Somali communities. It is worth while to mention that he was among the first people to produce major literary works in Somali based Arabic alphabet, a major portion of his work are currently in my possession and can also be found in both private Somali libraries and in some libraries around the world. Significant figure related to the Somali writing history was Osman Keenidid, being religious man with high degree of political consciousness, he produced the first Somali alphabet known initially as Osmania and later it was named far Soomaali, (or called in Somali , taken form recently published article in the Somalinet ) or Somali writing. This script had been used to record literature and numerous books were written in this script, it was also used in school as late as 1972, as matter of fact the Syl the Somali nationalist political movement of 1940s had used it as official language until it was dominated by Pro Arab groups led by Haji Mohammed Hussein who was the president of the S.y.l from 1948-1952 and also 1957-58, he also advocated Somalia not to participate the European Economic community, he also combined the use of the Arabic alphabet in order to narrow the gab between the Somalis and Muslim world. Cotemporary to Osman kenided was Abdirahman Shiekh Nur, Judge Qadi of Boreme, who also devised Boreme script 1933, which was later used by the merchants as well as local people. He used the script the script to record his own works. Prior the invention Boreme script he used Arabic alphabet to record Somali works, however, this script never achieved national recognition in the same way as the “Somali writing.” The Somali alphabet was used until the military took over the country and introduced the Latin alphabet, there are also numerous people who devised scripts late 1940s, and 50s including Hussein sheik Ahmed Kadere, the great Philosopher and many others. Therefore, it is baseless and biased judgment of history to say that Somali was oral language before 1972, it is also disrespect and lack of appreciation to the great works of the Somali scholars who dedicated their life to the advancement of Somali language. As matter of fact we can find to day( 2002) many books written in the indigenous scripts both in private libraries and public libraries around the world, by the way some of them are currently in my possessions. It is interesting to note that the pro Somali scripts are not entirely dead, infact, one of the great champions of the Somali alphabet Dr Hirsi Magan, the former student of anthropology is currently visiting Europe, to accelerate the production of software that can be used to write the Somali alphabet, he views the use of the Latin script in Somali language as form of prostitution!. Nevertheless the pro Arab movements are also very powerful to day, in fact there are two groups, the first group who was represented by the Dr. Ibrahim Hashi who actively participated the glorious struggle to liberate the western Somalia, he has produced books in Somali based on Arabic alphabet, he used to say let us use the language of the Quran glorifying the use of the Arabic alphabet, however, with high degree of confidence we can say that this movements is dead. The second movements in the pro Arab comp believed the use of Arabic language as the official language as well as the school language, this movement is currently powerful and in fact they have benefited from the lawlessness by creating schools that not only use Arabic as the medium of instruction but also borrow entire curriculum of Arab states. This is particularly true in southern and northeastern Somalia. Pro Somali groups believed the use of the Somali language regardless the alphabet used, this group was dominant until 1972-1991, however, it seems their influence is decreasing due to their focus and preoccupation of socioeconomic and political problems of the country, so they are not bothered by the kind of education that they children are getting, believing that these schools are better than none. There is psychological dimension to this reality, from 1980s the institutions of the state was deteriorating and education was not an exception particularly the public schools, and note that the schools both in primary and secondary schools used Somali as medium of instruction, there were also some schools which used Arabic as the medium of instruction, for both pragmatic and exaggerated reasons the Somali public had perceived that the quality of the Arabic schools were much better than the Somali schools, as matter of fact the choke of the day was ( ma Alaahida ayaad dhigataa, waad fiicantihiin idinku) you study in Arabic you are good than others. This psychological climate have given the pro Arab groups an advantage than the Somali groups, there is also an economic advantage, most of the Arab/Muslim organization have greater tendency to support the schools that use the Arabic as medium of instruction than the once that use Somali as medium of instruction. These factors combined allow the rapid growth of schools that use Arabic language as well as the rapid decline of the schools that use the Somali as medium of instruction. Profound analysis to this social phenomena and elaboration of my understanding to this social development should be expressed in another treatise. Let us now move to the question that we asked at the beginning which was what can we do to end the conflict. Neutrality In order for you to deal with Somali problems or problems with Somali character, you need to establish a character of neutrality so as to start the process of ending the conflict. The first step in my opinion, it to be neutral. I am not telling you to be absolutely neutral, because you could not expect perfect character from imperfect entity; perfection is the hallmark of God not a characteristic of members of human species. There are monumental implications to this simple logical statement, and they are the following. 1- Never expect someone to behave non-clanstic way in all the time, however, expect him/her to behave in non-Clanistic way most of the time. Mistakes should be forgiven, although sometimes they should be punished if proper institutions or conditions are in place. 2- Eliminate if possible or otherwise make the accumulated prejudices inactive, by considering the following steps. a- Subconsciously tell your self that others are not necessarily wrong all the time, you must convince yourself also that some times you could be wrong, given this conviction you might proceed to the next step. b- Appreciate the power of the situations, that is imagine what is like to be 15 year old gunmen who was not properly nourished nor have sufficient means to feed himself, imagine also Uncle Bidaar who is preoccupied with local politics and he is supported by internal and external forces, in this realm he losses his rationality because he behaves in manner not consistent to the behavior of ordinary human being. c- Consider the supporters of all contending groups in Somali peninsula as your brothers and sisters, when in contact with them, defy their expectations, that is show them friendly attitude, and sincere desire to recreate the sprit of the brotherhood, even if the person’s behavior is motivated by prejudice or clanisitc stereotypes, see them as a prey of prevailing political conditions, refrain by using your utmost power to confirm their expectations. If you were to behave as they expected, both of you will be an instrument to historical end that will not favor your welfare. d- Try to understand more objectively the various arguments employed by all groups as well as the emotions that are supplemented to make their case. Understand the limited scope as well as the simplistic nature of their argument, given the complexity of the time and the world that they are living in. e- By assuming the role of neutrality the challenges are great, so always moderate your emotions, and show great tolerance. f- Whenever you make an unnecessary mistake correct it, it is very painful to correct mistake when in fact you are not the one who initiated the mistake, however, this is the burden of the conscious man/women during difficult times. g- Never pursue power, fame, at the expanse of the other, and in simple arguments never try always to win, be the listener in most cases, unless the circumstance necessitates otherwise. h- Be fair to all even if you do not like their position. i- Humans are dignified species and they treasure to be dignified, so dignify them too j- Be creative, there are infinite ways to get to the same end, if one way does not work try other ways, do not be fixated in one way, humans have tendency to view things from one perspective, defy this tendency other wise unnecessary confrontation is eminent. 3- Your fundamental need to live as free man/women both in your region as well as in your clan is pragmatic and therefore granted, and under no circumstances could it be compromised. However, it is necessary to find sophisticated means to meet this end, in other words we need to explore ways that we can produce neutral experts Who can propose more realistic plan and create the necessary condition for the plan to be implemented. For example, we need some experts who solve the Kismayo/Mogadisho question, by figuring out ways that Darod, hawiye Dir, Digil/Mirifle, jareer the Great, Banadiri,Barawe, Midhiban, Bajuun and entire Somali speaking nations could coexist together, and I am convinced that there are ways that we can pursue collectively that can make this objective a reality. However, I am afraid we no longer have the pleasure to remain indifferent to the political evolution horn of Africa. History is very harsh to the spectators, who do not take part the painful process of making history. Our current course of history in Somali peninsula is very familiar when you look to the bloody history of mankind, the history is full of groups who fought against each other to the point of exhaustion, when this point is reached the painful chapter of the history starts to unfold, that is the time when contending groups become defenseless in the face of uncompromising predator who have infinite reasons to determine their destiny. When this time arrives history cannot be reversed. It is therefore necessary more then ever to take the Somali crisis seriously, particularly those of us who are in the Diaspora, because we are less burdened by the desire to survive compared to the people who live in the Somali mainland. Part 2 would be published shortly Please feel free to divide it in two parts, if that works for you best The material would also be published in Somali shortly. My email is hail0029@umn.edu I am student at the university of Minisota The following was written 2 years ago in commemeration for the suffering masses in Somali lands
  24. Haille Samatalis Hussein Political development The Somali people are among the nations who live in the eastern horn of Africa, they constitute the most homogenous people in the continent, history records that this land was occupied before the Common Era. However, this paper would to examine the impact of the political institutions on the social structure of the Somali society, and how the interactions of these entities shaped the socio political destiny of the state. Social structure consisted of traditional institutions that administrated the various social groups that flourished during pre-colonial era. One must understand the relations between these traditional institutions and the ordinary people; in order the grasp the basic interactions between modern political institutions and the masses in the Somali republic. What were the traditional institutions and the social groups that constitute the Somali social structure? Centralized Muslim principalities and local kingdom existed, however they never exerted authority on the bulk of the population (i.e. on the nomads of the north and peasants of the south) The highest institutions of the clan (is any group of people who share common ancestor, although, all Somali people share same language, religion, culture, but they subdivide themselves along some common ancestors, such form of association is very common through out the middle east) is the council ( in Somali shir.) This council attempts to find solution to all the matters that are important to the community; the council deliberates all matters of concerns in more democratic way. The absence of coercive power in the hand of the few permitted the continuation of these institutions for centuries. This council is farther supplemented by body of laws (this is mixture of ancient Somali law and Islamic shareia) that reinforce the social contracts between the individuals and groups. Therefore, most of the men could in principle participate in these political meetings if they so desire or could delegate someone to represent them. The community was not completely egalitarian wealth, prestige, age, religious knowledge, could give some individuals an extra Wight, but they were not in position to determine the course of the decision making process. The informal council shir summoned as need arises, at every order of segmentation, and is attended by all adult men, or their representatives chosen at smaller lineage-group shir, is the fundamental institution of government.. all men are councilors and politicians. Agreement are reached by majority decisions following the directions taken by the consensuses of feeling at a meeting1. I must stress prior proceeding that these political institutions and an assembly of men were necessary reservoir for any genuine revolutionary thinking that aimed at liberating people and and forming and everlasting modern political institutions. Hannah Arendtnt in her book on Revolution envisions that the strength of American Revolution compared to the French revolution, was the existence of communities bonded by numerous compacts, mutual promises and compacts. Although, the Somali social and political organizations that existed in the pre-colonial times are not necessarily similar to those existed in the Americas, but they share an essential elements, such as mutual agreement, and the freedom of the individuals while creating the communities and the religious elements in constituting their body politic. In the light of what we have depicted about the sociopolitical realities in Somali peninsula, one would expect that any attempt to radically transform Somali Political organization mast take in to account the countries’ old institutions to engineer modern political institutions that would guarantee the essentials of life and individual liberties, which is enshrined in Somali political life. Prior discussing the Somali political institutions, we might ask ourselves the evolution of this political body, so as to enlighten ourselves the underlining dynamics of this organization. Italy after losing the WWII renounced her territorial claim in Africa, this gave unprecedented opportunity to Somali nationalists to demand a complete independent and formation of Somali state. In early 1950 UN general assembly recommended that Italian Somalia be placed under international trusteeship for ten years with Italy as administrating power2. It was agreed at the end of this period independent would be granted to the Somali people. The chief aim of the trusteeship was to “ to foster the development of free political institutions and to promote the development of the inhabitant of the territory towards independence”3. To insure the above stated objective to be materialized, United Nations advisory council was established to monitor the progress of the administration. This reached its climax 1955 when the following political institutions were firmly established, executive, territorial and local administration, legislative, and judiciary. Hence most of these organizations were still under the Italian administrations, we may closely analyze the role given to the majority of the populations and how in return this affected the development of the political institutions. Two types of local governments were established 1955 “district council in the rural area and municipal council in the towns and villages” 4). The district councils were mainly chiefs of the clans, notables and representatives of the local political parties. This gave an opportunity to the rural dweller to continue to have say on the political affairs of the state. The trust administration hoped to utilize the councils as the main instrument for the civic education of the nomads and it expected to grant the council financial, executive and legislative powers5. However, this council never flourished in the same way or even closer to that of the municipal council in the towns and villages. Territorial councils, which consisted above-mentioned organizations, were transformed 1956 to legislative assembly with large legislative powers. The urban populations elected the seats of the assembly and the people of rural area were asked to send representatives to the assembly. The reasons of the transformation from territorial council to the new assembly were mainly relevant to the prevailing conditions of the time, people wanted a catalyst to fasten the process of decolonization and creation of powerful political organizations that will free the nation from the existing conditions. However, they (majority of the population) did not paid a proper attention to the possible consequences of the unification of the of the territorial council and legislative assembly. The conventional thinking of the time was that the rural populations; particularly the nomads could not constitute a sedentary political community, because of their constant migrations. This created proper justifications for the rural population to be indirectly excluded from the political process. I admit that there is an element of truth to this argument and it is necessary but not sufficient grounds to abandon such an important means that channeled the political views of the majority of the people. I say it was not sufficient because the political discussions of the elites determined the fate of the of the nomad, therefore, it was inescapable fact to design ways and means to allow them to participate in shaping the counter’s fate. Another reason why I Think alternate method would have been devised to substitute for the district council is that nomadic people in Somalia did not migrated randomly but rather on the bases of seasonal changes and environmental pressure which followed predictable pattern. Thus allowing a plan to be engineered to accommodate this way of life. The urban population, which represented roughly 30% of the population mainly, elected the candidates for the legislature assembly, the assembly elected a president which formed a council headed by prime minister and ministers thus forming a government. There are multitude of reason why the district council did not developed in to major political body, I have two reason why this did not happened, first the establishment of this body would have challenged the municipal council which was dominated the urban dwellers who can afford time to mind the political business unlike their collogues in the rural area who were pardoned by the need to survive through raising livestock and peasantry. Secondly, the rural populations did not possessed the necessary skills nor obtained the favorable conditions to materialize the historic opportunity, thus once again the rural population were subjected to people and laws that there were not aware of. Let us examine this phenomenon for while; here I agree with Jefferson the significance of the ward system or the elementary republics that constitute the greater republic. Although, this idea is fictitious, nevertheless it is good measuring standard to see how a given conditions deviates from this ideal. I found this idea to be more relevant to my case of study. First, since Aristotle Philosophers have observed the political nature of the human beings, that is to say we are political beings who find enjoyment in participating the circles that determine our political destinies. Therefore, any political institutions that are intended to last for long must be designed to nourish this political tendency thus achieving mutually reinforcing institutions and political community. Methods to achieve this end may vary depending on the characteristics of a given county. However, it remains within the human capacity and potentialities to develop means to achieve this favorable end. The northwestern part of the Somali peninsula did not witnessed a political development that has similar scale compared to that taking place the larger part of the Somali inhibited areas. The major reason for this was the British philosophy, which stressed the necessity of steady process of decolonization so as not to disturb the existing political stability. The Somali peoples who resided in the territories occupied By Italy and Britain and other have collectively expressed a desire to unite and establish an independent political community. This desire was partially( larger Somali territories was merged with neighboring countries which created hostilities that continues to this day of my writing) materialized in early 1960. The two legislative bodies were united and Somali national assembly was established thus the modern Somali republic was born. It was agreed that the new republic should be democratic and parliamentary. The principle organs of the state consists of national assembly, president of the republic, the government and the judiciary6.The legislative power is vested in the assembly consisting of deputies elected for five years. The assembly elects the president of the republic for six years. The president has the powers to dissolve the legislative body( parliament) “ whenever it cannot discharge it’s functions or discharge them in manner prejudicial to the normal exercise of the legislative activity7. The president has powers not only to appoint prime Minster but also he can dismiss the prime minister, therefore the prime minister has to have the support of both the president and the parliament. The executive powers is vested in the hands of the government consisting of prime minister in and his ministers8. judiciary system was independent from both the legislative and the executive powers. The supreme court has the highest judicial organ of the republic and has the jurisdiction on the whole territory of the state8. Having described shortly the characteristics of the state we will now attempt to briefly describe the electoral system of the country to complete a rough picture about the Somali political institutions. The members of the assembly were elected “ by universal suffrage, including women, on the proportional representations system9. Political parties were allowed to register and submit a list of candidates in every electoral district. However, they were required to present list of signatures of five hundred supporting voters and approximately $700 dollars (5,000 sh). One might ask whether the established institutions could in principle be compatible with the Somali social and political culture. If it does, will the institutions be able to serve the nation to achieve their aspirations . what was the aspirations of the people. The people mainly wanted a political institutions that will improve the human conditions and the same time serve them as machine to materialize their collective will. However, there is difference between the wishing something and getting the something, the latter requires certain conditions to exist in order the acquisitions of the wished object to fall within the possible range. Therefore, one would be able to strive with some degree of certainty, hoping that his work will produce the desired outcome. Therefore, the political institutions must be deigned in such a way that they have minimum constraints to meet the needs of the masses. If they are not in such position( meaning if they have too much constraints to accomplish satisfactory work) they will create widespread disaffection among the public and mistrust towards the government, thus making the government vulnerable organization to all kinds of opponents. This kind of political atmosphere encourages certain elements of the society to take the laws in to their hands under the pretext of saving the country and improving the political institutions to better serve the needs of the public. There is strong argument among scholars of government with regard to the virtues of the parliamentary and presidentialism. I have no sufficient reason to side to one of the scholars, however, I would like to examine the impact of the parliamentary democracy based on proportional representation had on Somali political institutions and it’s wider contribution to the socioeconomic and political progress of the state. Arendt lebset informs us that the proportional representation was adopted in Europe for sociopolitical reasons and also to allow the minority communities to be represented at the national institutions. We also learn from this scholar that the PR system was originally adopted by the heterogeneous societies or ethnically divided nations. whatever the reason the Unified Somalia chose the PR system, it can be said with some degree of confidence that the system did not produced an stable political conditions in the following sense. First of all, proportional representations with lower threshold requirement encouraged multiparty system as agreed by the scholars of this field. Many parties( excluding SYL the organization that fought for the independence ) were not based region( except HDM) or wider public cause. but rather securing parliamentary seat. It happened in some cases that candidate would fail to obtain the desired place on his party’s list.. he would form a new political party and place himself at the top of the list10. Although, they were ideological parties such as the GSL( Greater Somalia League)however the system encouraged the formations of parties purely clan based such as Marehan Union, Abgal Youth Association. This conditioned the farther fragmentation of the Somali society in to unnecessary division, I say unnecessary condition because the Somalis did indeed possessed a sense of national belonging prior to the colonial dominations. The concept of the Somalinimo( Somalism) as communal identity has obviously existed since the time when the Somali entity were forged through culture, language and geographical location12. In this sense we could claim the Somalis were homogeneous society, thus PR was not favorable system to this situations. Minority communities did indeed existed, however some arrangement could have been devised such as allocating certain percentage of the parliamentary seats like the case in India. Proportional representation could have been modified so as to increase the threshold requirement to encourage organizations that enjoy some degree of public support. Why should we say all this, because electoral system coupled by parliamentary democracy privatized the political life of the nation . People only elected the deputies( members of t parliament) the rest of the government organs were elected by centralized authority. This alienated people from the central authority, people lost attachment to the public figures because they did not elected them directly, thus the leaders did not felt responsible to the public but rather to the assembly. This turned the state in to state dominated by elites who are busy in themselves. Good number of the parliamentarians managed to acquire the seats through appealing to their relatives thus creating new political climate that gratifies clan politics in the Political discourse. I contend that clanists existed since the time immemorial and served both the nomads and the peasants in their struggle to survivve in the harsh environment of horn of Africa. Therefore clan oriented views aren’t necessarily harmful to the state, quite the contrary, the clans were mobilized as resistance force against the colonial oppression. However, the state organs and their laws must not be in any way create opportunities fro certain reactionary elements who could mobilize the society on purely clanistic appeal to farther their narrow sectarian interest. Hence we have justified that Somalia was not necessarily divided society, and at the same time solved the minority question, we were left to claim that PR was not the best electoral choice. We earlier discussed whether the Somali social and political culture could coexist harmoniously with the established political institutions. Or put it differently whether the institutions could constructively interact with existing culture to condition better political behavior such as understanding, tolerance and accountability. This is continuation of or previous discussion regarding the interplay and the consequence between the political institutions and the body of the laws that govern them on one hand and the existing sociopolitical culture of the society on the other. Prior proceeding we must define what we means by a political culture, culture is very complicated word which has not yet obtained a conventional definition. In this paper we define it as a way of life and it’s attributes such as religion and the means of the productions or the means employed to sustain life. Now we may ask our selves where does this political culture fit in to our discussion. Responding to the demands of the state such as paying Texas, obeying the laws of the state, in return enjoying the personal liberties and protection of life and possessions stimulates the existing culture to respond so as to satisfy the requirement of the modern political life. I assert that the political culture is the product of the interactions between state and society. To envision political culture requires certain elements of religious values is questionable assertions. Such argument was made by the famous scholar Seymour libset, his main tools of argument are bounded by time changing nature of history. we say by time because some poor countries in 1960 did indeed developed quite substantially, in the same way there are some catholic countries that have produced stable democratic society. Therefore political culture in the libset sense does not have to precede stable democracy if it were he may need more convincing evidence to prove the existence of the perquisites of stable institutions. We only examined the electoral system, the reason for this was the choice of the electoral system is considered important because it helps shape the country ‘s party system and by extension the contours of the executive -legislative relations13. One might ask and what were the direct and indirect consequences of the electoral system. One direct consequence was the violence and considerable human lose( about 40 people died in one election) although, this could have happened in any electoral choice, however this could have been reduced if the contesting parties were limited in number, however, the election in 1964 was participated by 24 parties and about 4 times this number in the following election. 1 I. M Lewis. The pastoral democracy. ( Oxford university press, 1961) 198. 2 Haji N. A. Noor Muhammad. The legal system of the Somali democratic Republic. ( The Michie company law publishers Charlottesville, Virginia, 1972)11. 3. Ibid.,P 62. 4. Ibid.,P 64. 5. Ibid.,P 65. 6. Paolo Contini. The Somali Republic: an experiment in legal integration.(Frank Cass & Co. LTD, 1969).16. 7. Ibid.,P 17. 8. Ibid.,P 18. 9. Ibid.,P 18. 10. Ibid.,P 19. 11. Ibid.,P 21. 12. Mohamed D. Afrah. Mirror of culture. Ahmed I. Samatar, ed.,.(Lynne Reinner Publishers Inc. 1994).241. 13. Jan Ziolonka. The global Resurgence of the democracy. Larry Diamond, ed.,( Johns Hopkins University press, 1996.) 215. the paper was submitted to class at the university of Minisota