The Justice for Abdirahman Coalition has announced a new scholarship in honour of the man who died after a violent altercation with Ottawa police in 2016. Source: Hiiraan Online

Somalia’s state-building efforts, including initiatives to strengthen security and rebuild the political system, have proceeded steadily since the inauguration of President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo in February 2017. Source: Hiiraan Online

Baraha bulshada iyo warbaahinta madaxa banaan ee Soomaalida waxay tan iyo 24kii Luulyo hadal hayeen kulankii Abu Dhabi ku dhex maray hogaamiyeyaasha Itoobiya iyo Eritrea, iyo dalka ay martida u ahaayeen ee Iimaaraadka carabta. Ka sokow sawirrada la isla dhex marayey ee Abiy Axmed, Isaias Afwerki iyo dhaxal sugaha Abudhabi, Sheekh Maxamed Bin Zayed Aala Nahyan, waxaa la isweydiinayey su’aalo jawaabahooda hadba gees loo qaadayey. Wasaaradda Arrimaha dibadda ee Itoobiya waxay soo saartay hadal qoraal ah oo ay ku sheegtay inuu soo baxay ka dib kulankii madaxdaas. Hadalkaas oo Af Ingiriis ku qornaa kuma xusnayn qodob micne weyn oo siyaasadeed leh, marka laga reebo “in labada hogaamiye ee Ethiopia iyo Eritrea ay u riyaaqeen xikmadda boqor salaam Binu Cabdulcasiis, boqorka Sacuudiga, ahna khaadunka labada masjid ee barakayan, iyo baritaarka mudane Sheekh Maxamed Bin Zayed iyo Amiir Maxamed Bin Salmaan Bin Cabdulxasiis, amiirka leh dhaxalka boqortooyada Sacuudiga, ku xigeenka guddoomiyaha golaha wasiirrada ahna wasiirka difaaca ee iyagu abaabulay horena u sii riixay heshiiska nabadeed, sababna u ahaa xiriirka wanaagsan ee ay faa’iidada ugu jirto dalalka jaarka ah iyo geeska Afrika”. Qaybtaas ayaa u muuqanaysa in duluc muhiim ah ay ku qarsoon tahay, taasoo ah inay u janjeeraan dhanka Sacuudiga iyo Iimaaraadka marka laga hadlayo khilaafka ka taagan Khaliijka, laakinse aan eegno dhowr qodob oo muhiim ah oo kulankan ku taxalluqa. Danta uu Iimaaraadka ka leeyahay Itoobiya iyo Eritrea Si aan u nimaadno jawaabta su’aashan, aan dib u milicsanno galaangalka uu Iimaaraadku ku lahaa geeska Afrika. Labada waddan ee Iimaaraadku uu joogitaanka iyo mashaariicda waaweyn ku lahaa waxay kala ahaayeen Soomaaliya iyo Jabuuti. Soomaaliya Xiriirka dawladaha Soomaaliya iyo Iimaaraadka ayaa soo xumanayey tan iyo markii ay kala boodeen dalalka Khaliijka – waa Sacuudiga iyo Iimaaraadka oo dhinac ah iyo dalal ay hogaamiyaan, iyo Qadar oo dhinaca kale ah. Mowqif dhexdhexaad ah ayey ku dhawaaqday Soomaaliya inay ka qaadatay. Laakinse waxay xaaladdu faraha ka baxday markii dawladda Soomaaliya oo ka caraysnayd macaamilka Iimaaraadku la leeyahay Somaliland iyo maamul goboleedyada, misna garoonka dayaaradaha ee Aadan Cadde lagu qabtay malaayiin doollar oo caddaan ah oo shandado lagu waday. Dawladda Soomaaliya waxay la wareegtay lacagtaas, Iimaaraadkuna waxay sheegeen in ay ahayd mushaarka ciidan ay iyagu tababareen oo qudhiisa cidda ay hoos yimaadaan uu muran ka taagnaa. Iimaaraadku waxay ka guureen Muqdisho, waxayna baneeyeen dugsi tababar oo ay gacanta ku hayeen. Waxaa isla wakhtiyadaas isku dhacay maamulka Puntland iyo tababareyaal ka socday Iimaaraadka oo iyaga qudhooda halkaa ka huleelay. Arrin kale oo xusid mudan waxay ahayd saldhigga uu Iimaaraadku ka dhisanayey Berbera iyo heshiiska DP world ee dekedda Berbera, oo labadaba sii fogeeyey xiriirka Soomaaliya iyo Iimaaraadka. Itoobiya heshiiskaas qayb ayey ka ahayd, waxaana sida la sheegay ay ku lahayd saami 19% ah. Jabuuti Jabuuti waxay horraantii sannadkan ku dhawaaqday in ay ka baxday heshiiskii kala dhaxeeyey DP World ee ay ku maamulaysay marsada kontaynarrada ee Dooraale. Madaxweyne Ismaaciil Cumar Geelle oo BBC ay wax ka weydiisay arrintaas wuxuu sheegay in Jabuuti ay leedahay saamiyada ugu badan, ayna u arkeen shirkadda DP World in aysan ka shaqaynaynin danaha dekedaha Jabuuti, sidaasna ay ula wareegeen maamulka. Laakinse wuxuu intaa ku daray “Waan u ogolnahay saamigoodiii, balse waa in la isku ixtiraamaa sida loo kala saami badan yahay”. Talaabooyin diblomaasiyadeed oo la doonayey in arrintaas lagu qaboojiyo ayaan suurto galin. Bacdamaa mashaariicda Iimaaraadka ee labada dal ay halkaa ku istaageen, wixii markaa ka dambeeyey Iimaaraadku wuxuu eegeegayey wadiiqo kale oo uu ku soo galo geeska Afrika, mar haddii dalalkii Af-soomaaliga looga hadlayey uu lumiyey. Waa halkaas halka ay u arkaan dadka arrimaha carabta iyo gobolka falanqeeya sababta uu aadka ugu danynayo inuu taageero buuxda la garab istaago Eritrea oo dekedo leh iyo Itoobiya oo aan dekedo lahayn laakin galaangal xooggan ku leh arrimaha Soomaaliya iyo gobolkaba. Isu taggooda ayuu u arkaa cudud u beddeli karta tii Soomaaliya iyo Jabuuti. “Siyaasadda geeska Afrika hadda ayey laba kaclaynaysaa, siyaasad muuqata ayey Itoobiya la soo bixi doontaa, baarqabka geeska Afrikana waxay khaliijku u aqoonsan doonaan Itoobiya, waana albaabka ay ka soo geli doonaan geeska Afrika” sidaa waxaa yiri Dr Xasan Al Basri oo falanqeeya arrimaha gobolka iyo kuwa carabta iyo islaamka, kana mid ah jaamacadda Axqaaf ee dalka Yemen. Xasan Al Basri wuxuu kaloo qabaa in heshiiskan uu u saamaxayo Itoobiya in dekedda Casab oo muddo dheer ay ugu dambaysay ay isticmaasho, “laguna wiiqo dekedda Jabuuti oo mar hore ay Iimaaraadku ka soo ambabaxeen, ayadoo tii Soomaaliyana aysan xiriir fiican la lahayn”. Soomaaliya arrintaas jawaab taxaddar leh ayey ka bixisay. hadalkan waxaa bartiisa Twitter ku qoray guddoomiyaha baarlamaanka Soomaaliya. Kulanka madaxdan Saamayn ma ku yeelan karaa Soomaaliya? Seddexda waddanba dano ayey ka leeyihiin Soomaaliya. Itoobiya waxay xuduud dheer la leedahay Soomaaliya. Taariikh dheer oo colaado iyo faragelin leh ayaana soo martay. Arrimaha siyaasadda iyo milateriga Soomaaliya waxaa la sheegaa inay galaangal weyn ku leedahay. Eritrea waxay taageertaa dhinaca Itoobiya ka soo horjeeda ee siyaasadda Soomaaliya. In badan waxay hoy u ahayd dhinacyo ka hor jeeda kooxaha ay u aragto inay Itoobiya u janjeeraan ee siyaasadda Soomaaliya, waxaana lagu xantaa inay xataa gabaad siisay maxkamadihii islaamiga iyo Al Shabaab. Si kale marka loo yiraahdo, waxay labada waddanba dagaalkooda u soo rareen Soomaaliya (proxy war) oo ay xulafo ku lahaayeen. Kooxda ilaalinta cunaqabataynta hubka ee Qaramada Midoobay waxay dhowr jeer warbixin-sannadeedyadooda ku sheegeen in labada dalba ay jabiyeen cunaqabataynta hubka ee Soomaaliya, ayagoo hub soo galiyey dalka. Halkaa waxaa ka muuqata inay leeyihiin dad saamayn leh, sida hogaamiyeyaal, siyaasiyiin iyo saraakiil ciidan. Intaa waxaa dheer Itoobiya oo hadda olole xoog leh ugu jirta sidii ay u noqon lahayd awood gobolka hogaamisa, xag dhaqaale, xag milateri iyo xag bulsho (waa dalka ugu dadka badan gobolka). Iimaaraadka wuxuu cayaari karaa laba arrimood middood ama labadaba. – Inuu u adeegsado Itoobiya iyo Eritrea wixii dano ah ee uu ka leeyahay Soomaaliya. – Inuu labada dal ka dhigto jaranjaro diblomaasiyadeed oo uu kula heshiiyo Soomaaliya. Qodobkan labaad ayaa keenaya caqabad kale oo ah loollanka kala dhaxeeya Qadar, oo saamayn weyn ku leh dawladda Soomaaliya, dhinaca kalena aad ugu dhow Turkiga oo ah saaxibka 1aad ee Soomaaliya. Isagoo ka jawaabayey su’aal ku saabsanayd maadaama xiriirka Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya uu leeyahay madmadow badan maxay tahay danta Iimaaraadku ugu jirto inuu Soomaaliya u soo maro Itoobiya, wuxuu yiri Xasan Al basri “waxaan is leeyahay Iimaaraadku wixii dano ah ee uu Soomaaliya ka leeyahay wuxuu u soo mari doonaa Itoobiya, waxaanan qiyaasayaa in sidaas la fahmi karo. Xataa heshiisyadii Muqdisho ku dhex maray madaxda Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya waxaa laga dheehan karay inuu ahaa heshiis uu Iimaaraadka gadaal ka soo riixayey” ayuu yiri Al Basri. Soomaaliya waxay mowqif dhexdhexaad ah ka qaadatay khilaafka dalalka Khaliijka, xilli ay adkayd inay ku taagnaato mowqifkaas. “Meesha ay Iimaaraadku ka hinaaseen waa siyaasadda Muqdisho oo u gacan haatinaysa Dooxa iyo Ankara. Waxaa marka fiican in la yara dejiyo ayadoo la eegayo wadciga iyo xaaladda iyo duruufta siyaasadda Soomaaliya oo maanta ugub ah meesha ay marayso. Waxaan u baahannahay degenaansho siayaasadeed, maanta in aan la kala safanno awoodo laba garab ah wax dan ah oo noogu jira ma jirto ayuu yiri Al Basri. Iminka oo ay u muuqato inaysan Soomaaliya sinnaba uga fursan doonin mowjad diblomaasiyadeed iyo culays u baahan xisaabtan siyaasadeed oo ku soo fool lehna, waxaa muhiim ah in ay hesho aragti fog oo dhaafsiisan isqabqabsiga hadda taagan iyo istaraatijiyad tilmaamaysa halkii looga sii gudbi lahaa sida uu ku talinayo Xasan Al Basri “boholo badan ayey qodi karaan Iimaaraadka, waxaana roon inay dawladda Soomaaliya boholahaas ka foojignaato, oo xiriirka ay Dubai la leedahay ay degdeg u soo celiso, dhexdhexaadnimadii ay ku socotayna ay ku soo laabato”. Laakinse su’aasha isweydiinta mudan waxay tahay sidee dhexdhexaadnimadii loo soo celin karaa, haddiiba arrintaas ay ka caraysiinayso Qadar oo siyaasad ahaan ku daaban Turkiga oo saaxib dhow la ah Soomaaliya. Mar kale Xasan Al Basri. “Dhibka halka uu nooga imaanayo waxa weeye, meeshii koox mucaarad ah ama maamul goboleed inta lacag la soo siiyo dawladda xiriirka loo jarayo, dhibka halkaa ka imaanaya in aan ka foojignaano ayaa muhiim ah. Qadar haddii xiriirka loo yara gaabiyo isma lihi wax saamayn ah oo muuqata ayaa ka imaanaysa”. ISHA BBC Somali

Muqdisho (PP) ─ Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Somalia, Xasan Cali Khayre ayaa xilkii ka qaaday maanta wasiirka waxbarashada xukuumadda Somalia, C/raxmaan Daahir Cismaan, iyadoo aan la magacaabin wasiirkii bedeli lahaa. Wareegto kasoo baxday xafiiska Ra’iisul Wasaare Khayre ayaa lagu sheegay in xilka laga qaaday wasiirka waxbarashada, inkastoo aan la sheegin sababta ka dambeysa xil-ka-qaadistiisa. Isla wareegtada ayaa lagu sheegay in Xilka Wasaaradda Waxbarashada uu si ku smi ah u sii hayn doono Wasiir-u-dowlaha Wasaaradda Waxbarashada DFS, C/raxmaan Maxamuud Cabdulle Jaabir. Dhanka kale, xil ka qaadista Wasiirka ayaa loo maleynaya inay soo da-dajisay hadal uu shalay Warbaahinta siiyay oo ahaa inaysan jirin jaamacad ay dowladdu aqoonsan tahay gabi ahaan jaamacadaha ku yaalla dalka. AKHRISO HADALKA WASIIRKA EE KU SAABSAN JAAMACADAHA DALKA Wasiirka xilka laga qaaday ayaa ku sababeeyay aqoonsi la’aantooda dhanka Jaamacadaha dalka inay tahay iyadoo aanay jirin jaamacad buuxisay hannaankii looga baahnaa dhanka waxbarashada iyo dhismaha jaamacadaha. Xil ka qaadista Wasiirkan ayaa waxay imaanaysaa xilli xalay lagu dhawaaqay natiijada imtixaankii shahaadiga ahaa ee ay qaaday wasaaradda waxbarashada Xukuumadda Somalia, kuwaasoo laga qaaday Ardayda wax ka barta Muqdisho iyo Gobollada dalka qaarkood. Ugu dambeyn, Ma ahan markii ugu horreysay oo RW Somalia uu xilka ka qaado wasiir ka tirsan xukuumaddiisa, isagoo horay xilalka uga qaaday dhawr wasiir oo xukuumaddiisa ka tirsan kuwaasoo uu ku bedelay kuwo kale. PUNTLAND POST The post Ra’iisul Wasaare Khayre oo xilkii ka qaaday Wasiirka Waxbarashada Xukuumada Somalia appeared first on Puntland Post.

Garissa town residents have welcomed a third weekly flight to Nairobi by Freedom Airlines. Source: Hiiraan Online

Garissa town residents have welcomed a third weekly flight to Nairobi by Freedom Airlines. Source: Hiiraan Online

Somali Prime Minister Hassan Ali Khaire on Thursday sacked the country's Education Minister, Abdirahman Dahir Osman. Source: Hiiraan Online

Muqdisho (Caasimadda Online) – Waxaa habeenkii xalay ahaa Salaadii Maqrib kadib la weeraray Abaanduulaha Ciidanka Xooga Dalka Janaraal Caanood, weerarlkaan ayaa ka dhacay warshadda caanaha ee degmadda Hodan. Janaraal Canood ayaa watay Gaari nooga aan xabadaha kalin iyo gawaari kale oo ciidan. Gaarihii abaanduulaha ayaa waxa lagu hor jaray gaari kale oo ciidan halkaasna la isku rasaaseeyay. Dhawacyadii illaaladiisa iyo isaga ayaa u baxsaday dhanka Villa Somalia. Lama oga inta ku dhimatay ama ku dhawacantay weerarkaas. Gaariga Rasaasta laga furay ayaa la sheegay inuu ahaa Nuuca ay soomaalida u taqaan qooqan oo ay saarnaayeen Ciidamo hubeysan oo aan ka la garaneyn cidda ay ka tirsan yihiin. Weerarkaas ayaa ka dhacay meel aan ka fogeeyn wasaaradda Gaashandhiga oo maalmahan danbe saldhig u ahayd Madaxweyne Farmaajo. Sidoo kale waxaa halkaas ku yaalo oo aan sidaas uga fogeyn xiradii ay Imaaraadka ku tababari jireen ciidamada oo ay dhawaan kala wareegtay dowladda Soomaaliya kadib khilaafkii imaaday. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Prime minister is traveling to the United States tomorrow, his chief of staff Fitsum Arega confirmed on his Twitter page. This will be his first trip to the United States as prime minister of Ethiopia. Source: Hiiraan Online

Some 46 people from the Coast have gone missing as the war on terror and criminal gangs intensifies. Source: Hiiraan Online

Conference organisers, SMi Group are delighted to announce that three new presentations, led by Royal Canadian Air Force, EU Training Mission Somalia and NATO Support and Procurement Agency have been added to the three-day agenda for Military Airlift Air-to-Air Refuelling 2018. Source: Hiiraan Online

Muqdisho (Caasimadda Online) – Digreeto kasoo baxday Xafiiska Ra’isulwasaaraha Xukuumadda Federaalka Soomaaliya maanta oo ay Taariikhda ku beegan tahay 26ka July 2018 waxaa Xilkii Wasiirnimo laga qaaday Wasiirkii hore ee Wasaaradda Waxbarashada Mudane C/raxmaan Daahir Cusmaan. Wareegtadan kasoo baxday xafiiska Ra’isulwasaaraha Xukuumadda Federaalka Soomaaliya waxaa xilkan sii heynaya Wasiiru dowlaha Wasaaradda Waxbarashada Mudane C/raxmaan Maxamuud Cabdulle Jaabir. Ku simaha Wasiirka ahna Wasiir ku Xigeenka Wasaaradda Warfaafinta,Dhaqanka iyo Dalxiiska Soomaaliya Xildhibaan Aadan Isxaaq Ali ayaa Warbaahinta Qaranka ka akhriyey Digreetadan. Wasiirka Waxabarashada ayaa Shalay sheegay inaysan dowladda Soomaaliya aqoonsaneyn Jaamacadaha dalka ku yaalo. Wasiirka ayaa sidoo kale sheegay inaysan xataa Jaamacadda Ummadda aqoonsaneyn taasoo dhawaan dib loo furay oo ay gacanta ku heyso dowladda Soomaaliya. Wasiirka ayaa sheegay in si qaldan loo fasirtay hadal ka soo yeeray oo ahaa in aanu aqoonsaneyn Jaamacadaha dalka ku yaalla oo ay ku jirto Jaamacadda Umadda oo ay dowladda maamusho. Wasiirka Waxbarashada ayaa u sheegay wakaalada wararka ee SONNA in Jaamacadaha dalka ay door weyn ka qaateen horumarka Waxbarashada dalka, isla markaana ay socoto nidaamkii lagu qiimeynayay. Hadalka ka soo yeeray Wasiirka Waxbarashada ee ahaa in aanay aqoonsaneyn Jaamacadaha dalka ayaa si weyn u gilgilay qeybaha baraha bulshada oo ay ka socotay jawaab celin xooggan iyo dhaliil loogu jeedinayay hadalkiisa, waxaana dad badan ku tilmaameen inuu ahaa hadal si fudud uga baxay. Mar dhow la soco Digreetada

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Dowladda Imaaraadka oo u sii maraysa Shirkadda DP Worldf waxay sannadihii 1990-aadkii bilaabeen inay maalgashi ballaaran ku yeeshaan Geeska Afrika, iyagoo Deked Weyn ka abuuray dalka Jabuuti iyo inay mid kale kala shaqeeyaan Is-maamul-gobaleedka Somaliland oo iyagu sheegta inay ka go’een dalka Somalia. Laakiin, Xiisadaha haatan ka dhex taagan Dowladda Imaaradaka iyo Dowladaha Somalia iyo Jabuuti waqti badan kuma qaadanin Imaaraadka inay Heshiis la galaan Ethiopia iyo Eritrea, si ay galangal xooggan ugu yeeshaan Mandiqadda Geeska Afrika. Dowladda Imaaraadka ayaa u muuqata inay dharbaaxo aan toos ah la heshay Jabuuti waxay doonaysaa in Badeecadaha Ethiopia uga soo dega Dekeddaha Jabuuti loo wareejiyo Dekeddaha Asmara iyo Musawac ee dalka Eritrea. Ethiopia oo ay ku nool yihiin in ka badan 100 million oo qof waxay 95% ganacsi la leeyihiin Jabuuti, halkaasi oo ay ka soo degaan Badeecadaha ay u baahan yihiin dadka Ethiopia. Xiriirka noocaasi ayaa u muuqda mid daaqada ka bixi doona, maadaama ay Ethiopia la heshiisay Eritrea oo ay horey uga dhexeysay caddowtooyo gaamurtay. Laakiinse, Heshiiska Nabadda ee uu bilaabay Ra’isul-wasaaraha Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed waxay inta badan Ganacsiga ka soo gudbi doonaan Eritrea, halkii ay horey Jabuuti u soo mari jireen. Madaxda dalalka Ethiopia iyo Eritrea oo dhawaan ka heshiiyey Colaadii dhex martay 20-sanno ka hor waxay shalay si wadajir ah booqasho ugu tageen dalka Imaaraadka, halkaasi oo si diiran loogu soo dhaweeyey, laguna abaal mariyey Billad Sharafta Nabadda. Dhaxal-sugaha Imaaradda Abu Dhabi, Sheekh Maxamed Bin Zaayid Al-nahyaani waxa uu daraad la kulmay RW Abiy Axmed iyo Madaxweyne Efewerki, wuxuuna ku bogaadiyey Heshiiska Nabadda ee Taariikhiga ee ay Ethiopia iyo Eritrea wada gaareen. War-murtiyeed saddex geesood ah ayaana laga soo saaray Shirkaasi kadib waxaa lagu muujiyey xiriirkii dheeraa ee u dhexeeyey Imaaraadka, Ethiopia, Eritrea iyo Danaha saddexdooda Waddan. Madaxda Ethiopia iyo Eritrea waxay bogaadiyeen doorka Imaaraadka Carabta ka ciyaartay Heshiiska ay wada gaareen. Dowladda Imaaraadka waxay dhowrkii bilood ee la soo dhaafay taageertay Dadaalka Nabadda ee Ethiopia iyo Eritrea. Bihsii June ee la soo dhaafay, Imaaraada waxay Ethiopia siiysay Kharaj dhan 3 Billion oo Dollar oo isugu jirta Kaalmo iyo Maalgashi, waxayna Tallaabadaasi astaan u tahay Taageeradda xooggan ee ay Imaaraadka u hayaan RW cusub ee Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed. Shirkadda DP World ee Imaaraadka waxay galangal ugu jirtaa sidii ay isugu ballaarin lahayd Dekeddaha ku yaalla Somalia ilaa Sudan, waxayna DP World qorsheynaysaa inay 10 ilaa 12 Dekedooda ka hirgeliso dalalka Bariga Afrika ee kaabiga ku haya Badda Cas. Markaynu u soo daadegno Danaha Imaaaradka ee Ethiopia iyo Eritrea kadib, Khilaafkii Somalia iyo Jabuuti kadib, waxaa hubanti ah in Heshiiskii Dhaxal-sugaha Amiirka Abu Dhabi la gaaray Madaxda Ethiopia iyo Eritrea inay taasi dhabaha u furayso in ay Ethiopia Hawlaha Ganacsiga u adeegsan karaan Badda Eritrea, taasi oo ah Tallaabo lagu doonayo in lagu naafeeyo Kaalinta Jabuuti ee Wax-is-dhaafsiga Badeecadaha ee ay haatan udubka u tahay Badeecadaha laga isticmaalo Bariga Afrika. Dowladda Imaaraadka waxay kaloo ku haminaysaa inay Ethiopia iyo Eritrea ifiyaan Xiisadda kala dhexeeya Dowladaha Somalia iyo Jabuuti iyo in maalgashigaasi sii hurin karaan colaadaha haatan ka socda gudaha Somalia. ISHA: Masrawi and R. Dalsan

Nairobi (Caasimada Online) – Magaalada Abu-Dhabi ee dalka Imaaraadka Carabta waxa dorraad ka dhacay kulan saddex geesood ah oo dhexmaray madaxda, Imaaraadka, Ethiopia iyo Eritrea. Wuxuu gunaanad u ahaa dedaal aan si rasmi ah loo garanayn cidda dabada ka riixaysay oo ay ugu dambayn labadan wadan ku saxeexeen heshiis taariikhda galay. Dad badan oo isweydiinayay su’aal ahayd dalka dhexdhexaadiyay Ereteriya iyo Itoobiya, ayaa helay jawaabta oo ah inay guulaysatay diblomaasiyadda Imaaraadka Carabta iyo Sucuudiga oo u muuqda in Maraykankuna hoosta kala wado. Dhaxalsugaha Imaaradda Abu-Dhabi, Maxamed Bin Zaayid ayaa qasriga madaxtooyada kula kulmay ra’iisul wasaaraha Ethiopia, Aby Ahmed iyo Madaxweynaha Eritrea, Aferwerki, waxaanu ammaanay heshiiska dhex maray Ereteriya iyo Itoobiya, isagoo bilad sharafta ugu saraysa dalka UAE guddoonsiiyay labadan hoggaamiye. Heshiiskan labadan wadan oo ay dunidu si weyn u soo dhawaysay waxa la aaminsanyahay inuu wax weyn ka tari doono degenaanshaha mandaqada gobalka Geeska Afrika, waxaanu geesta kale gobalka Geeska Afrika ku soo kordhin doonaa isbedelo siyaasadeed oo cusub. Meelaha la aaminsanyahay in heshiiskani saamayn ku yeelan doono waxa ka mid ah Somaliland iyo Djibouti. Djibouti waxa ay la baaxaa degaysaa walaac siyaasadeed oo ay ka qabto heshiiskan. Wasiirka arrimaha dibadda Djibouti Maxamuud Cali Yuusuf ayaa waraaq u diray bishan safiirada djibouti ee dibadda u jooga, waxaanay Djibouti ka digaysaa in si fudud Ereteriya looga qaado cunaqabataynta. Wargeyska Daily Nation ee ka soo baxa Kenya ayaa warbixin uu qoray oo ku saabsan walaaca Djibouti ka qabto heshiiska Itoobiya iyo Ereteriya wuxuu ku yidhi “Toddobaadkii hore, diblumaasi reer Jabbuuti ah [wasiirka khaarajiga Djibouti], ayaa ka murugooday in Itoobiya ay kursiga ay ku fadhido ee xubnaha aan joogtada ahayn ee golaha ammaanka ee Qaramada Midoobey, u isticmaashay in ay ka dhigato cadaadis ay ku doonayso in cunaqabataynta laga qaado Eriteriya.”, wuxuuna wargeysku intaas raaciyay “Haddii Ereteriya cunaqabataynta laga qaado, wasiirka khaarajiga Djibouti Maxamed Cali Yuusuf wuxuu qirsanyahay inuu saamayn taban ku yeelan doonaa wadankiisa.” Wargeyska Daily Nation oo warbixintiisa sii wataa, soona xiganaya warqadaas wasiirka khaarajiga Djibouti oo ay saxaafadu heshay wuxuu yidhi “War kooban oo uu siiyey ergadiisa dibadda [safiirada], oo warbaahintu heshay, Maxamuud Cali Yuusuf [Wasiirka khaarajiga ee Djibouti] waxa uu ku andacooday in Ereteriya weli laga rabay in ay joojiso habdhaqankeeda-dagaalka u eeg ee ay kula macaamilayso deriskeeda iyo in Itoobiya ay khalad ku geli karto aqbalaaddaas degdegga ah ee ay ku soo xerogelisay.” Djibouti waxay dareensantahay inaanu heshiiskani war wanaagsan u ahayn. Qodobka koowaad ee Djibouti warwarka geliyay ayaa ah dalka dhexdhexaadiyay Itoobiya iyo Ereteriya oo ah Imaaraadka Carabta oo heshiiskan hirgeliyay dhawr bilood uun ka dib markii ay Djibouti laashay heshiiska ay shirkadda DP world ee dekeda Dooraale. Waxa ay Djibouti arkaysaa in Imaaraadku heshiisiinta labadan wadan ku bixiyay maalgelin iyo dedaal diblomaasiyadeed, ujeedadiisuna u weynina tahay inuu Djibouti wiiqo dhaqaale ahaan iyo siyaasad ahaanba. Dhowaan markii khilaafka khaliijku qarxay, oo ay Jabbuuti u baydhay dhinaca Sucuudiga, ayaa ay dawladda Qatar la baxday ciidamo ka joogay xadka u dhexeeya Djibouti iyo Eriteriya. Waxaa fursaddaas ka faa’iidaystay Ereteriya oo qabsatay dhul dheeraad ah oo ay Jabbuuti leedahay. Taas oo sii adkaysay colaadda dhinaca xuduuda ah, muddada dheer labada dal u dhexeysay, iyada oo ay Djibouti dhowaan sheegtay inay Ereteriya xuduudka la isku haysto soo dhoobtay ciidamo. Qodobka labaad ee walaaca ku abuuray Djibouti ayaa ah in Itoobiya u wareegto dekedda Ereteriya, maadaama oo ay Djibouti kooto ku qabsatay ganacsiga Itoobiya ee Djibouti ka dhoofa ama ka soo dega, taas oo macnaheedu yahay in Djibouti tahay dalka keliya ee ka faa’iiday colaadda Itoobiya iyo Ereteriya. Sidoo kale waxa suurtogal ah in dalal reer galbeed ah oo uu Maraykanku kow ka yahay ay saldhigyo milateri ka samaystaan Ereteriya, taas oo wiiqaysa saldhigyada hadda ka furan Djibouti, ayaa iyana noqon doonta dhaawaca kale oo soo gaadha Djibouti. Imaaraadka Carabtu hore ayay u balan qaadeen inay Djibouti ku celin doonaan noloshiisii hoosaysay ee ay ku sugnaayeen intii aanay DP world cududeeda ku biirin horumarka dekeda Djibouti. UAE waxay u muuqataa inay doonayso inay si uun u *****so hanjabaadaas. Dalka labaad ee uu saamaynta ku yeelanayo heshiiskani waa Somaliland. Waxa dhawaan si rasmi ah dekedad Berbera ula wareegay shirkadda Imaaraadka Carabta laga leeyahay ee DP world, oo saami dhan 19% ka siisay Itoobiya maalgashiga dekedda Berbera. Suuqa ugu weyn ee ay DP ugu tallo gashay dekedda Berbera waxa weeye Itoobiya. Dad badan ayaa aaminsan in heshiiska Itoobiya iyo Ereteriya uu saamayn ku yeelanayo fikirkii DP world ay ku doonaysay in kadinka Itoobiya noqdo Berbera. Somaliland iyo Imaaraadka Carabta waxa ka dhexeeya xidhiidhka sababta u noqday in UAE ay la wareegto dekedda Berbera islamarkaana saldhig ciidan laga siiyo Berbera. Waxase iyana xiiso leh in Imaaraadka Carabtu uu ka soo shaqeeyay heshiiskan, iyadoo DP world ay tahay shirkad ay leedahay UAE, waxaana markaas soo baxaya arrin u baahan fasir badan oo ah ujeedada rasmiga ah ee Imaaraadka Carabta iyo DP world ka leeyihiin dekedda Berbera,iyadoo ay marka horeba jireen dad reer somaliland ah oo su’aalo ka qabay dhumucda xidhiidhka Somaliland iyo UAE. Si kastaba ha ahaate, Djibouti iyadoo dareensan halista soo waajahday waxa ay bilowday dedaalo diblomaasiyadeed oo ay ku doonayso inay kula heshiiso dalka Ereteriya. Waxaanu wasiirka khaarajiga Djibouti safaro ku marayaa wadamo badan si uu taageero ugu helo dalabka ay Djbouti u gudbisay Qaramada Midoobay ee ah in la dhammeeyo khilaafka xuduudeed ee Djibouti iyo Ereteriya. Djibouti waxa laga dareemayaa in ay doonayso inay ka gaashaamato inaanu saamayn taban ku yeelan heshiisku, haddii uu ku yeeshana ay saamayntaasi noqoto mid khatarteedu yar tahay ama la xakamayn karo. Laakiin waxa muuqata inaanay Somaliland weli dareemin amaba si culus u garwaaqsan saamaynta uu heshiiska Itoobiya iyo Ereteriya ku yeelan karo. Waxa dawladda Somaliland looga baahanyahay inay samaysato qorshe iyo diyaar garow ay kaga gaashaman karto saamayn kasta oo taban oo uu heshiiskani ku yeelan karo, waxaanay arrimahan kaga gudbi kartaa habacsanaanta diblumaasiyadeed ee waayadan dambe ka jirta siyaasadda arrimaha dibadda ee Somaliland oo meesha laga saaro iyo la tashi ballaadhan oo uu madaxweynuhu arrinta kala yeesho saaxiibbada iyo dadka aqoonta u leh arrimahan si loo raadiyo xal ay Somaliland kaga baxsan karto dhib ka dhalata isbedellada xawaaraha ku socda ee gobalka ka taagan. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Nairobi Caasimada@live.com

Sanca (Caasimada Online) – Xuutiyiinta dalka Yemen ayaa weerar ku qaaday Markab sida saliid oo Sacuudiga leeyahay, kaasi oo marayey Badda Cas, islamarkaana u gaystay waxyeello, sida ay sheegeen isbaheysiga Sacuudiga iuu hoggaamiyo ee dagaalka ka wada Yemen. “Markab saliid oo Sacuudigu leeyahay ayaa waxyeello yar ay kasoo gaartay weerar ay soo qaadeen Xuutiyiinta” ayaa lagu yiri bayaan lagu baahiyey warbaahinta dowladda Sacuudiga. Lama shaacin nooca markabkan iyo qaabka loo weeraray intaba. Taleefishinka Almasirah ee Xuutiyiinta ayaa goor sii horeysay ku baahiyey twitter-ka inay beegsadeen markabka Dammam oo socday xeebta galbeed ee Yemen, mana bixin faahfaahin intaas dheer. Xuutiyiinta ayaa sidoo kale gantaallo ku garaacay gudaha Sacuudiga. Sacuudiga ayaa hakiyey dhammaan maraakiibtii siday saliidda uu dalkaas dhoofiyo ee la mariyo marinka Bab Al-Mendab kadib weerarka, sida uu sheegay wasiirka tamarta dalkaas, Khalid al-Falih. Isbaheysiga Sacuudiga uu hoggaamiyo ayaa mid ka mid ah sababaha ay dagaalka uga wadaan Yemen ku sheegay inay ilaaliyaan marinka Badda Cas, oo ay maraan maraakiibta saliidda bariga dhexe iyo badeecadaha geeya Yurub, ayada oo lasii marsiiyo kanalka Suez. Waxay horey u sheegeen in sidoo kale ay fashiliyeen weeraro kale oo ka dhan ahaa maraakiib bilihii April iyo May ee sanadkan. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Jeddah Caasimada@live.com

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Ambassodor Maxamed Xuseen Awliyo oo horay usoo noqday Safiir ayaa aad u dhaliilay dhismaha maamul Goboleedyada ka jira dalka. Ambassodor Awliyo oo waraysi gaara siinaayay tv-ga rtn ayaa sheegay in dhamaan hogaamiyayaasha maamulada ay yihiin kuwo markii dantooda ay ka waayen dowlada dhinac isku buusay. Waxa uu sheegay in inta badan Hogaamiyayaasha hadda haya maamulada ay horay usoo noqdeen Ra’isul wasaaraha dalka waxa uuna tusaale usoo qaatay C/weli Gaas, Cali Khaliif iyo Shariif Xasan oo xilal kala duwan kasoo qabtay dowladihii hore. Awliyo, waxa uu tilmaamay in C/weli Gaas markii uu waayay xilka Madaxweynaha Somalia ee uu isku soo sharaxay uu noqday Madaxweyne Beeleed, sida uu hadalka u dhigay, halka Galeyr uu u galay Somaliland, marka uu xil ka waayay Somalia. “Mid waliba marka uu waayo xilkii uu u hayay dowlada waxa uu muska u maraa reerkiisa oo uu u noqdo Madaxweyne maamul, taasi waa mid noo sii horseedeysa dhibaato”. “C/weli Gaas waa Madaxweyne beel horay waxa uu u ahaa Ra’isul wasaare Qaran waxa uu doorbiday inuu noqdo Hogaamiye beeleed anigu ma orankaro Hogaamiye Soomaaliyeed waayo waxaa halkaas dega beelo macruuf ah” Ambassodor Awliyo, oo sii wata wareysigiisa tv-ga ayaa sheegay in Somalia ay dhibaatooyin ku hayaan maamulada sii kala fogeynaaya Soomaalida halkii laga sugaayay inay isku soo dhaweeyan Soomaalida kala luntay. Sidoo kale, waxa uu ku eedeeyay inay caqabad ku yihiin xitaa qodobada Dastuurka waxa uuna arrin aad u xun ku sheegay inay isla awood dhigaan dowlada Somalia. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Ambassodor-ka ayaa ka digay in Hogaamin beel loo dhibaateyo Qaran jira, waxa uuna lama huraan ka dhigay shaqeynta awood dowladeed. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Sida ay baahiyeen Hay’adaha amaanka Kenya waxa gudaha dalkaasi galay gaadiid raaxo iyo maleeshiyaad ka tirsan Al-Shabaab. Saraakiisha Hay’adaha amaanka ayaa sheegay in ku dhawaad afar gaari nooca raaxada ah ay ku jiraan magaalooyinka Nairobi iyo Mandheera. Gaadiidkan ayaa la xaqiijiyay inay la socdan maleeshiyaad loo diyaariyay ismiidaamin iyo weerar toos ah kuwaa oo iminka la xaqiijiyay inay ku diyaarsan yihiin gudaha magaalada. Saraakiisha Booliska Kenya waxa ay xaqiijiyeen in gaadiidkaasi ay yihiin kuwo ay horay u dhaceen Al-Shabaabka isla markaana laga bedelay taarikada si loogu weeraro xarumo muhiim ah oo aan la carabaabin. Maleeshiyaadka la socda gaadiidka iyo kuwo kusii diyaarsan gudaha magaalada ayaa isticmaali doona ID-karo been abuur ah si ay ugu sahlanaato galiinka goobaha uu ku wajahan yahay weerarka. Sidoo kale, Hay’adaha amaanka ayaa ciidamada faray inay muujiyaan feejignaan dheeri ah si looga hortago halista ka dhalankarta weerarada. Ma cada sida uu xaalku noqon doono waxa ayna arrintaan kusoo beegmeysaa iyadoo maalmahaani ay dowlada Kenya direysay digniino dhanka amaanka ah. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Wasiirka Waxbarashada, Hiddaha iyo tacliinta sare ee Xukuumadda federaalka Soomaaliya, Mudane C/raxmaan Daahir Cusmaan oo xalay Shir jaraa’id ku qabtay magaaladda Muqdisho, ayaa ka warbixiyey Natiijada Imtixaanka Shahaadiga dugsiyada sare dalka ee Sanad dugsiyeedka 2017-2018. Wasiirka, ayaa sheegay Sanadkaan Imtixaanka Shahaadiga ee dugsiyada sare ee dalka in ay u fariisteen 25,675 oo isugu jira 16,552 Wiil iyo 9,123 Gabdhood, isaggoo xusay in tirada Imtixaanka ka gudubtay ay tahay 20,030 Arday. Wasiirka, ayaa xusay in Imtixaanka lagu qabtay 92 Xarumood oo Gobolka Banaadir iyo Gobolada dalka ku yaalla, waxaana uu u mahad celiyey dhammaan intii gacan ka geeysatay qabsoomida Imtixaanka oo ay ugu horreeyaan Madaxda Qaranka. Halkaan Hoose ka Akhriso Tobanka Arday ee Ugu Sarreysa Imtixaanka

10-kii sano oo tagay waxaa shacabka Soomaaliyeed ku habsaday dhibaatooyin fara badan oo intooda badan ku cusub dhaqanada Soomaaliyeed. Dhaqamadaas xumaanta u saaxiibka ah waxaa intooda badan loo tiiriyaaa ururka loo yaqaano Al-Shabaab oo gacan saar la leh urur weynaha Al-Qaacida. Ficilada ay ummada Soomaaliyeed kula kacaan waxaa ka mid ah gowraca, dil wadareed (Qarax) iyo mid shakhsiyadeed (Madax jebis), hanitida baadka ah ay ka qaataan ganacsatada iyo beeralayda iyo kuwa kale oo tira badan. Xadgudubyadaas ay u geeysanayaan ummada Soomaaliyeed guud ah haddana waxay u daran yihiin deegaanada qaarkood, taasoo keentay in su’aala badan la iska weydiiyo mabda’ diineedka ay sheegteen. Al-Al-Shabaabka jooga inta u dhaxaysa Moqdisho iyo Baydhabo waxay canshuur ka qaataan gawaarida xamuulka ah oo ka shaqeeya wadadaas. Ganacsada iska leh gawaaridaas waxay bixiyaan lacag gaaraysa 1,300 dollar safar walba, Lacagtan oo ay ugu magac dareen khidmo, tani waxay reer Baydhabo usaamaxaday inay helaan badeeco ay ku maareeyaan noloshooda. Hase ahaatee Al-Shabaabka jooga deegaanada ka baxasan Baydhabo gaar ahaan kuwa jooga gobolka Bakool waxa ay ka Al-Shabaabsan yihiin kuwa jooga inta u dhaxaysa Mogidisho iyo Baydhabo. Al-Shabaabka jooga Bakool waxay ganacsatadii deegaankaas u diideen inay soo rartaan gawaari amaba isticmaalaan wadooyinka goboladaas ayagoo ku sababeeyey inay wadanka heystaan cadow ay ula jeedaan Itoobiyaanka ku sugan deegaanada Xudur iyo Waajid. Tani waxay sababtay in shacabkii ku dhaqnaa deegaankas ay ku noolaadaan wax hawada loo mariyey oo keli ah, taasoo shacabkaas aan dakhli buuran laheyn awoodin inay iibsadaan badeecadaas hawada la mariyey. Al-Shabaabka deegaanadaas waxay dab qabadsiiyeen kumanaan tan oo raashiin oo ay iska lahaayeen ganacsato Soomaaliyeed islamarkaasna dileen amaba gowraceen dad ka badan 500 qof 4 tii sanoo ugu dambaysay, waxay baasuukayaal la dhaceen gawaari yer yer oo deegaankaas u socday iyo xadgudubyo tiro badan aan halkaan kusoo koobi karin. Hadaba, su’aasha isweydiinta mudan waxay tahay, Itoobiyaanka jooga Baydhabo ma guuto Al-Shabaab kamid ah baa mise Al-Shabaabka bakool baa ka Al-Shabaabsan kuwa Baydhabo gawaarida u fasaxay ??? Dowladda dhaxe waxay iloowday shacabkeedii ku dhaqnaa gobolada ka baxsan Banaadir, waxayna ku halaysay amaanka shacabkaas dhibaataysan dad lagu sheegay madax maamul goboleed oo kursi celis dhinac u dhaafi waayey. Yaa u maqan shacabkaas loo diidey inay xitaa gaari dameer wax ku qaataan ? Anoo soo gabagabaynaya Waxaan halkaan kusoo jeedinayaa 3 fikradood oo aan isleeyahay isbedel guud dhanka amaanka ah ayey keeni karaan waana sidaan hoos ku xusan : Waxaan wax walba ku saleynay awood qeybsi astaantiisu tahay wax loo yaqaano 4.5, anagoo raadraac ugu jirno xil iyo saaxad ka muuqasho qabiil. Hadaba maxaa noo diidaya inaan xitaa ku salayno shaqada amniga qaranka 4.5. Tani waxaan ula jeedaa in qabiil kastaba deeganka uu kasoo jeedo kasoo xureeyo cadowga Al-Shabaab isla markaasna matalaad siyaasadeed uusan ku yeelan dowlada dhaxe ilaa inta deegaankiisa cadowga heysta kasoo xuraynayo. Dowlada dhaxena ay dhanka saanada ka taageerayso. Awoodaha ugu weyn oo isbedelka keena waxaa ka mid ah kacdoon shacab, dowlada dhaxe waxaa looga baahan yahay inay soo saarto siyaasado ay ku isticmaali karto awoodahaas shacabku uu leeyahay. Daacadnimo, maamul wanaagsan, hufnaan dhaqaale iyo wax qabad muuqdo oo dowlada dhaxe iyo kan maamul goboleedkaba laga helo waxay horseed u noqonaysaa kalsooni laga helo shacabka Soomaaliyeed. Shacab xun ma jiro balse maamul xunbaa keeni shacab xun. Shacabka Turkiga oo kaaraha isku dhigay kama mawaadinsana shacabkeena, balse waxaa meesha ku jira sababta keentay inuu naftiisa quuro oo ah maamul wanaag uu naftiisa ku iibsan karo ayuu ka arkay dowladiisa. Waxaa jira ganacsato iyo shaqsiyaad ganacsi ka sameeya sidii amni daro kusii ahaan lahaa wadanka, haddaba dowlada dhaxe waa inay shaqsiyaadkaas il gaar ah ku eegtaa oo cadaalada la tiigsataa. Sareeynta sharciga waxay nagu horseedaysaa in la helo amni waara oo ay ku naaloodaan shacabka Soomaaliyeed. Wabilaahi Towfiiq. W/Q: Hassan Adan Abukar Afeef: Aragtida qoraalkan waxa ay ku gaar tahay qofka ku saxiixan, kamana tarjumeyso tan Caasimada Online. Caasimada Online, waa mareeg u furan qof kasta inuu ku gudbiyo ra’yigiisa saliimka ah. Kusoo dir qoraaladaada caasimada@live.com Mahadsanid

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Sida aan wararkeena hore ku sheegnay Dowlada federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa amaanka guud ee magaalada caasimada ah ee Muqdisho ku waraeejisay ciidamo cusub oo militari ah. Ciidamadan oo loogu magacdaray 14 October ayaa lagu wareejiyay guud ahaan amniga magaalada Muqdisho kuwaasoo ay dowladu sheegtay in sugayaan amaanka magaalada oo waayadan ahaa mid gacanta kasii baxaayay. Go’aanka ciidamada Militariga loogu wareejiyay amniga Muqdisho ayaa yimid kadib marii madaxweynaha Somalia Maxamed Cabdullahi Farmaajo uu codsadey in dib u habeyn lagu sameeyo qaabkii loo sugi jiray amniga caasimadda. Waxa ayna dowlada sheegtay in ciidamadan ay noqon doonaan kuwo xasiliya caasimada Soomaaliya oo maalmahan dambe deris la ahayd weerarada iyo qaraxyada ay geysanayaan dagaalyahanada Alshabaab. Dareeska ay wataan ciidamadan oo cagaar buufis ah ayaa horaanta asbuucii hore lagu weeraray fariisimo ay afafka hore Villa Somalia uga sugan yihiin ciidamada Koofi casta ee ilaalada ka heysa xarunta dalka looga arimiyo ee magaalada Muqdisho. Marka laga soo tago rajada laga qabo ciidankan cusub ee mas’uuliyada amniga caasimada dusha loo saaray hadana badi dadka ku nool caasimada waxa ay soo dhaweynayaan ciidamadan Militarigan maadaama kuwii hore ay ahaayen kuwo shacabka u muujinaayay ad adeeg. Dadka ku nool magaalada Muqdisho ee caasimada Somalia oo waayadan ahaa kuwo ka cabanaayay kala xirnaanshiyaha waddooyinka ayaa sheegay in ciidankan ay noqon doonaan kuwo ku filnaada sugida amniga Muqdisho. Sidoo kale, shacabka Muqdisho oo soo dhaweeyay ciidamada cusub ee 14 October ayaa dowlada Somalia ugu baaqay inay la socdaan ciidamadan si ay ula dhaqmaan dadka shacabka. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, ciidamada cusub ee dareeskooda horay loogu geystay weerarka ayaa waxaa mar kale cabsi laga qabaa in dharkooda lagu fuliyo weerar labaad maadama uu ku jiro gacanta Alshabaab. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

NAIROBI, July 25 (Xinhua) — Somalia’s education system will in August undergo a major transformation, which include adopting a new system and setting Somali as the instruction language for primary schools, official said Wednesday. Mohamed Abdulkadir, an advisor to ministry of education tasked with overseeing the implementation of a new education system, said under the new system, dubbed the “4-4-4 system,” students will spend four years in lower-primary education, four years in upper-primary and another four years in secondary school before being able to enroll in institutions of higher learning. “For the last 30 years, the country has been craving for a Somali-owned and Somali-prepared education system — we finally have it,” Abdulkadir said in a statement issued in Mogadishu. Abdulkadir who is also charged with implementation of a new national curriculum, said the federal authorities had put in place a pilot program in various schools in Mogadishu, and teachers around the country have been undergoing training since June. “Our aim is to ensure our children access to education as well as opportunities where they can exploit their talents for their benefit and that of the country,” said Abdulkadir. He said the school calendar year will be divided into two academic terms, with the first term running between January and May, and the second from August to December. The advisor said the language of instruction will be one of the major differences in the new curriculum, noting that the language of instruction in primary schools will be Somali, while Arabic and English will be used in secondary schools. “During the civil war, because of a shortage of books in Somali, schools used whatever textbooks they could obtain. These were sourced from more than ten countries, leading to English and Arabic replacing Somali as the language of instruction,” he said. Abdulkadir said students will now undergo continuous assessment so as to ensure a more holistic approach to education, less centered in passing a few key tests. This he said, is a departure from the current system, under which students are required to sit for national exams to proceed from primary to secondary school, and, eventually, university. According to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), Somalia has one of the world’s lowest enrolment rates for school-aged children. Enditem Source: Xinhua

In the past couple days the fadhi ku dirir forums in Xamar and Xalane were abuzz with rumors of emerging rift between President Farmaajo and Prime Minster Kherye. The rumors have brought vibrancy back into the voices of disgruntled elements among the Somali elites, hopeless pseudo opposition politicians, and idle loungers in Xalane alike. Praying and hoping for a rift between the President and his Prime Minster will remain a pipedream for those salivating over the thought of such a prospect. Cafés, hotel lobbies, airport termini, and office corridors were awash with hush tones in which the rumors were passed. While revelations got ordinary Nabad iyo Nolol foot soldiers unnerved and worried, its luminaries were toasting to and livened at the depth of hallucination and how desperate their detractors and so called opposition politicians are in chasing after the mirage of a rift in FG top leadership. The rift rumors, like most rumors, are fueled by lack of (leaked) information about the relation between Nabad iyo Nolol luminaries, fear of the unknown, worrying sadistic level of Somali cynicism, armchair analysts desperate to have their doomsday predictions about Somalia leadership come to pass, and some idle Xalanelanders accustomed to make a killing about rifts among FG leadership. So called Somalia opposition politicians’ daily prayers for and preoccupation with the occurrence of infighting among Somali leaders (be it between the President and the Prime Minister, President/PM and the Speaker, or between the leadership of the Federal Government (FG) and the Federal Member States is scornful and shows the extent of their bankruptcy of ideas. The current administration of the FG of Somalia has harvested mixed bag of successes and failures since taking the mantle of country’s stewardship on 8th February 2017. The Dummy Somali opposition is known to suffering excruciating tummy upsets every time the FG made baby step towards progress. Ironically, damned as they are because of how ill-equipped they are for opposition politics, they failed in bringing to the fore the FG’s failures and missteps on addressing and/or making progressing on issues of national priority. Somalia is a fragile state and therefore parroting of ill-informed, rudderless, clueless, holier-than-thou politicians of shady back-grounds over all and everything the FG lays its hand on did not and will not serve any useful purpose for the recovery of a country on its knees other than escalating bad situations. The public is yet to see, let alone benefit from, the selfless contributions of well-informed, consistent, honest, credible, and articulate opposition politicians to not only pin-point the failures of the FG but who also suggested solutions to addressing the myriads of challenges facing the country. Politicization of the FG’s failures and missteps for the ultimate reason of scoring cheap political points against the current administration is itself a worse failure than the failures of the FG. That said, here is why I think Prime Minister Kheyre isn’t going anywhere anytime soon and also why the claptrap about the emergence of a rift, or the existence of one, is wishful thinking by failed opposition politicians: 1) He was appointed to the position in an honorable way and without the pressures and worries having to go through the humiliating hands of brokers, 2) He’s earned the trust and been doing the bidding of the President and his inner circle to the extent of completely alienating his past political association and politicians most closest to him, 3) He’s having the trust and confidence of the President and his inner circle as to be delegated to most, if not all, of the executive functions, 4) He’s been the chief-defender and seller of the FG policies and actions in the boldest, most articulate, and rhetorical of ways, 5) He’s the President’s full understanding of the opportunity cost it entails to making such a major change to his advantage. An objective cost benefit analysis will reveal the benefits of keeping his Prime Minister far outweigh the benefits of effecting a change. 6) Keeping to his promise on his keenness to lead a united administration devoid of infightings that characterized all past administrations, 7) Lack of a compelling reason for PM change, thus far, coupled with the uncertainly of whether he’d be better or worse off with a new PM, 8) The President’s understanding that, absent compelling grounds, making PM change might have the consequence of creating new and more disgruntlement as a result of shuttered expectations by many, including the dismissed PM and cabinet, and all those who will not have made it in the new cabinet despite raised expectations following the changes. There’s the likelihood that for every position (PM, Cabinet) filled there will be an estimated satisfaction to dissatisfaction ratio of 1:5. 9) The full understanding that PM change comes with an assured six-month delay in momentum of the administration to accomplish its mandate, 10) The understanding of the potential risk a fired PM could have on the second-term election hopes of an incumbent, 11) I don’t think any sitting President in his right mind would unnecessarily antagonize and make an enemy of a person as primly astute and energetic as PM Kheyre. UAE and the meek Somalia opposition politicians (those left out in the changes) would see the prospect of Kheyre as their teammate a tantalizing opportunity of a lifetime. As a president, I will cringe at the thought of someone like Kheyre having all the free time to opposing my government. Whoa! 12) Some in President Farmaajo’s inner circle might not rest easy after Kheyre is fired for the simple reason that, more than a “Farah Abdulkadir” happening to him, they might be left without his protection and the uncertainly of what steps he’d take to avenge his treatment, 13) Although it might weigh nothing against the stubbornness of Nabad iyo Nobal, there’s a general perception that, of the FG leaders, Kheyre enjoys some higher level of trust and confidence in the face of the IC and removing him at whim on flimsy grounds might not sit well with some of them, 14) Nabad iyo Nolol is more into breaking news record: two year mark with first PM, and the first and last to have a president finish his term with his first and only PM. 15) Hassan Kheyre is here to stay 16) I hope I am wrong, 17) You wish so. WQ: Ali Hasan Mohamed “Jeego” allygaab2006@gmail.com Nairobi Please Note that this article is not shared with any other media. It’s exclusive to Caasimada. Thank you, Ali Jeego.

SOMALIA’S STATE-BUILDING EFFORTS, including initiatives to strengthen security and rebuild the political system, have proceeded steadily since the inauguration of President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo in February 2017. Nonetheless, serious challenges remain. The Africa Center for Strategic Studies spoke with Abdisaid Ali, national security adviser to the president of the federal government of Somalia, to take stock of progress. What does the security landscape in Somalia look like, and what is the state of readiness of the Somali authorities to assume responsibility for security? For the last 10 years, security in Somalia has not been delivered by the state. We owe a debt of gratitude to the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) whose forces from Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda, Djibouti and Burundi have been the primary security providers since their deployment in 2007 and whose presence and sacrifice has enabled the progress to date in Somalia. Other international partners have also made significant contributions, notably the United States and other bilateral partners who have provided the security forces and equipment that have enabled the reestablishment of federal and state government after the overthrow of the Union of Islamic Courts. The violent extremist Islamist group al-Shabab has been and continues to be the greatest security threat in Somalia and the region. The group retains a determination to control parts of the country, impose their radical ideology on Somalis and target the Somali government and security forces. The security institutions and forces in Somalia are at an early stage of development and yet are faced with a threat that would be daunting for most established security forces. After years of misplaced investment, disjointed attempts at reform and a lack of a common vision for security in Somalia, an Operational Readiness Assessment of the Somali National Army in 2017, led by the federal government, highlighted the need for significant reform and a more systematic approach to building and sustaining the army. One of President Farmajo’s first acts after taking office in February 2017 was to agree to a National Security Architecture. This historic agreement was the basis of the Security Pact signed between Somalia and international partners at the London Somalia Conference in May 2017 that laid the foundations for building an able, accountable, affordable and acceptable security sector. The Architecture sets out the composition, structure and scope of the security sector in Somalia, the size of the security forces, the roles of the institutions for civilian oversight and the division of command and control between the federal government and the Federal Member States (FMS). It marked the first time that Somalia had formalized and agreed to a vision for its security institutions. In December 2017, the federal government, working closely with the FMS, AMISOM, troop-contributing countries and international partners, committed to develop a plan that would enable Somalia to gradually assume responsibility for security. The plan includes the gradual transfer of responsibilities from AMISOM to Somali forces. It also covers those parts of the country where AMISOM has never had a presence but where security institutions and capacity need to be built. The planning horizon is the next four years, up to the 2020/2021 elections, though it is recognized that rebuilding the Somalia security sector will be a long-term process. Transition is ultimately about Somali state-building and peacebuilding, with the emergence of effective Somali institutions. What is different about this plan? This plan is different to previous strategies on security because it takes a broad view of what contributes to security. We recognize that military operations alone will not sustain the transition process or build a lasting peace. Our emphasis on aspects of security such as rule of law, local governance and youth employment represent a new way of approaching security in Somalia. The Transition Plan also draws lessons from the obstacles of previous strategies for security in Somalia. Ensuring that civilian-led approaches including stabilization are embedded in operational plans and are sequenced with uniformed operations is one significant change. Other differences include an emphasis on local consultation and engagement in the planning and implementation of transition, as well as the need to address the political questions that will underpin the security institutions. These include the composition of the security forces, the allocation of security resources between the federal government and FMS and the command relationships within the security institutions. The National Security Council has become a regular feature in the pattern of engagement between the federal government and FMS.Chaired by the president and comprising the leaders of the FMS, the National Security Council has been and will continue to be the vehicle for political decisions related to security, which are then referred to Parliament for review. Decisions to date have related to the assessment and policy for the integration of regional forces, as well as the role and support for regional security offices. These key political decisions provide the framework for technical implementation. Corruption and old allegiances run deep and changing the mindset to ensure that ordinary Somalis benefit from security is a significant challenge. Despite this, there is a new generation of politicians emerging who are working to overturn the old ways in order to increase transparency, and bring genuine change to Somalia. These Somali-led factors combine with a desire among our international partners to see a return on their investment in security in Somalia. The troop contributors to AMISOM have said they wish to see an exit strategy for the force, and our other international partners have made significant contributions that cannot be open-ended. We are now ready to progressively assume responsibility. Through the Transition Plan we have the combined political will of Somalia and its international partners to see the plan succeed. What has the federal government done so far to set the strategic direction in practice? The Transition Plan represents a significant change in the planning and delivery of security in Somalia. It is not “business as usual.” Under President Farmajo, Somalia is ready to begin to assume responsibility for security in a sustainable, gradual and coordinated manner. The federal government’s strategy is to construct and implement a comprehensive approach to security transition that is not only based on the military, but equally focused on progress on the political road map, constitutional reform, stabilization, local governance, politics and state-building activities that include institutional expansion of local policing and justice. Legitimate governance and inclusive politics is the basis for all the other reforms and capacity-building we are doing across the government and across the country. Without meaningful political representation and access to justice, we cannot build trust in Somalia’s security institutions or provide the basic services necessary to counter the shadow administrations of al-Shabab. Constitutional reform will be critical in formalizing the allocations of responsibilities, including for security, between the institutions at a federal level, and between the federal and regional levels of government. In parallel, we will continue our economic reforms in order to generate the revenue and institutional accountability to enable the regular payment of salaries and sustainment. The transition is intended to be an organized, gradual, systematic transfer of security responsibilities to forces aligned as part of the Somali National Security Architecture by 2021, while concurrently instituting broad political and economic measures to support and sustain the transition at the federal, state and community level. FMS views on the priorities and elements for the transition plan were central to the localized approach to planning. The core drafting group conducted field visits to each of the FMS capitals to enable federal government representatives to consult local security stakeholders, including the FMS presidents, Regional Security Council representatives, the Somali National Army, AMISOM troop-contributing countries, AMISOM police and international partners. This process of consultation enabled each FMS to set out its priorities for security, to report their current capabilities and to highlight the gaps in capacity that each state assessed to be most significant. As with the Transition Plan itself, the consultation examined not only military and police security requirements but the factors necessary for human security in relation to stabilization, preventing and countering violent extremism and access to justice. Once a “zero draft” was circulated, the core group refined the plan further and gave its approval. This was followed by endorsements by the National Security Council (comprising the federal government and FMS) and the African Union Peace and Security Council. It was subsequently welcomed by the U.N. Security Council and the Somalia security high-level meeting of international donors in Brussels on May 2. The Transition Plan sets the strategic direction across three areas of activity: Operational activities: The identification and prioritization of locations to be under full Somali security force responsibility, including the handover of locations from AMISOM, and the deployment of forces agreed to in the National Security Architecture. This will mean that towns, key roads and national infrastructure can be transferred progressively to Somali security ownership, enabling Somali security forces to lead operations and for AMISOM to scale back its presence. Institutional capacity-building: Implementation of institutional capacity-building programs and plans including implementation of the National Security Architecture, recommendations from the Operational Readiness Assessment, policing, justice and civil service reform. This includes payroll reform, policy and doctrine development, civil service restructuring, force generation, training and the passage of key legislation. Supporting activities: Aligning non-security force efforts to create the conditions for a sustainable peace, including stabilization, strengthening local governance, reconciliation, mediation, the rule of law, socioeconomic activities and preventing/countering violent extremism activities. Activities will be well consulted with local communities in order to meet their needs but could include road rehabilitation, the provision of health or education services, district council formation and job creation. What progress has been achieved, and what signs are there that the situation has improved? As part of the institutional capacity-building activities of the Transition Plan, we have also begun key reforms in order to implement the National Security Architecture and set Somalia on a path to achieve an affordable, acceptable, accountable and able security sector. These include biometrically registering Somali National Army (SNA) personnel in order to institute payroll reform, reducing the number of SNA departments from 23 to 13 and reassigning a number of generals who were not effective and replacing them with better-qualified, younger officers from lower ranks. Since December 2017, we have been developing a comprehensive plan that sets the strategic direction for the transition process and identified some initial areas in which to target the technical planning. It is a very different way of working compared to previous engagement on Somalia. This represents a new mindset, not only that the priorities and decision-making are Somali-led, but also a new comprehensive way of approaching security. The inclusive nature of the process is also an important component of the transition planning. The federal government developed the plan with the FMS and set the national priorities in consultation with them. We have also worked closely with AMISOM, the troop-contributing countries and international partners and will continue to do so as we move into the implementation phase. Somalia has benefited from the generous support of donors for many years. However, projects have often been distributed unevenly across the country and not anchored in a wider Somali-led strategy. This is now changing as we are calling for donors to align their existing activities to the priorities set out in the Transition Plan in order to have a multiplying effect from their contributions. The active coordination and joint planning by Somali and international stakeholders demonstrates the clear political will of Somalia and its partners to deliver against ambitious timelines. What factors will determine the success or failure of the transition process, what are the obstacles to progress, what could slow or derail the process and what issues need to be overcome? The unity and political will of all stakeholders will be essential to the success of the transition plan. The federal government, the FMS, AMISOM, troop-contributing countries and international partners will all have to remain engaged and committed to delivering the plan. As we move into implementation there will be many challenges, both of security, resources, institutional capacity and political divisions. There will be some who seek to undermine our work, those who have benefited from the status quo or who do not wish to see a peaceful, stable and united Somalia. But if all the stakeholders are committed to the vision set out in the transition plan, we can overcome these factors. We should also be aware that to be realistic, transition will take many years to achieve in full. We are working hard to maintain the momentum of activity but many of the essential components underpinning the location-specific activity are long-term initiatives. Some will take generations to embed and progress will not be linear. We should not rush it for the sake of donor deadlines, but we must keep up a steady pace of activity. What are the immediate priorities and short- to medium-term activities and milestones? The Transition Plan is divided into three phases up to 2021: Phase 1 – Present to June 2019 Phase 2 – July 2019 to December 2020 Phase 3 – January 2021 to December 2021 While transition will take many years, this horizon enables detailed planning to take place in a realistic time frame and enables us to monitor progress and adjust the plan as necessary. In addition to beginning implementation in the priority locations set out in the plan, Phase 1 lays the foundation for longer-term capacity-building over the next few years. Among other tasks, this includes enhanced support for the Regional Security Councils, a rewriting of the Somali Military Discipline Code, the resectorization of the Somali National Army to align with the FMS boundaries, and strengthened community policing services in selected population centers. One of the initial priority locations is the Mogadishu Stadium. The stadium is the biggest sporting facility in Mogadishu and was constructed in 1978. Most recently it has been used by national and international security forces as an operating base. The intention of the federal government is to restore the stadium and to use it for national and international football tournaments as this would carry enormous symbolic importance for the entire Somalia population while strengthening national unity. For the federal government, as well as the Banadir Regional Administration, the reopening of the stadium would provide a source of entertainment to the youth and generate revenue through organizing football matches. The people of Mogadishu, especially the youth community, are keen to see the stadium reopened in order watch and play football, a popular pastime in Mogadishu. The business community also has an interest of the return of sports tournaments to the stadium, which would include significant commercial activities. We plan to hold a football tournament in the stadium by the end of 2018. What does success look like? Ultimately, success is for Somalia to assume responsibility for security. However, security is not an end in itself. By providing security, we hope to see the return of normalcy for the people of Somalia with freedom to move around without the threat of al-Shabab, open businesses, play sports, go to school and engage in politics under the protection of the rule of law and protection for their human rights. This will require the legal and administrative frameworks to be in place, including through processes such as the Constitutional Review Process, a functioning judicial system and the establishment of a Constitutional Court. These are long-term, national-level endeavors. In the meantime, there can be significant progress at local level to bring communities together to resolve disputes, promote reconciliation and dissolve some of the underlying causes of conflict. Efforts at all levels, from local communities to the highest institutions in the country, will be necessary to rebuild the country and enable the security sector to play its part in protecting the lives of Somali citizens. Therefore, our vision of normalcy also includes appropriate security forces, such as community police, as the primary security provider, and the gradual demilitarization of the country. These goals will not be achieved overnight, but along the way there are indicators of success we are looking for. These include the handover of key national institutions such as the stadium, the opening of main supply routes, the passing of key legislation to reform our security institutions, the reconfiguration of AMISOM from military to police support for our security forces and the implementation of community-based projects to improve the lives of the Somali people. As we make progress with this ambitious project, our aim is for the benefits to be felt by the population of Somalia, and for their security to be provided by the Somali state. The views in this article belong to the authors and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Peacebuilding Deeply. This article was originally published by the Africa Center for Strategic Studies and is reproduced here with permission.

Somalia’s civil war wrenched the country in many ways. Families were torn apart, the rule of law faded away, government institutions collapsed, and education came to a standstill, to name but a few of the setbacks the country faced because of the violence. In the ensuing decades after the war’s end, the area of education slowly regained some structure as the authorities – aware of its importance for the country’s long-term development – tried to get it back on track. However, this led to a laissez faire situation with a mish-mash of systems and structures for primary and secondary schools, which adopted any system their owners deemed fit. Even school terms and school books varied across different parts of the country. All that will change next month: “For the last 30 years, the country has been craving for a Somali-owned and Somali-prepared education system – we finally have it,” says Mohamed Abdulkadir, an advisor to the Federal Government’s Ministry of Education, and the official charged with overseeing the implementation of a new education system, including a new national curriculum, across Somalia. In early August, after students finish the usual two-month summer break, the horn of Africa country’s education system will undergo a major transformation with the adoption a new, unified and streamlined system for primary and secondary schools, covering everything from subjects to terms. Under the new system, commonly referred to the ‘4-4-4 system,’ students will spend four years in lower-primary education, four years in upper-primary and another four years in secondary school before being able to enroll in institutions of higher learning. In addition, students with talent in different fields, including sports, music and art, will be identified and nurtured to realise their full potential in these areas: “Our aim is to ensure our children access to education as well as opportunities where they can exploit their talents for their benefit and that of the country,” says Mr. Abdulkadir. The school calendar year will be divided into two academic terms, with the first term running between January and May, and the second from August to December. In preparation for the new system, the federal authorities had put in place a pilot programme in various schools in the capital, Mogadishu, and teachers around the country have been undergoing training since the beginning of June. One of the major differences in the new curriculum will be the language of instruction. During the civil war, because of a shortage of books in Somali, schools used whatever textbooks they could obtain. These were sourced from more than ten countries, leading to English and Arabic replacing Somali as the language of instruction. In a departure from the current system, under which students are required to sit for national exams to proceed from primary to secondary school, and, eventually, university, students will now undergo continuous assessment so as to ensure a more holistic approach to education, less centred in passing a few key tests. Source: Amisom

Donald Trump can be heard discussing with his personal lawyer how to buy the rights to the story of a Playboy model, who says she had an affair with the now president, on a tape released Tuesday by CNN. The existence of the tape, secretly recorded by his former longtime attorney Michael Cohen two months before the 2016 election, was reported last week by the New York Times, which said the FBI seized it during a raid on Cohen’s office this year. Now, the recording is available for the world to listen to. It involves Karen McDougal, a former Playboy model who says she had a months-long fling with Trump after they met in 2006, shortly after Trump’s wife Melania gave birth to their son, Barron. In the tape, Trump and Cohen talk about buying the rights to McDougal’s story, which she had sold a month earlier to the National Enquirer for $150,000. The tabloid never published the story. In the at-times muddled recording, Cohen says he wants to set up a company to acquire the rights off American Media, the company that owns the Enquirer. During the campaign, the Trump team denied any knowledge of the deal between McDougal and American Media. But in the tape, candidate Trump expresses no surprise when the issue comes up and Cohen talks about essentially reimbursing the company for what it paid McDougal. “I need to open up a company for the transfer of all that info regarding our friend David,” Cohen says, apparently referring to David Pecker, the head of American Media. TRANSCRIPT “When it comes time for the financing, which will be –,” Cohen says, at which point Trump interrupts and says “what financing?” “We’ll have to pay –,” Cohen says, according to a CNN transcript of the conversation, which also addressed other business issues between the two men. “We won’t pay with cash?” Trump asks, according to the CNN transcript of a segment that is particularly hard to hear. Cohen is then heard saying “no, no” and it is not clear what is said next. The tape, made in September 2016, two months before the election, was provided to CNN by Cohen’s attorney, Lanny Davis. Cohen, who has fallen out with Trump, is under federal investigation in New York for his business dealings and reportedly whether hush payments violated campaign finance laws. Source: AFP