Recognizing Somaliland would be in United States’ interest

[Deeq A.]

Comparing the independence movements of Somaliland and Lithuania is a fascinating exercise in “de facto” vs. “de jure” sovereignty. While one is a success story of international recognition and the other remains a “ghost state” on the global stage, their paths share striking parallels in how they reclaimed lost statehood.

Restoration of Former Sovereignty

Both nations view their independence not as the creation of a new state, but as the restoration of a previous one. Lithuania asserted that its 1990 declaration was a continuation of the independent republic that existed between the World Wars (1918–1940) before Soviet occupation. Somaliland maintains that it is the successor to the State of Somaliland, which gained independence from Britain on June 26, 1960, and was recognized by thirty-five countries before it voluntarily joined a union with Italian Somalia five days later.

Exit from Failed Unions

Both movements were triggered by the collapse or perceived failure of a larger political union that had become oppressive. Lithuania was the first republic to break away from the Soviet Union, citing the illegality of the 1939 Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Somaliland sought to dissolve its union with Somalia following a brutal civil war and systemic marginalization under the Siad Barre dictatorship in the 1980s.

Legal and Historical Precedent

Both entities relied heavily on historical borders to justify their right to self-determination.

Feature	Lithuania	Somaliland
Colonial/Previous Border	Based on the 1920 Soviet Lithuanian Peace Treaty.	Based on the 1960 British Protectorate borders.
Basis of Claim	Nullification of “illegal” annexation.	Dissolution of a voluntary (and failed) merger.
International Law	Invoked the right to self-determination.	Aligns with the African Union principle of maintaining colonial-era borders (uti possidetis).

 

Grassroots Democratic Mandates

Both transitions were validated by overwhelming popular support through domestic legal processes. Lithuania held a “popular consultation” in 1991 where over 90% of voters supported independence. Somaliland held a constitutional referendum in 2001 where 97% of the population voted in favor of the constitution affirming independence.

The Critical Difference Recognition

This is where the paths diverge sharply. Lithuania successfully navigated the “window of opportunity” during the USSR’s collapse and secured rapid Western recognition. Somaliland, despite maintaining its own currency, military, and democratic elections for over 30 years, is still treated legally as part of Somalia due to the international community’s fear of “opening a Pandora’s box” of secessionist movements in Africa. Lithuania is now a member of the European Union and NATO, while Somaliland functions as a stable, self-governing democracy without a seat at the United Nations.

While both nations faced an uphill battle against a “parent” state the USSR and Somalia, the way external powers reacted determined their fate. In short, the West saw Lithuania’s success as essential to winning the Cold War, but views Somaliland’s success as a potential risk to African stability.

The United States and Western Europe played a delicate double game. They morally supported Lithuania but were terrified that moving too fast would cause the Soviet Union to collapse violently. The United States had a “non-recognition” policy towards Lithuania. The United States never legally accepted the Soviet annexation of Lithuania. However, when Lithuania declared independence in 1990, President George H.W. Bush hesitated to recognize it immediately. He did not want to undermine the Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, whom the US viewed as a partner in ending the Cold War. While the “Big Powers” hesitated, Iceland broke the stalemate. In February 1991, Iceland became the first to recognize Lithuania like what Israel did on December 26, 2025. This “shaming” of larger nations  created a diplomatic domino effect. The “facilitating” event was a failed hardline coup in Moscow. Once the Soviet central government lost its grip, the United States and European Union rushed to recognize Lithuania within weeks. Israel’s action shamed larger nations again like Iceland did in 1991 and is expected to create a diplomatic domino effect if there is any common sense or fairness remaining in this world.

Somaliland faced a much harsher external environment. While Lithuania had the “Big Powers” on its side, Somaliland is blocked by a rigid continental principle. The African Union operates on the principle of territorial integrity. They fear that if Somaliland is recognized, it will trigger a “Pandora’s Box” of ethnic secession across Africa. Paradoxically, an African Union fact-finding mission in 2005 reported that Somaliland’s case was “unique and self-justified” and would not set a bad precedent. However, the African Union leadership shelved the report to avoid angering the government in Mogadishu. Very recently on December 26,2025, Israel became the first United Nations member to formally recognize Somaliland. This has caused a massive backlash from the African Union and European Union, who reaffirmed their support for a “United Somalia” in an unreasonable manner and without shame.

Comparison of External Support

External Actor	Role in Lithuania (1990-91)	Role in Somaliland (1991-Present)
United States	Facilitator (Late): Provided the “moral” shield; recognized once the USSR weakened.	Blocker: Prioritizes the “One Somalia” policy to keep a central partner in the War on Terror.
Regional Body	Facilitator (EU/Nordics): Welcomed them into the “European Family” almost immediately.	Blocker (AU): Rejects recognition to prevent the perceived fragmentation of Africa.
Parent State	The USSR: Attempted a military crackdown (1991) but eventually collapsed.	Somalia: Adamantly opposes independence; uses international law to block Somaliland’s access to loans and aid.

 

External powers often reward Lithuania for its democratic stability by deepening ties with NATO and the European Union. In contrast, external powers often punish Somaliland for its stability; because it is not an active war zone, world leaders feel they can “ignore” its status indefinitely to avoid political drama in the Horn of Africa at the expense of 6.2 million Somalilanders. Hypocrisy at its peak, madness, or lost common sense! You are the judge.

http://Somaliland Lithuania Poster

About the Author

Mohamed Osman, a retired physician and public health specialist from Somaliland, is a Canadian citizen who has worked with Ottawa Public Health and Alberta Health Services. He is also recognized for supporting Somaliland’s recognition.

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• yaron.schwalb

  3h ago

  Thank you. Interesting information.

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Recognizing Somaliland would be in United States’ interest

I respectfully urge the Government of United States to formally recognize the Republic of Somaliland as an independent and sovereign state within its 1960 borders.

The Republic of Somaliland is in the Horn of Africa, along the southern coast of the Gulf of Aden. Its borders are Djibouti to the northwest, Ethiopia to the south and west, and Somalia to the east. Somaliland covers an area of about 176,120 square kilometers and has an estimated population of 6.2 million as of 2024. Its capital is Hargeisa. The country has a coastline of approximately 850 kilometers on the Red Sea.

Somaliland became a British Protectorate in 1884 and declared independence on June 26, 1960, gaining recognition from thirty-five countries. Soon after, it voluntarily united with Somalia to form the Somali Republic, though this union was never legally ratified. In a 1961 referendum, most Somalilanders opposed unification. The absence of a binding treaty and years of political and economic marginalization led to ongoing grievances in Somaliland.

The situation became intolerable in the 1980s under the oppressive regime of Siad Barre, which was marked by egregious human rights violations. Thousands of civilians were killed, particularly in Hargeisa, which tragically earned the nickname “Africa’s Dresden” for the level of destruction inflicted upon it. Entire communities were massacred, and a massive portion of the population was forced to seek refuge in neighboring Ethiopia. In May 1991, Somaliland reasserted its independence during the Burao Conference.

Since reclaiming its independence in 1991, Somaliland has made remarkable progress in establishing a functioning democracy characterized by peaceful transitions of power. The nation has developed its own independent judiciary, a bicameral parliament, and a stable executive branch capable of governance. Moreover, Somaliland has created a robust security apparatus that not only maintains territorial integrity but has also successfully kept extremist insurgencies, including Al-Shabaab, at bay. This commitment to stability and governance has earned Somaliland the status as a rare beacon of democratic values in a region marred by conflict.

Somaliland has established important partnerships with democratic states fostering relationships based on mutual benefit and cooperation. Currently The Republic of Somaliland has diplomatic relations with the State of Israel, after that country became the first United Nation’s member to recognize Somaliland on December 26, 2025. It has developed a strong relationship with Taiwan, based on shared values and principles. Somaliland also maintains strategic ties with Ethiopia, the United Arab Emirates, Kenya, the United Kingdom, the European Union, and the United States.

A milestone in Somaliland’s economic development is the $442 million investment from Dubai Ports World in the Berbera Port and the Berbera Corridor project. This initiative significantly improved regional connectivity with Ethiopia, highlighting Somaliland’s potential as a crucial economic hub in East Africa.

Moreover, Somaliland plays an indispensable role in securing the Gulf of Aden, actively combating piracy and extremism while contributing to international maritime security. Its geopolitical significance cannot be overstated, considering the potential for increased threats to maritime routes that connect crucial global markets.

Somaliland meets the Montevideo Convention criteria for statehood, which encompass the presence of a permanent population, defined territory, governance structures, and the capacity to engage in foreign relations. Formal recognition by United States would reaffirm the nation’s commitment to democratic values and human rights. Furthermore, this recognition would contribute to enhanced regional security in the Horn of Africa and the Gulf of Aden, acting as a counterbalance to destabilizing influences, including terrorism and external powers that seek to exploit the region’s vulnerabilities.

In late 2025, The State of Israel established full diplomatic relations with the Republic of Somaliland, and Ethiopia has also signed agreements for port access in exchange for potential recognition. These moves have increased the pressure on other democratic nations, including United States, to reconsider their stance.

The question of whether the United States should recognize Somaliland is a major topic in Horn of Africa diplomacy. While the US has historically adhered to a “One Somalia” policy to maintain regional stability, proponents of recognition point to several compelling strategic, legal, and democratic arguments. Here are the primary reasons cited by advocates for US recognition of the Republic of Somaliland:

Strategic and Security Interests

Somaliland’s location makes it a “geopolitical prize” for US interests in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. The Republic of Somaliland sits along the Bab El-Mandeb Strait, a chokepoint through which a third of global shipping passes. Recognition would allow the US to partner directly with Somaliland to secure these lanes against Houthi rebels and piracy. The deep-water port and modernized airfield in Berbera offer a viable alternative to the US base in Djibouti. This is increasingly attractive as China expands its own military presence in Djibouti. Somaliland has been an “oasis of stability,” successfully keeping Al-Shabaab and ISIS at bay without the level of international military intervention required in Somalia.

Democratic Excellence

Recognition is often framed as a “reward” for a country that has embraced Western-style governance under extremely difficult conditions. While Somalia has struggled with conflict for decades, the Republic of Somaliland has held multiple free and fair elections and overseen several peaceful transfers of power between opposing parties. Supporters argue that by recognizing Somaliland, the US signals that it supports democratic self-determination, particularly when a nation builds its institutions from the bottom up.

Legal and Historical Precedent

Advocates argue that Somaliland is not a “secessionist” movement in the traditional sense, but a restoration of a previous status. Somaliland was a British Protectorate that gained independence on June 26, 1960, and was recognized by thirty-five countries including the United States before it voluntarily entered a troubled union with Italian Somalia days later. The African Union respects colonial-era borders. The Republic of Somaliland’s claim rests on its original 1960 borders, which differentiates it from other separatist movements seeking to redraw the map. Under international law, Somaliland meets the four criteria for statehood: a permanent population, a defined territory, a functioning government, and the capacity to enter relations with other states.

Economic Opportunities

Formal recognition would unlock Somaliland’s economic potential, which is currently stifled by its “unrecognized” status. Currently, the Republic of Somaliland cannot access loans from the World Bank or IMF. Recognition would allow for massive infrastructure investment. The country is believed to have untapped oil, gas, and mineral reserves. US recognition would provide a legal framework for American companies to invest and compete with growing Chinese influence in African resource markets.

In addition to moral imperatives, recognition of the Republic of Somaliland would align with United States’ economic and strategic interests by fostering a partnership with a stable and democratic ally in a pivotal region. This collaboration could open pathways for trade, investment, and shared initiatives that benefit both nations.

Failing to recognize the Republic of Somaliland perpetuates its diplomatic isolation, which poses a significant risk of creating a vacuum that extremist groups like Al-Shabaab and the Houthis may exploit. Given Somaliland’s vital location near the Bab al-Mandeb Strait—a critical global shipping lane—instability in this region could have dire consequences, endangering international trade, compromising global security, and adversely impacting United States’ interests.

I urge the government of United States to take a principled stance. The moment has arrived for United States to recognize the Republic of Somaliland and support its rightful place among the community of nations. Such recognition would not only honor the sacrifices of the Somaliland people but also uphold the fundamental principles of democracy and self-determination that contribute to global peace and security.

About the Author

Mohamed Osman, a retired physician and public health specialist from Somaliland, is a Canadian citizen who has worked with Ottawa Public Health and Alberta Health Services. He is also recognized for supporting Somaliland’s recognition.

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