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Somaliland: Recognition, International Law, and the Fear of Precedent

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Deeq A.   

Somaliland: Recognition, International Law, and the Fear of Precedent

Somaliland: Recognition, International Law, and the Fear of Precedent

A State in All but Name
For more than three decades, Somaliland has maintained peace, democracy, and functioning institutions in a region otherwise defined by instability. Elections have been held regularly, with international observers noting their transparency and credibility. Civil society organizations have flourished, and institutions of governance—from courts to parliaments—operate with accountability.

By the standards of the Montevideo Convention (1933), Somaliland qualifies as a state. It has:  A permanent population. A defined territory with colonial-era borders. A functioning government.  The capacity to enter into relations with other states

Legal scholars such as Iqbal Jhazbhay and Michael Walls have argued that Somaliland’s case is unique: it is not a secessionist movement but a restoration of sovereignty, having been independent for five days in June 1960 before voluntarily uniting with Somalia.

The UN Charter and Self-Determination
The United Nations Charter, Article 1(2), enshrines the principle of self-determination: “to develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples.” This principle was reinforced in UN General Assembly Resolution 1514 (1960), which declared that “all peoples have the right to self-determination.”

Somaliland’s claim rests squarely on this foundation. Its withdrawal from Somalia in 1991 was not rebellion but a lawful exercise of self-determination after the collapse of the Somali state. International law experts, including those writing in the Michigan Journal of International Law, argue that continued denial of recognition undermines the credibility of the UN system itself.

The African Union’s Contradiction
The African Union (AU) remains reluctant to recognize Somaliland, citing the principle of respecting colonial-era borders. Yet this position is contradictory. Somaliland’s borders were clearly defined under British colonial administration, separate from Italian Somalia. Recognition would not redraw Africa’s map—it would simply acknowledge a historical reality.

The AU’s refusal to engage constructively with Somaliland exposes a deeper fear: that recognition would embolden other marginalized regions across Africa. But this fear ignores the fact that Somaliland’s case is exceptional, rooted in both historical legitimacy and democratic governance.

Expert Commentary, Abdillahi Mohamed Bile, a Somali legal scholar, stresses that Somaliland is the only territory of the former Somali Republic to establish a stable, democratic government, making its exclusion from recognition a violation of both historical legitimacy and international norms.
Matthew Schaefer, writing in the Michigan Journal of International Law, argues that Somaliland’s case highlights the need to update doctrines of recognition, as rigid adherence to outdated principles fails to account for realities on the ground.  International Crisis Group has noted that Somaliland’s stability is not only beneficial to its people but also to regional security, particularly in countering piracy and extremism along the Gulf of Aden.

Conclusion: Recognition as Reform
Somaliland’s struggle is not about destabilizing Africa—it is about exposing weaknesses in governance elsewhere. Recognition would not encourage fragmentation but rather demonstrate that unity must be built on justice, democracy, and dignity.

The refusal to recognize Somaliland is less about Somaliland itself and more about the fear that its success will challenge authoritarian regimes and corrupt systems. Yet international law, the UN Charter, and expert consensus are clear: Somaliland has earned recognition.

The question is whether the world will uphold its own principles—or continue to deny them in the face of political convenience.

About the Author
Mustafe Jambir is a Somalilander researcher specializing in geopolitics, foreign relations, governance, and development policy, with a focus on the Horn of Africa. His work combines political analysis, monitoring and evaluation, and policy research to examine state-building, resilience, and institutional performance. He is also a writer on Somali culture, identity, and leadership.

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