Jiiroow Bakaal

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  2. Posted

    http://www.nytimes.com/slideshow/2011/09/07/world/africa/07somalia-8.html

     

    http://www.nytimes.com/slideshow/2011/09/07/world/africa/07somalia.html

     

     

    By JEFFREY GETTLEMAN

    Saturday, September 10, 2011

     

    DHOBLEY, Somalia — Adan Dahir Hassan sits in a bald office, wires dangling from the ceiling, handing out death sentences. Recently installed by an Islamist warlord, Mr. Hassan recalled how he had ordered a soldier who had killed a civilian, possibly by accident, to be delivered to the victim’s family, which promptly shot him in the head

     

    “It’s Islamic law,” said Mr. Hassan, the professed district commissioner of this bullet-riddled town. “That’s what makes the community feel happy.”

     

    For the first time in years, the ShababIslamist group that has long tormented Somalis is receding from several areas at once, including this one, handing the Transitional Federal Government an enormous opportunity to finally step outside the capital and begin uniting this fractious country after two decades of war.

     

    Instead, a messy, violent, clannish scramble is emerging over who will take control.

     

    This is exactly what the United States and other donors had hoped to avoid by investing millions of dollars in the transitional government, viewing it as the best antidote to Somalia’s chronic instability and a bulwark against Islamic extremism.

     

    But the government is too weak, corrupt, divided and disorganized to mount a claim beyond Mogadishu, the capital, leaving clan warlords, Islamist militias and proxy forces armed by foreign governments to battle it out for the regions the Shabab are losing.

     

    Already, clashes have erupted between the anti-Shabab forces fighting for the spoils, and roadblocks operated by clan militias have resurfaced on the streets of Mogadishu, even though the government says it is in control. Many analysts say both the Shabab and the government are splintering and predict that the warfare will only increase, complicating the response to Somalia’s widening famine.

     

    “What you now have is a free-for-all contest in which clans are unilaterally carving up the country into unviable clan enclaves and cantons,” said Rashid Abdi, an analyst for the International Crisis Group, which studies conflicts. “The way things are going, the risk of future interregional wars and instability is real,” Mr. Abdi added, “even after Al Shabab is defeated.”

     

    More than 20 separate new ministates, including one for a drought-stricken area incongruously named Greenland, have sprouted up across Somalia, some little more than Web sites or so-called briefcase governments, others heavily armed, all eager for international recognition and the money that may come with it.

     

    Officials with the 9,000-strong African Union peacekeeping force, the backbone of security in Mogadishu, say they are deeply concerned by this fragmentation, reminiscent of Somalia’s warlord days after the government collapsed in 1991.

     

    “What was holding everybody together is now gone,” lamented an African Union official, who asked not to be identified because he was departing from the official line that all is well in Mogadishu. “All these people who came together to fight the Shabab are now starting to fight each other. We weren’t prepared for this. It’s happening too fast.”

     

    American officials are struggling to keep up with Somalia’s rapidly evolving — or some say devolving — politics, saying they have lost faith in the transitional government’s leaders and are now open to the idea of financing some local security forces, part of what they call a “dual track” approach to supporting the national and local governments at the same time.

     

    “It wouldn’t be the worst thing in the world to have a local leader with some charisma and grass-roots support,” said one American official, who was not authorized to speak publicly.

     

    Perhaps no area better illustrates the creeping warlordism than Dhobley, a forlorn little town near the Kenyan border contested by two new militias, one led by a dapper, French-educated intellectual, the other by an Islamist sheik who used to be in league with the Shabab.

     

    People are starving here, victims of Somalia’s famine, 70-pound adults and tiny babies with skin cracked like old paint. But there are few aid organizations around. They have been scared off by the hundreds of undisciplined militiamen, who constantly fire off their guns and have killed each other in recent weeks.

     

    The gunmen in solid green fatigues belong to Ahmed Madobe, the Islamist sheik-turned-warlord who just a few years ago was hunted down by American forces, wounded by shrapnel during an air raid and then spirited away to an Ethiopian prison.

     

    “I wasn’t just in the Shabab; I helped found it,” Sheik Madobe boasted the other day, as he sat in a tent on Dhobley’s outskirts, flanked by dozens of baby-faced fighters. He said he had quit the Shabab because “they’re killers,” though several analysts said it was a more prosaic breakup over smuggling fees.

     

    Also prowling around Dhobley, between crumbling buildings and stinking piles of animal carcasses from the drought, are hundreds of gunmen in camouflage fighting for another man, known as the Professor.

     

    Mohamed Abdi Mohamed, better known as Professor Gandhi, is a former university lecturer who says he holds two French Ph.D.’s — in geology and anthropology. He has formed his own state, Azania, complete with two houses of representatives and special seats for women, though he is not actually in Dhobley and seems to spend a lot of time in Kenya.

     

    “Let’s just say Madobe and I have different values,” Professor Gandhi said from the tearoom of a fancy hotel in Nairobi, the Kenyan capital, where he was wearing gold-rimmed glasses and a stylish thick cotton blazer.

     

    Professor Gandhi’s and Sheik Madobe’s forces, working simultaneously though not quite together, recently pushed the Shabab out of a few towns along the Kenyan border. The Kenyan military has been backing them up, and according to American diplomatic cables, the Chinese government gave Kenya weapons and uniforms for the Somali militiamen, possibly because there is oil in southern Somalia that the Chinese covet.

     

    A similar situation is unfolding near the Ethiopian border, where an Ethiopian-backed militia has defeated Shabab forces and established a narrow zone of control. In central Somalia, another militia, Ahlu Sunna Wal Jama’a, which also receives Ethiopian weapons, has seized several towns from the Shabab as well.

     

    The Shabab seem to be undercut by internal fissures, though they still have thousands of fighters. Several leaders, including Fazul Abdullah Mohammed, have recently been killed, and the Shabab’s policy of blocking Western food aid at a time of famine has meant that hundreds of thousands of people have fled their territory, depleting the militants’ resources and depriving them of recruits. Those who remain are often too poor to tax or too sick to soldier.

     

    In August, the Shabab announced they were pulling out of Mogadishu for the first time in years, though some fighters apparently stayed behind to terrorize the population and behead more than a dozen people.

     

    The new anti-Shabab forces have differing relationships with the transitional government. Sheik Madobe says he is willing to work with transitional leaders; Professor Gandhi dismissed them as a lost cause. But even the local administrations marginally aligned with the government say they do not get much help from Mogadishu and now want to break away.

     

    “Separation, that’s our dream,” said Abdirashid Hassan Abdinur, a local official in Dolo, near the Ethiopian border. As for a name, he said they were still working on that. “All I can say is that we’ll pick it here, not at some foreign hotel.”

     

    Source: NY Times

  7. Posted

    Haa Caalin wa yimi

     

    laakin reer Galmudug iyo reer Garsoor waa iney Airportka gabigiisba xiraan ama uu noqdaa airport ummada gobolka

    wada degta u siman yihiin

     

    FG

     

    Waxaan qabaa inuu dagaal lagu kalo baxo oo sedex geesood ah u dhaco

  10. Posted

    http://www.raxanreeb.com/?p=109900

     

     

    Gaalkacyo (RBC Radio):- Dagaalkii saaka ka bilawday magaalada Gaalkacyo gaar ahaan xaafada Garsoror ayaa goor dhoweyd joogsaday, waxaana soo baxaya khasaaraha uu dagaalka geystay oo aad u tira badan.

     

    Dadka ku dhintay dagaalka saaka ayaa la xaqiijiyay in ay kor u dhaafayaan 10 ruux, waxaana dhaawacu gaarayaa ku dhowaad 50 ruux sida ay xaqiijiyeen Saraakiisha la socda gaadiidka gurmadka deg dega ah ee soo daad gureynaya dhaawacyada, iyadoo dadka dhintay ay u badan yihiin dhinacyadii dagaalamayay, halka dhaawaca ay u badan yihiin shacab ay rasaastu ugu tagtay guryahooda.

     

    Waxaa intii uu dagaalku socday la isu adeegsadey hubka noocyadiisa kala duwan, waxaana dhibaato xoogan ay soo gaartey shacabka magaalada Gaalkacyo iyadoo khasaaruhu isugu jiray naf iyo maal.

     

    Waxaa burburay dhismayaal ku yaala xaafadaha magaalada Gaalkacyo sida Garsoor iyo Israac oo ay ku dhaceen madaafiic la isweydaarsaday labada dhinac, waxaana la arkayay dadweyne farabadan oo ka cararaya goobaha dagaalka ka agdhow.

     

    Isbitaalka guud ee gobolka Mudug, Isbitaalka GMC iyo Isbitaalka koonfurta Gaalkacyo ayaa la geeyay dad farabadan oo dhaawac ah, waxaana dadkaasi ay isugu jiraan dhaawacyo fudud iyo kuwa culus, waxaana Saraakiisha isbitaaladu ay shacabka ugu baaqeen in ay dhiigaga u shubaan dhaawacyo farabadan oo khatar ugu jira in ay u geeriyoodaan dhiig la’aan.

     

    RBC Radio.

  16. Posted

    Famine Hunger Terror Pirate Refugee War. in Europe Jobless, cannot integrate within the societies. antisocial behaviour

     

    Somali woman are overweight and obesity at the same time they lack vitamine D. the children suffer autism and asperger Syndrome because of the kids are the product of Jaad chewing father and overweight mother.

     

    Waxaasoo dhan anagoo ugu sabreen bey hadda BARYO BILAAWEEN masaajid walbo ka istaagayaan joornaal walba qoraya hadii la quudiyo ay dhargaan so qoryo isu qaadaan maayaan

  20. Posted

    Doqonimada lagu sheego Zack cidihiisa illeyn waa dhab

     

    waxuu u heystaa sidii gabar la guri geynaay in AMISOM ay soo galbin doonto GAANDI oo Kismaayo keeni doonto loooool

     

    kilinka shanaad gaalka ka cabaadeyso baa kuu dhaama gaalada maanta aa u dabaal degeyso

  21. Posted

     

    739160=14-1219605284zulu2.jpg

     

    Without Alshabaab this is what will happen to those who want AMISOM in their towns

     

    http://www.newvision.co.ug/D/8/13/646169

     

     

    Somali mother is in Kampala looking for a UPDF soldier who she says fathered her four-month-old baby-boy. The 23-year-old Nino Omar Ibrahim arrived five days ago after a one-week journey from war-torn Somalia.

     

    The situation back home, she said, had forced her to search for the father of her son who was one of the 1,600 Ugandan peace-keepers deployed in Mogadishu.

     

    “I met him when I took my father, Sheik Ibrahim Omar, for treatment at the AMISOM hospital in Mogadishu,” said the frail-looking Nino.

     

    While she searches for the soldier, Nino has taken refuge in Kisenyi, the Kampala slum which has most Somali refugees.

    “I love the father of my boy. All I need is to get in touch with him for assistance. I need him that is why I came. My child is a Ugandan but I feared being killed due to this act. I am safer here,” she said.

     

    Under Islamic law, which operates in some parts of Somalia, a woman may be killed for having sex out of wedlock.

    Nino, who says she gets help from Hussein Hassan, the chairman of the Somali community here, wants the UPDF to help her.

     

    Army spokesman Maj. Paddy Ankunda, who met Nino at his Mbuya offices on Friday, promised to help. He identified the officer as Joshua Asiza, a medical worker.

     

    “We want him to take responsibility and take care of the boy and the mother. They need help,” Ankunda said. “If he denies responsibility, that will be another matter.”

     

    Ankunda would not say what sentence or charges the officer would face if he declined to take responsibility. But he added that if Asiza fathered the child, he breached the army code of conduct.

     

    “We have guidelines to follow while on a peace mission especially abroad. In the UPDF, we don’t condone indiscipline.”

    Asiza, a Warrant Officer II, was part of the first batch of the African Union peace-keeping force in the war-torn Somalia.

     

    He refused to take his calls yesterday.

    President Museveni had warned the officers to desist from “immoral acts”.

     

    Meeting them in Kimaka, Jinja, before their departure, Museveni said: “You are leaving while healthy. Don’t go and start irresponsible behaviour that will see you contract HIV/AIDS.”

     

    During the UPDF mission in DR Congo, many Congolese women, along with children, followed the officers back to Uganda after the mission ended.

    Many settled down with the soldiers as married couples.

  23. Posted

    Alshabaab never do this to the poor IDP people

     

    http://www.hiiraan.com/news/2011/Aug/wararka_maanta5-14486.htm

     

    Jimco, Ogoosto 05, 2011 (HOL) – Ugu yaraan 10-qof oo shacab ah ayaa ku dhintay tiro intaas ka badanna way ku dahawceen rasaas ay ciidamada dowladda KMG ah ku fureen barakacayaal ku jira xerada Badbaado ee degmada Dharkeynley taasoo ah xerada ugu weyn ee ay dowladda KMG ah dajisay barakacayaasha ka yimid gobollada koonfureed ee dalka.

     

    Rasaasta ay ciidamada dowladda KMG ah ku fureen dadka shacabka ah ayaa timid iyadoo la doonayay in dadka xeradaas ku jira loo qaybiyo mucaawino, taasoo ay isku dayeen ciidamadu inay dhacaan, balse ay shacabku ka hortageen.

     

    "Mucaawinada markii la keenayay ayay ciidamadu damceen inay boobaab, balse waxaa taas ka jawaabay shacabka xeradaas ku jira oo iyaguna damcay inay boobaab gargaarka, balse rasaas ayaa lagu furay in ka badan 10-qof ayaana dhintay," ayuu yiri mid ka mid ah barakacayaasha.

     

    Dadka dhintay oo dhan ayaa ahaa barakacayaashii ku jiray xeradaas, kuwaasoo dhowr jeer oo hore ka cawday dhac ay ciidamada dowladda KMG ah u geysteen raashin gargaar ah oo loogu talogalay.

     

    Isbitaalka Madiina oo ka mid ah isbitaallada Muqdisho ayaa la gaarsiiyay inta badan dhaawacyadii ka dhashay rasaasta ay ciidamada dowladdu sida aan kala sooca lahayn ugu fureen barakacayaasha ku jira xerada Badbaado.

     

    Dowladda Soomaaliya ayaan ka hadlin falka ay sameeyeen ciidamada dowladda ee lagu dilay barakacayaasha, iyadoo xasuuqan uu noqonayo kii ugu baaxadda weynaa ee ay ciidamada DKMG ah u geystaan barakacayaasha abaaraha.

     

    Barakacayaashii ku jiray xeradaas ayaa saakay billaabay inay dib uga barakacaan xerada, iyagoo qaarkood ay u sheegeen HOL inay aadayaan goob walba oo ay ku heli karaan nabadgalyo

  24. Posted

    http://old.news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20110802/ap_on_re_af/af_east_africa_famine

     

     

    DHOBLEY, Somalia – Somalis with new uniforms and guns they say were bought by Kenya's government are supposed to be guarding the Somali-Kenya border against al-Qaida-linked militants. But many don't get paid, and some sell their weapons or prey on refugees fleeing famine.

     

    This new breed of gunman in an area awash with weapons is making the trek from Somalia's parched landscape even more dangerous for thousands of defenseless refugees.

     

    Among the latest victims of the lawlessness were a 13-year-old girl and her two sisters, who fled Somalia with their parents. After the family crossed into Kenya, gunmen stopped their donkey cart, robbed the parents and kidnapped the girls.

     

    The three young sisters were gang-raped for two days before being released, the teen told an Associated Press reporter, then buried her face in her shawl. It was not clear if the attackers were members of the border militia or outlaws who had bought their guns.

     

    Aid groups operating around the sprawling Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya say many refugees have been attacked by gunmen, some of whom may have come from the so-called Jubaland militia that guards the Somali-Kenya border.

     

    Militiamen "come to the refugee areas and disturb them," said Sabik Shakuku, a Kenyan who receives funding from the Pan African Center for Peace and Conflict Resolution. "We have told the government but they have not taken action."

     

    Kenyan police arrested three deserters from the border force on Saturday for trying to sell their weapons, said Nelson Tatliti, the deputy officer in charge of the police station at Dadaab. "These are the ones causing problems on the border," he said.

     

    A Kenyan government spokesman did not return calls seeking comment. Kenya has long asserted the presence of al-Shabab, an Islamist militant group that controls huge swaths of southern Somalia near its border, is a major security threat — one reason the government would back a border militia.

     

    Hussein Mohamed, a commander with the Jubaland force, said Kenya "gives us a lot of help because we are fighting al-Shabab."

     

    Clad in a new olive green uniform, he pointed out shoes, vehicles, uniforms and weapons he said were gifts from Kenya.

     

    But, he acknowledged, many members of the militia are not paid.

     

    "About 60 percent of us get paid," said Mohamed, who was guarding the border on a recent day as a convoy of Kenyan government vehicles thundered past, escorting a local militia leader in a vehicle flying the blue-and-white Somali flag.

     

    "The rest must share, or go without," he said.

     

    Tens of thousands of people have died in the Horn of Africa drought and more than 12 million people in the region need food aid, according to the United Nations. Some parents arrive at refugee camps in Kenya carrying children so malnourished their swollen heads loll on stick-thin necks. The arms of others are empty, their dead sons and daughters left behind on the road.

     

    The loose oversight of the Jubaland border force and their weapons creates an additional hazard for the tens of thousands fleeing hunger and violence in Somalia.

     

    Still, the problem is not a new one.

     

    Many countries have tried to fund forces in Somalia's long conflict only to find trainees deserting and their equipment in the marketplace after they weren't paid because commanders pocketed their pay checks. Such problems dogged a European Union-funded program to train Somali police, as well as U.S. and Italian-funded programs for Somali soldiers.

     

    Now the Italians and the United States insist on paying each Somali soldier $100 in person every month rather than giving money to commanders.

     

    In recent months, the Kenyan army has begun trying to tackle some of the problems of the border militia, said a Kenya-based security official. This includes keeping a tight control on ammunition, screening applicants and tracking down deserters, said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to talk to the media.

     

    But despite the recent efforts, militia members said they did not know who was paying them, how much or how often. They said wages were irregular and there was little tracking of weapons or ammunition.

     

    "Sometimes we get paid and sometimes not," said Said Dahir, a 23-year-old militiaman. "We only get rice for food, so sometimes we go to the refugee camps (to eat) and come back."

     

    Six deserters interviewed by AP said they left because they were not paid and food was scarce. Commanders pocketed most wages and only paid men from their clan, said the men, whose last names were withheld to protect them from retribution.

     

    The deserters said rifles were changing hands for less than $100, a dramatic fall from the $230 they commanded just six months ago. Some attacks on refugees were carried out by fellow deserters and others were by bandits who bought the weapons, they said.

     

    Ali, who said he deserted after two months, described a commander who was compiling a list of men who had deserted with their guns. The list was very long, he said.

     

    But most deserters were not thieves, he added. They just wanted food and their guns were their only possession of value.

     

    Abdi, a tall, thin 25-year-old, said he had received no pay and little food when he belonged to the guard force.

     

    It had taken him 10 days to find someone to buy his gun because the market was so flooded with weapons. After he finally sold it, he said he used half the money to buy a bus ticket to a refugee camp.

     

    But on the way, gunmen stopped the bus and robbed him of the rest.

  25. Posted

    http://old.news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20110802/ap_on_re_af/af_east_africa_famine

     

     

    DHOBLEY, Somalia – Somalis with new uniforms and guns they say were bought by Kenya's government are supposed to be guarding the Somali-Kenya border against al-Qaida-linked militants. But many don't get paid, and some sell their weapons or prey on refugees fleeing famine.

     

    This new breed of gunman in an area awash with weapons is making the trek from Somalia's parched landscape even more dangerous for thousands of defenseless refugees.

     

    Among the latest victims of the lawlessness were a 13-year-old girl and her two sisters, who fled Somalia with their parents. After the family crossed into Kenya, gunmen stopped their donkey cart, robbed the parents and kidnapped the girls.

     

    The three young sisters were gang-raped for two days before being released, the teen told an Associated Press reporter, then buried her face in her shawl. It was not clear if the attackers were members of the border militia or outlaws who had bought their guns.

     

    Aid groups operating around the sprawling Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya say many refugees have been attacked by gunmen, some of whom may have come from the so-called Jubaland militia that guards the Somali-Kenya border.

     

    Militiamen "come to the refugee areas and disturb them," said Sabik Shakuku, a Kenyan who receives funding from the Pan African Center for Peace and Conflict Resolution. "We have told the government but they have not taken action."

     

    Kenyan police arrested three deserters from the border force on Saturday for trying to sell their weapons, said Nelson Tatliti, the deputy officer in charge of the police station at Dadaab. "These are the ones causing problems on the border," he said.

     

    A Kenyan government spokesman did not return calls seeking comment. Kenya has long asserted the presence of al-Shabab, an Islamist militant group that controls huge swaths of southern Somalia near its border, is a major security threat — one reason the government would back a border militia.

     

    Hussein Mohamed, a commander with the Jubaland force, said Kenya "gives us a lot of help because we are fighting al-Shabab."

     

    Clad in a new olive green uniform, he pointed out shoes, vehicles, uniforms and weapons he said were gifts from Kenya.

     

    But, he acknowledged, many members of the militia are not paid.

     

    "About 60 percent of us get paid," said Mohamed, who was guarding the border on a recent day as a convoy of Kenyan government vehicles thundered past, escorting a local militia leader in a vehicle flying the blue-and-white Somali flag.

     

    "The rest must share, or go without," he said.

     

    Tens of thousands of people have died in the Horn of Africa drought and more than 12 million people in the region need food aid, according to the United Nations. Some parents arrive at refugee camps in Kenya carrying children so malnourished their swollen heads loll on stick-thin necks. The arms of others are empty, their dead sons and daughters left behind on the road.

     

    The loose oversight of the Jubaland border force and their weapons creates an additional hazard for the tens of thousands fleeing hunger and violence in Somalia.

     

    Still, the problem is not a new one.

     

    Many countries have tried to fund forces in Somalia's long conflict only to find trainees deserting and their equipment in the marketplace after they weren't paid because commanders pocketed their pay checks. Such problems dogged a European Union-funded program to train Somali police, as well as U.S. and Italian-funded programs for Somali soldiers.

     

    Now the Italians and the United States insist on paying each Somali soldier $100 in person every month rather than giving money to commanders.

     

    In recent months, the Kenyan army has begun trying to tackle some of the problems of the border militia, said a Kenya-based security official. This includes keeping a tight control on ammunition, screening applicants and tracking down deserters, said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to talk to the media.

     

    But despite the recent efforts, militia members said they did not know who was paying them, how much or how often. They said wages were irregular and there was little tracking of weapons or ammunition.

     

    "Sometimes we get paid and sometimes not," said Said Dahir, a 23-year-old militiaman. "We only get rice for food, so sometimes we go to the refugee camps (to eat) and come back."

     

    Six deserters interviewed by AP said they left because they were not paid and food was scarce. Commanders pocketed most wages and only paid men from their clan, said the men, whose last names were withheld to protect them from retribution.

     

    The deserters said rifles were changing hands for less than $100, a dramatic fall from the $230 they commanded just six months ago. Some attacks on refugees were carried out by fellow deserters and others were by bandits who bought the weapons, they said.

     

    Ali, who said he deserted after two months, described a commander who was compiling a list of men who had deserted with their guns. The list was very long, he said.

     

    But most deserters were not thieves, he added. They just wanted food and their guns were their only possession of value.

     

    Abdi, a tall, thin 25-year-old, said he had received no pay and little food when he belonged to the guard force.

     

    It had taken him 10 days to find someone to buy his gun because the market was so flooded with weapons. After he finally sold it, he said he used half the money to buy a bus ticket to a refugee camp.

     

    But on the way, gunmen stopped the bus and robbed him of the rest.