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Sub-Saharan Informer had an Interview With Prof. Iqbal D. Jhazbhay*

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Somaliland Times, Issue 105 Jan.26-Feb.1, 2004

 

The following are excerpts from an interview conducted by the Addis Ababa-based the Sub-Saharan Informer with the South African Scholar Prof. Iqbal D. Jhazbhay as published in the newspaper’s issue of Jan 16, 2004

 

SSI: What are the major implications of recent development in the political contours of Somaliland?

 

Prof. Jhazbhay: In analyzing many of the international developments and notably on the continent of Africa, we can see that within the Horn of Africa, the future of the African continent is being played out. It is here in the Horn of Africa that many of the key scenarios would determine the future of the continent. Let me give you specific examples; there is now a consensus amongst intellectuals and amongst policy makers, that the key requisite for development is peace and stability and what we are looking at is reasonable peace and stability. So, in the case of Somaliland, we see reasonable peace and stability has emerged. The question then becomes for the international community, for intellectuals and policy makers, is that when you have an area of the world, which is reasonably peaceful and stable that, then requires that the international community, the intellectuals and policy makers rise up to that challenge. People have toiled with their sweat, with their blood, we cannot let down the children of Somaliland, and neither can we let down the women of Somaliland. Because our humanity is linked to the humanity of others. By recognizing their humanity and their efforts, we are genuinely recognizing the humanity in ourselves. So, I get a firm sense when I look at South African foreign policy, we see no a creative move to recognize peace and stability, we see refreshing move to say that one of the goals of NEPAD is to encourage peace and good governance. If that is so, it means that principle has to be applied concretely, and fortunately South Africa has taken that type of approach when you analyze South African foreign policy, you find president Mbeki’s Director General for conflict resolution visited Somaliland in January 2003 to listen and to recognize the efforts of the people, the women and the men who have toiled to bring about peace and stability. Through their own indigenous conflict resolution methods, this is one concrete case where the future of humanity is being played out in the Horn of Africa and by recognizing the efforts of the women, children and men of Somaliland, we are recognizing our own humanity and we are giving concrete from to the NEPAD objective of supporting good governance, peace and stability.

 

SSI: Why is it taking long for some countries to recognize Somaliland?

 

Prof. Jhazbhay: In the past, when we turn to the case of Somaliland, you find that when the British arrived there, they needed Somalis to guide them through. Now the fact that Somaliland has attained stability, the irony is that there is a need of foreign interlocutors to interpret the peace and stability and make it known to the world.

 

So, you see many well-known scholars, such as Professor Ali Mazrui, doing so. So, this is the first irony I would have to outline in unpacking the case of Somaliland. I think the real reason is the fact that information on Somaliland has not been forthcoming, the flow of information has been pretty restricted to certain Internet websites and it has a lot to do with the unenlightened approach at time on behalf of multilateral institutions. You find initially the UN, the OAU at the time, had taken a particular type of approach but now there are some encouraging sights. The AU is showing some positive signs. So I think, one is the flow of information. Those who have been informed are coming through very positively now. A good case in point is the South African media now. There is balanced reporting on Somaliland. A lot of institutions are reporting on Somaliland, institutions like the Africa Institute, South African Institute of International Affairs, the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa… and that has now brought about a more informed awareness. That has also made the local constituencies play a much stronger role. The same could be said about the United States. There has been a steady stream of reporting on Somaliland. The Washington Post ran a very enhanced article. In the UK, there have been regular delegations to Somaliland. So I think it is very much a fifty, fifty situation. More countries now have a more informed sense and there are also many countries that do not have an informed sense. Those who do have an informed sense, have taken positive steps in analyzing the situation in Somaliland. It makes the point that once again, newspapers like the Sub Saharan Informer, and other world wide newspapers have a big role of informing world opinion about the reality in the horn of Africa. The type of balance here is a non-partisan approach. There is also another reason. There are powerful blocks, whom I believe don’t have an interest in peace and stability. Their main concern may not be the waters of the Nile River.

 

The main concern is democracy. You are familiar; in the Horn of Africa, there have been some successful experiences in democracy. I have described Somaliland’s emerging democracy in an article earlier on. I described it: “as a success story, Somaliland is Africa’s best kept secret”. And sometimes you find a deliberate attempt to suppress information because of the emerging democracy. It has had successful local and presidential elections. Ethiopia is now going to have democratic elections emerging. The others will have it too. So there are key blocks in the Horn of Africa, who are afraid of democracy. The waters of the Nile River is one issue but the “huge threat” is democracy. So it is in the interest of those who do not have an interest in democracy to block the emerging democratic movements. I think there is a consensus amongst key international pro-democracy movements like the International Crisis Group, which described the experience of Somaliland as one of the most successful experiments of democracy in the Horn of Africa. So, to my mind, those are the key reasons why you see this block of information, a deliberate attempt to suppress information and democracy.

 

SSI: In this regard, according to a discussion with Mohamed Hussein Idid, who clearly told me that it is encouraging, Somaliland is a stable government but it would be to the whole advantage of Somaliland and the horn of Africa, if they remain united to Somalia. Do you think there will be a danger if the international community goes ahead and recognizes Somaliland?

 

Prof. Jhazbhay: I subscribe to the view held by Professor Ali Mazrui. This is a view held by many well-known specialists of the Horn of Africa. The view is that, when you have a peaceful and reasonably stable part of the horn of Africa, it should be allowed to grow and should not be pulled off. The view of Professor Ali Mazrui is that Somaliland has the resources alone to develop its institutions. One day when the rest of what was empirically known as Somalia comes back to shape Somaliland can possibly re-join Somalia. My related remark to this issue is that the international community has to find a balance between idealism and realism. The reality on the ground is what was empirically known as Somalia, does not exist anymore. The related reality is that 14 peace conferences and a huge amount of effort have gone into trying to bring the South of Somalia together. In the efforts of last year, some 9-12 million has been spent in the reconciliation talks in Nairobi. There does not seem to be much light at the end of the tunnel. Which suggests that a creative approach has to come through, which says that half a loaf of bread. That was the conclusion also of the well-known Professor Ian Louis, doyen of Somali Studies. That is, to encourage half a loaf. In the future we may have full one loaf. I think the big question, which I raised earlier, is what signal are we sending when we do not want to recognize the efforts of the people towards peace and stability. What message are we sending when we do not want to recognize the efforts of people towards good governance? They would say they have done everything possible to meet the requirements of peace, stability and governance. What more do they need to do? That’s an answer we have to give them, because it is the future of the African child. The children in Somaliland, who are under 20, have no memory of unity with Somalia. I think at the end of the day Somalis are very keen to maintain contacts and co-operation but given the fact that Somaliland went through what is known by human rights organization as a genocidal experience in 1988, where the city was flattened into rubble. The fact of the matter remains sound. Many of those leaders who are now on the ground in the south have not come up with any mechanism to show remorse for what they have done in 1988. And the feeling on the ground in Hargeisa, you ask the elders in Somaliland, their view is that they will not and never join the South. They are willing to cooperate, share experiences and trade. But in terms of the political experience the wounds are very fresh. It was captured beautifully by one of the political leaders of Somaliland. He said, you can see the walls here and you can see the bullet wounds. In Somaliland, the bullet wounds are not only fresh in their minds but they are still fresh on the walls. So there are some powerful arguments, which emerge from the ground. So I can foresee the future emerging where you would see a lot of NGO cooperation, you would see a lot of trade cooperation, a lot of sharing of experiences. But clearly when political unity is raised, the pains of 1988 are too fresh in peoples’ minds.

 

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*Prof. Iqbal D. Jhazbhay is a senior lecturer at the University of South Africa and a well-published researcher. He is a Director of the Board of Johannesburg-based Institute for Global Dialogue and is also convener of the Middle East study group at the South African Institute of International Affairs. He also serves on the African National Congress’s (ANC) Commission for Religious Affairs

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