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  1. The disagreements between the officials have reached a point of no-return. Direct communications have broken down and most importantly, who will survive this battle is to be determined. Let's see how this episode unfolds. The aspect that I am looking forward to seeing is Somaliland's ability to influence international power-brokers.
  2. The Ethiopian government wants it for its local politics, just propaganda The Opposition in Somalia wants SFG seen in bad light The poor people are left to waste time and talk nonesense over something meaningless Farmaajo says yes we signed MOU Kyre in Scandinavia says is nothing It looks to me another UAE created or pushed issue. Confirmation will come when Federal state or parliament or senate members mention about it. Why not just fix and work on Somalia. There is nothing much a Somalia government can do about Ethiopia even if it tries. How come Kenya which is wealthier than Ethiopia and probably better government accept it cannot be more influential than Ethiopia in foreign relations? I understand nationalism, but this kind some Somali have is simply self=destructive.
  4. [Somtribune] Link: The Federal President of Somalia, Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo, put a well-orchestrated military plan his commanders dubbed ‘Operation Lightning Strike’ in full gear sending armament, ammunition, and trained troops to the battlefront with the Republic of Somaliland in the last two to three days – and still on. Planes were seen being loaded with crates upon crates containing millions of rounds of ammunition, disassembled heavy artillery, mortars and spare parts on the Halane side of the Adan Adde International airport of Mogadishu. Boarding the planes in an ordered fashion, fully-equipped military units estimated at a total of 600-1000 men, who had been trained at the Turkish base and elsewhere at the many other foreign-supported training grounds in and around Mogadishu, have also been identified in line with points 1.5 and 1.6 of the recently concluded security council meeting of the FGS and the Somalia Federal states in Baidoa. #OperationLightningStrike is planned to open multi-fronts on the Somaliland army currently in defensive positions near Tukkaraq village of Sool. The two armies of Somaliland and Puntland, fronting for Somalia, clashed in the area several times before with the latter suffering heavy casualties. The unabashed, openly waged campaigns on the Puntland side crying for clan support seems to be paying it dividends with the ill-concealed military, morale, and material support President Farmajo, who belongs to the same clan as Gass of Puntland, is ferrying nonstop to Garowe and adjacent airstrips. Very confidential sources who had witnessed the loading of commissioned planes have come to know that Somalia planned to put all its might behind a blitz offensive against Somaliland positions on Eid day or immediately after or before it. The plan is to penetrate the Somaliland defenses from several directions and to smuggle arms and ammunition into Las Anod city in order to try to capture the town from within so to isolate the frontline positions of the Somaliland army. Somalia, of recent, did not conceal its ambitions and claims against its erstwhile partner in the ill-fated political union of 1960, denying the fact that Somaliland joined its younger partner as a fully-fledged, sovereign, internationally recognized state with a constitution, functioning parliament and a ministerial council in place. Somaliland restored its lost independence in 1991 on an all-clan resolution at Burao and had since then been on its own for these past 27 years building a modern, very democratic, fully functioning state so commended by the international community. The international community started to open a dialogue between the two sides in 2012 but had not had the drive or the commitment to see it through. The talks petered off eventually after Somalia started to disdainfully violate agreed parameters one after the other. Unchecked and unreprimanded, it has now come to a stage where Somali is once more starting another civil strife, not unlike that of the 1980s between Somaliland fighters and the southern-dominated military regime of Siyad Barre which ended in his ignominious deposal in January 1991. Political analysts accuse Farmajo and his kinsman Gass of embarking on a revenge political and military offensive against the more successful, peaceful enclave that is the Republic of Somaliland. Somaliland is not very confident that an international community which previously failed to check the excesses of Somalia in failing the talks can come up with a meaningful resistance or even expose it now that the FGS’s Farmaajo is openly arming Puntland and sending it troops all belonging to one clan. On the other hand, many Somalians across a wide political spectrum are increasingly becoming disturbed and uncertain of where President Farmajo’s disoriented leadership is taking them. Not only in remote areas are the AMISOM and the US troops battling Al shabaab but Mogadishu, itself is witnessing a revival of street fights with hitherto sleeping cells of an emboldened insurgency. This despite an estimated 80 000 to 100 000 troops – registered and unregistered – since the Kenyan and Ethiopian presence is known to swell with unknown numbers as their respective commands deem necessary. The picture below where President Farmaajo, himself, is frisked by AMISOM foot soldiers at the gate of the Hallane compound, near the international airport, where the international community lives and works starkly, portrays Somalia’s current situation.
  5. Documents reveal Britain made secret deal to defend Kenya in case of invasion by Somalia Britain made a secret undertaking in 1967 to defend Kenya in case of an invasion by Somalia, declassified documents recently released from the Prime Minister’s office in London reveal. The deal, known as the “Bamburi Understanding”, was a reassurance following a non-committal statement made by Mr Duncan Sandys, the British Secretary of State for the Colonies, in 1964. Without making any concrete commitment, Mr Sandys had told Kenya’s new government that in case of an attack by Somalia, it was probable that Britain would intervene. Somalia, which was then considered to have one of the region’s most powerful armies equipped with sophisticated Soviet-made weapons, had threatened to annex the north eastern part of Kenya in pursuit of its Greater Somalia policy. President Jomo Kenyatta’s administration had since independence in 1963 been grappling with a secessionist conflict in the north east, known as the Shifta War, that was supported by Somalia. Indeed, Somali Prime minister Muhammad Egal had told British MPs in 1962 of the intention to unite all territories occupied by Somalis in Kenya and Ethiopia When Somalia’s aggressive action seemed likely to lead to an invasion of Kenya in 1966, President Kenyatta quickly dispatched Attorney-General Charles Njonjo and Agriculture Minister Bruce Mckenzie to London to pressure the British government to not only give reassurances of protecting Kenya but also provide more sophisticated equipment. DECLASSIFIED DOCUMENTS According to the declassified documents, although the British government turned down the request for arms terming it “unrealistic”, Prime Minister Harold Wilson, in a private message to President Kenyatta, committed to consider protecting Kenya from Somalia’s aggression. This private message marked “secret” was what came to be known as the “Bamburi Understanding”. “If Kenya were the victim of outright aggression by Somalia, the British government would give the situation most urgent consideration. While the British government cannot in advance give the Kenya Government any assurance of automatic assistance, the possibility of Britain giving the Kenyans assistance in the event of organised and unprovoked armed attack by Somalia is not precluded,” the message read. Nine months after the “Bamburi Understanding”, a key diplomatic milestone was achieved when mediation spearheaded by Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda led to the signing of the Arusha Memorandum between Kenya and Somalia to end border hostilities. But the Somalia government, which had signed the Arusha Memorandum, was overthrown and replaced by a military junta led by General Siad Barre in 1969. This resulted in apprehension with senior Kenyan officials fearing that General Barre was more likely to revive and pursue the Greater Somalia ambitions actively. ANOTHER BLOW As if that was not enough, Kenya suffered another blow when the British Labour administration, which had made defence commitments through the “Bamburi Understanding,” was replaced by the Conservatives under Prime Minister Edward Heath in June 1970, creating further anxiety. This sudden turn of events forced President Kenyatta to send Mr Njonjo and Mr Mckenzie with a private letter seeking reaffirmation from the new British Prime Minister on maintaining the security understanding. “I have asked them (Mr Njonjo and Mr Mckenzie) to discuss with you what we now here call the Bamburi Understanding. I hope that you will kindly discuss this matter with my ministers who have my authority to do so. I am keen that the understanding should be continued with your government,” read the letter dated August 30, 1970 and signed by President Kenyatta. Mr Mckenzie, who was on sick leave in Britain, booked the appointment with the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) to deliver the letter to Number 10 Downing Street, the Prime Minister’s residence in London. The appointment was confirmed for September 8, 1970 at 11 am. A BRIEF Four days before the meeting, a brief was forwarded to Prime Minister Heath by the FCO warning that President Kenyatta was going to be unhappy if Britain refused to carry on with the “Bamburi Understanding”. The brief argued that Kenyans were among the most moderate on the “Arms for South Africa” issue — in reference to Britain selling weapons to the Apartheid government despite widespread opposition from many African countries — making it crucial for the new British government not to antagonise them. In the brief that was written in the context of the Cold War between the Western and Eastern blocs, the Prime Minister was also advised to raise British concerns with the Kenyan emissaries about the Soviet Union’s attempts to penetrate East Africa. There was also to be the clincher that the former colonial masters were willing to co-operate on the defence problem so long as British soldiers were allowed continued access to Kenyan military facilities. Biographical notes annexed to the brief further give insights on how the British viewed the two Kenyan ministers. Mr Njonjo was described as one of the closest and friendliest ministers to the British High Commission in Nairobi. Although he lacked political will or the grassroots support to win the presidency, he was viewed as a leading architect in the Kenyatta succession. ALSO INFORMED The Prime Minister’s office was also informed that Mr Njonjo loved to have mid-morning tea with hot milk but there should also be Indian tea with cold milk and Chinese tea with lemon. In their brief, the British officials, however, sneered that Mr Njonjo’s undoing in the Kenyan political context was that he was “obviously presenting a very Western image politically and personally even to the extent of a black jacket and striped trousers and a rose buttonhole daily”. On his part, Mr Mckenzie was described as a “dynamo of the Kenya Government machine” whose influence extended far beyond his Agriculture ministry. He was also described as a member of President Kenyatta’s inner circle who had gained the respect of the Kenyan European community with whom he previously had a difficult relationship. “But he always puts Kenya’s interest first. Tries to be genuinely non-aligned when it serves Kenya’s interests,” added the FCO brief. However, Kenya had a special request to make: It wanted Mr Njonjo’s presence in London and the existence of the “Bamburi Understanding” kept secret. Not even the Kenyan High Commissioner in London was supposed to know about the mission, according to a confidential letter from a Mr McClauney of the FCO to the Prime Minister’s office. STATEMENT RELEASED Mr McClauney, however, advised that if Mr Njonjo’s visit leaked, a statement should be released that he had brought a personal message from President Kenyatta and that it was not the practice to disclose the contents of such messages. And if the media assumed that the subject of the meeting was selling arms to South Africa, then this assumption should be allowed to stand. The secrecy of the meeting was emphasised to Prime Minister Heath by the British Secretary of State: “While I understand that you wish in general for publicity to be given to your discussion with African and other Commonwealth leaders, we feel that in this case it would be right to respect the Kenyan request, in so far as we can do so without appearing disingenuous.” Arrangements were, therefore, made for Mr Njonjo and Mr Mckenzie to enter the British Prime Minister’s office through the Cabinet office instead of the main entrance to avoid public attention. During the meeting, the declassified documents indicate, Mr Mckenzie pointed out the importance of reaffirming the “Bamburi Understanding”. In return, the British forces would be free to continue using Nairobi Airport, the Mombasa port as well as military training facilities in Kenya. They also had great interest in retaining the British special forces who were training Kenya’s General Service Unit commandos and the Special Branch. The visiting ministers linked the work the British special forces were doing in Kenya to the security arrangement against Somali’s aggression. NOTHING WRONG In response, the British Prime Minister said that in principle he saw nothing wrong in reaffirming the “Bamburi Understanding” but promised to have the issue fully considered and a reply sent to President Kenyatta. Prime Minister Heath also promised to consider the request to have the special forces remain in Kenya and pointed out his government did not wish to reduce the use of Kenyan military facilities by British troops. He, however, warned that British military resources were stretched at the time because of instability in Northern Ireland. But the discussions went beyond defence matters, according to the documents. Mr Njonjo and Mr Mckenzie also discussed development and diplomatic issues. For example, they said that while they appreciated Britain’s support, there were problems with the administration of the aid programme since conditions laid down by the previous Labour government were inflexible, projects were delayed and important payments also held up longer than necessary. Mr Mckenzie suggested it would be helpful if Kenya’s Finance minister Mwai Kibaki, who was at an International Monetary Fund meeting in Copenhagen, passed through London to meet the British minister for Overseas Development. SPECIAL INTEREST The two also felt that Kenya no longer enjoyed close contacts with British government officials and urged Prime Minister Heath to ask one of his junior ministers to take a special interest in Africa and get to know the continent’s leaders personally. Following the meeting, British officials embarked on drafting the Prime Minister’s reply. But they also secretly noted Mr Mckenzie’s and Mr Njonjo’s ignorance on the “Bamburi Understanding” for linking it to the presence of British special forces and access to Kenyan military facilities. While the arrangement for British forces to use Kenyan military facilities, airports and harbours was agreed upon at independence with Mr Sandys, who was the British Secretary of State for the Colonies, and the training of the GSU commandoes came into existence in December 1964, the “Bamburi Understanding” was in January 1967. But British Foreign Secretary Sir Alec Douglas-Home did not think it was worth getting into an argument on the three issues in the Prime Minister’s letter to President Kenyatta. IN EXISTENCE As late as May 1981, the agreement was still in existence, according to a brief prepared for Margaret Thatcher, the first female British Prime minister (1979-1990), when she met Kenya’s then Foreign Minister Robert Ouko in London. “Kenya has our friendship/support. Kenya policy to stand on her own feet militarily is right. We will continue to help Kenya absorb new equipment,” said the brief. It added that in case Somali attacked Kenya “UK would give all help it could, but it is unlikely our response could include commitment of combat troops. Nor indeed do we suppose that Kenya would wish for this.” Ironically, despite the fears in the 1960s, it was the Kenyan Defence Forces that would go into Somalia decades later, in October 2011, to pursue al-Shabaab terrorists. The Kenyan forces are now part of the African Union Mission in Somalia that is trying to restore security in the country that has been grappling with civil war since the collapse of the Barre regime in 1991. Link:
  6. I had these statements made here in SOL country long before Abiy, Lema, Shiferaw, Gebyehu, Mekonen etc were candidates: 1. Who ever is next PM of Ethiopia should show respect to the Somali people in Ethiopia, they were among the top saviours of the country called Ethiopia 2. First group of countries to visit Sudan, Djibouti and Somalia 3. Second group will include Kenya, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, the quarelling Bedews etc 4. Then US, European, China, Russia etc May schedule has failed big time. Kenya from second group has joined my first group, but biggest failure of my schedule is Somalia not visited. Who is at fault for this what I consider catastrophic failure? BTW did Mr. Madoobe know this schedule before I did, that would be another failure in the schedule as well. I was hopping Bay and Bakool or Puntland would be first to visit Addis after visiting Jigjiga. Mr. Bixi should visit Jigjiga ASAP.
  7. Nazir Manek [Bloomberg] Landlocked Ethiopia is planning to build a navy, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed said during a briefing of the heads of the country’s National Defense Force. “Following the efforts made to build capacity of our national defense, we built one of the stronger ground and air forces in Africa,” the ruling party-funded Fana Broadcasting Corp. reported Abiy as saying on Friday. “We should build our naval force capacity in the future.” Two calls to the mobile phone of Abiy’s national security adviser, Abadula Gemada, didn’t connect. Ethiopia currently has a civilian Ethiopian Maritime Training Institute on Lake Tana. It trains more than 500 marine engineers and electro-technical officers each year and plans to increase this to more than 1,000 officers annually, according to its website. Abiy’s government in May agreed to develop Port Sudan on the Red Sea and agreed with Djibouti to swap shares in state-owned ports, airlines, and telecommunications. It also agreed to acquire land at Kenya’s Lamu Port for “logistical facilitation,” according to a joint communiqué issued after a meeting between Abiy and Kenyan president Uhuru Kenyatta. Earlier this year, Ethiopia took a stake in a port in Somaliland, a semi-autonomous part of Somalia that aspires to statehood and borders Djibouti. Somaliland will host a naval base for the United Arab Emirates. i wonder who's coastline this navy will be stationed?!! Link :
  9. Anadolu Agency By Dr. Brendon Cannon and Dr. Ash Rossiter ABU DHABI In the Horn of Africa, the Republic of Somaliland has functioned as an independent country for close to three decades. It has held multiple elections, seen four presidents take office, prints its own money and issues its own visas, and its capital city, Hargeisa, houses two parliamentary bodies that pass and enact laws. However, it remains an unrecognized country and is viewed by the rest of the world’s states as part of the Republic of Somalia with its capital in Mogadishu. For almost an equally lengthy time, Ethiopia has been landlocked and completely reliant on its neighbors, particularly Djibouti, for imports and exports. This occurred when Eritrea broke away from Ethiopia in 1993, thereby resulting in Ethiopia’s loss of a lengthy coastline and ports. This has greatly complicated Ethiopia’s rise as a regional power and hampered the development of its 102 million people. The situation in the Horn of Africa is changing rapidly, however. In a recent article published in Rising Powers Quarterly, we sought to demonstrate how Ethiopia and Somaliland have been able to advance their interests by taking advantage of the recent involvement of various Arab Gulf States (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates) in the Horn of Africa’s coastal zone. This is affecting the regional distribution of power to its advantage and reducing its dependency on Djibouti’s port for imports and exports through the refurbishment, development and use of other, regional ports: Port Sudan in Sudan, Berbera in the Somaliland region of Somalia, and Mombasa in Kenya. It is the development of the port of Berbera that has proved the most radical in terms of challenging regional power dynamics as well as international law. Berbera Port’s importance From a geostrategic perspective, Ethiopia’s interest in Berbera is obvious. Of the three ports, Berbera is closest to Ethiopia proper and offers the potential of opening up the vast, albeit isolated eastern region of Ethiopia to trade, particularly in the export of livestock and agriculture. Yet because the port is located in the de-facto independent Republic of Somaliland, both Ethiopia and Somaliland have experienced difficulty in attracting investors and port operators on account of the political and legal headaches associated with doing business in Somaliland. For Somaliland, development of the port would not only bring in much needed investment and jobs, but a deal signed by Hargeisa would show tacit, albeit obvious international support for Somaliland’s independence from Mogadishu. For Ethiopia, the development and expansion of the port of Berbera fundamentally support the primary pillars of Addis Ababa’s regional policy that support its aspirations for regional hegemony and are deemed essential to its very survival and indivisibility. The first involves maintaining Eritrea’s isolation in order to weaken it to the point that it implodes, is formally reunited to Ethiopia or becomes a pliant, client state. The second pillar rests on maintaining the status quo in post-civil war Somalia. Simply put, a weak and fractured Somalia means that Ethiopia can concentrate its attention and forces on quelling persistent internal security difficulties and continuing to isolate and pressure Eritrea. Ethiopia has, until recently, been assisted in its goals vis-à-vis Somalia as much by the international community as by internal problems within Somalia. The cross-purposes of the international community coupled with and reinforcing political instability in Somalia, particularly in the capital Mogadishu, have resulted in the inability of the Somali Federal Government (SFG) to do anything substantive about the de-facto independent Republic of Somaliland as well as the almost entirely autonomous northeastern region of Puntland. Ethiopia’s efforts and Gulf Arab interest Ethiopia has eyed the development of and access to the port of Berbera against this backdrop. However, Addis Ababa found itself unable to fully exploit opportunities to expand its influence and power -- not only because of the potential legal and political headaches of doing deals with Somaliland -- but also because of a paucity of critical resources and human capital. These deficiencies were partially alleviated with the entry of the Arab Gulf States to the region, especially the coastal zone beginning in the late 2000s in an effort to secure favorable trade and resources, as well as curtail Iran’s growing presence. However, it was the Yemen crisis that led Saudi Arabia to announce the beginning of a pan-Arab military operation to roll back the Iran-backed Houthis and restore the government. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) -- the two principal military members of the coalition -- initially used Djibouti as a support hub for operations in southern Yemen. Yet difficult relations with Djibouti led the UAE, in 2015, to sign a lease with Eritrea for its Hanish Islands and facilities at the port city of Assab for 30 years. The deal with Eritrea panicked Addis Ababa, with Ethiopian leaders viewing any expansion of Eritrean power as a corresponding loss of power for Ethiopia. Ethiopia dispatched officials to Abu Dhabi to plead for a shift in focus to Somaliland’s port of Berbera. Ethiopia’s diplomatic push and offer of economic incentives in the form of export/import traffic, coinciding with an increased UAE focus on stemming the flow of weaponry into Yemen, led to Addis Ababa’s desired results when DP World signed an agreement to develop and manage Berbera Port for 30 years in May 2016. Analyzing Berbera Port deal It is unlikely that DP World would have signed the deal over Berbera if it did not see at least some long-term commercial benefit and there appear to be strong economic incentives for both Ethiopia and Somaliland. For example, Dubai will reportedly support Somaliland’s fisheries industry; help build the road between Somaliland and Ethiopia; and build a Free Zone at the Berbera port. The port will be supported mainly by the export of livestock and import of goods to both Somaliland and Ethiopia. However, there are also military and political dimensions to the tripartite agreement. Separate to DP World’s deal, Somaliland’s government agreed to the establishment of a UAE military installation at Berbera. The base, only 90 kilometers from the shores of Yemen, is intended to help the UAE forces tighten its blockade against Yemen. Politically, the Berbera Port deal has been groundbreaking. At the stroke of a pen, Somaliland took a massive step towards international recognition and permanent separation from Somalia. While neither Ethiopia nor the UAE have voiced recognition, the deal inked in Dubai certainly makes it seem that way if the anger in Mogadishu is any indication. Somalia Federal Government ministers have publicly challenged the right of Somaliland to enter into official agreements with any country. The Ethiopian-driven deal means that Mogadishu’s claims over the breakaway territory have weakened substantially. The deal means that Somaliland has partially broken the glass ceiling of international recognition by entering into substantive deals with viable business partners and states operating on the global stage. Mogadishu can no longer pretend it controls the government in Somaliland’s capital Hargeisa. Regardless of the dissatisfaction in both Somaliland and Somalia surrounding the UAE’s deal with Hargeisa, Ethiopia has engineered -- largely behind the scenes -- access to another port, thus enhancing its security and strategic economic interests. The reality is that with the growth in annual volumes of Ethiopian transit cargo -- over nine million tons in 2011 -- Ethiopia has long required alternative routes for its cargo from Djibouti. With the signing of the port deal, the slowly-dying port of Berbera will see investments totaling US$442 million for the management and development of a “world-class, multi-purpose deep seaport project.” The UAE has also reportedly agreed to build a modern highway between Berbera Port and the Somaliland / Ethiopia border town of Wachale / Wajaale. This will link with the modern highway on the Ethiopian side of the border. Additionally, when the deal was signed between DP World and Somaliland, Ethiopia ensured its substantive presence in the running and development of the port in the form of Ethiopian Shipping Lines. ESL will reportedly control 19 percent share in the deal -- almost twice as much as it initially expected to receive. This was partially confirmed later by Hussein Ige Dayr, a spokesperson for the president of Somaliland, who noted, that DP World had allocated close to one-fifth of the port’s capacity for Ethiopian shipments (JOC). Somaliland Foreign Minister Saad Ali Shire further confirmed the percentage, noting that DP World sold 14 percent of its shares to Ethiopia with the government of Somaliland selling five percent of its shares to Ethiopia. Lastly, Ethiopia was able to engineer a formal, legally-binding agreement between the de-facto but unrecognized, independent state of Somaliland and the UAE. In doing so, Ethiopia further ensured the continuing Balkanization of Somalia and potentially paved the way for eventual de-jure, international recognition of the Republic of Somaliland. Dr. Brendon Cannon is Assistant Professor at Khalifa University’s Institute of International and Civil Security (IICS), Abu Dhabi, UAE. Dr. Cannon’s academic specializations are in the changing balance of power in the wider Middle East region – particularly the Horn of Africa; energy politics, policy and security (GCC and Northeast Asia); and international security. Dr. Ash Rossiter is an Assistant Professor in International Security within the Department of Humanities & Social Science at Khalifa University of Science & Technology. Dr. Rossiter’s current research lies at the intersection of technological change and global security with special regard to the utility of military force international affairs.
  10. Somalia, Ethiopia discuse bilateral relations 26th May 2018 John Snow MOGADISHU, Somalia – Somali PM Hassan Ali Kheire and his delegates have arrived in Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, after receiving an official invitation. The delegation led by PM Khaire was warmly welcomed by senior Ethiopian government at airport in the capital, according to officials at Somali Embassy in Addis. Mr. Khaire has held talks with Ethiopian Prime Minister, Dr. Abiy Ahmed, discussing crucial bilateral issues of mutual benefit to both countries. Somali PM Khaire says he had held a very constructive meeting with his Ethiopian counterpart in Addis. “We both reaffirmed our commitment to further strengthen the brotherly relations between our two countries and people”, he said. The Ethiopian PM Abiy Ahmed has pledged to continue supporting Somalia and its people as Ethiopian forces fighting Al Shabaab in Somalia as part of African Union mission in Somalia. By Abdirisak Mohamud Tuuryare from Mogadishu, Somalia
  11. سياسة قطر وفرماجو يغذيان الإرهاب لإشعال الحرب بأرض الصومال السبت 2018.5.26 12:12 صباحا بتوقيت أبوظبي 8597قراءة العين الإخبارية 396 قطر تغذي أذرعها الإرهابية في الصومال بالدعم والتمويل شنت قوات من ولاية بونت لاند التابعة لحكومة الصومال الفيدرالية، التي يتزعمها محمد عبدالله فرماجو، هجومين بالأسلحة الثقيلة على جبهتين في مناطق تمركز قوات أرض الصومال بمنطقة تكا-رق. هجومان خلال أسبوع واحد يستهدفان قوات أرض الصومال، في خرق جديد لمعاهدة السلام الموقعة بين البلدين، تدفع للتساؤل عن الأطراف التي تغذي هذه الهجمات وتشعل فتيل الحرب وتدعم الجماعات المتطرفة والإرهابية في الصومال. مؤتمر بباريس: السعودية والإمارات تقفان أمام مخطط قطر لـ"أفغنة" الصومال اتهمت حكومة أرض الصومال، الحكومة القطرية ووكلاءها في مقديشو بإشعال نيران الفتنة بينها وبين إقليم بونت لاند المجاور، مشيرة إلى أن النظام الحاكم في الدوحة يشرف على تسليح وتدريب مليشيات إرهابية تابعة لفرماجو تعمل بين الفينة والأخرى على تأجيج القتال بين الجانبين. وعلى الرغم من نجاح قوات أرض الصومال في صد هجمات قوات فرماجو المدعومة قطرياً وتكبيدها خسائر فادحة، إلا أن وزير الدفاع بأرض الصومال أبدى أسفه على وقوع جيرانه ضحية لتنفيذ أجندات الدوحة في المنطقة، قبل أن يذكرهم بما حققه من نصر، قائلاً:"تكبدوا خسائر فادحة، واستولت قواتنا على 10 عربات مسلحة". رئيس أرض الصومال للعين الإخبارية: قطر تقف ضد اتفاقيتنا مع موانئ دبي جمهورية أرض الصومال تعلن افتتاح مكتب تجاري في دبي وأشار فيصل علي واربي، رئيس حزب العدالة والتنمية بأرض الصومال، إلى أن حكومة فرماجو وولاية بونت لاند كسروا اتفاق السلام، متهماً الرئيس فرماجو بالوقوف وراء تجدد الحرب مع أرض الصومال "بإيعاز من دولة صديقة له"، في إشارة إلى قطر التي قامت بالتدريب والتسليح. وقال شهود وقائد عسكري إن عشرات الجنود قتلوا في اشتباكات بين إقليم بلاد بونت الصومالي شبه المستقل وأرض الصومال. ويتهم أرض الصومال إقليم بلاد بونت "ولاية بونتلاند" بمحاولة استغلال الفوضى في المنطقة الناجمة عن إعصار مداري أودى بحياة أكثر من 50 شخصاً وقضى على الماشية ودمر مئات المزارع، بسبب الأمطار الغزيرة والفيضانات التي اجتاحت منطقة القرن الأفريقي. وقال عبدالرحمن عبدالله فرح، وزير الإعلام في إقليم أرض الصومال، في بيان، إن الإقليم لن يتحمل العدوان المستمر من القوات الصومالية الاتحادية "على الحدود بين البلدين". ودعت بعثة الأمم المتحدة لتقديم المساعدة إلى الصومال والشركاء الدوليين للصومال، ومن بينها الولايات المتحدة والاتحاد الأوروبي، الطرفين لوقف القتال. وقال بيان للبعثة إن الاشتباكات زادت من معاناة الناس في المنطقة مع ما يواجهونه فعلاً من أوضاع إنسانية صعبة فاقمها الإعصار المداري ساجار. سياسة
  12. This Could be Fake News; but interesting otherwise.
  13. Now that the speaker Jawari has been put away and it seems the prime minister has some control, is good news that the constitutional file is being worked on. The prime minister has provided the money and he wants this work to finish within a year. The simple fact that the constitution is being put as priority is great news. All the best. Even a rush rush one is better than none.
  14. Shebab warns Turkey over ‘military build-up’ in Somalia 13th May 2018 John Snow Featured, Somalia news 0 MOGADISHU, Somalia – The Islamist militant group Shebaab has vowed to launch fresh attack on targets run by Turkey in Somalia, a day after mortar rockets rained down on Turkish military base in Mogadishu. Sheikh Abulaziz Abu Muscab, Shebaab’s spokesman for military operations, says the group would double its attacks against Turkish mission over its incursion in Somalia. He says heavy loses had inflicted after mortar attack at Turkish military base in Somali capital. He did not mention the number of soldiers were killed or injured. There was no immediate response from Turkish mission over the Shebaab claims. Turkey has set up its biggest overseas military base in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, increasing Ankara’s presence in the Horn of Africa country. The base, which reportedly cost $50m, will train 10,000 Somali troops and has the capacity to train at least 1,500 soldiers at a time, according to Turkish and Somali officials. Turkey’s vast aid effort at the height of the 2011 famine endeared it to many Somali people, and it has continued to pour in aid, much of it from private companies. It has built schools, hospitals and infrastructure and provided scholarships for Somalis to study in Turkey. Turkey’s president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has visited Mogadishu twice, and when he made his first trip there in 2011 he became the first non-African leader to visit the war-ravaged nation in 20 years. With Reporting by Abdirisak Mohamud Tuuryare from Mogadishu, Somalia Somali President flies to Qatar
  15. The latest country to deploy Police is Sieraleone in Kismayo Jubaland State. Nigeria, Kenya, Uganda, Zambia are already in Somalia. This is not countries volunteering with their own resources. Its part of AMISOM and are paid by UN, US, EU and others. Wouldn't it have been preferable to bring from Djibouti if Somalia did not want Ethiopians or Sudan? When there are some of the best equiped best trained police forces close by like Liyu why go to west Africa and Southern Africa where the culture and language is far apart and not so easy for Police. There is some group or power in Mogadishu who is in real close friendship with Uganda. That country has its Army and now its Police in Somalia. Have your say.
  16. The opposing factions of the Lower House members have been holding parallel meetings for last 48 hours in different hotels in the city amid looming political tensions. The Lower House sitting scheduled for Saturday has been called off the following intervention by Somali President, Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo.
  17. Where is federal system serve as solution, as necessity? Federalism is needed where ever there are peoples that hate each other, but want and cannot live away from each other. They really have problems betwen them, but want to live together in one country. That is where federal system is needed and solves most of the problems. In Sudan Federalism is well understood and clear, In Somalia it is not clear and is misunderstood, In Ethiopia its clear but misunderstood What is the most importnant part of Federalism? Its the part where everyone of the constituents is equal. In America 500000 population Wyoming is equal to 40 million California, In Canada 160000 Prince Edward Island is equal to 14 million Ontario. In Ethiopia 30 million Oromo are equal to 6.5 million Somalis. America the constituent parts are states, Canada its provinces, Ethiopia its nationalities (Ethnics). There has to be some mechanism where all constituent parts of a federation are equal, regardless of population, natural resources, weather, etc. What is the next most important part of Federalism? Self government, Autonomy, self administration of constituent parts. Will continue and apply it to Somalia. Remember please: No heavy theory, no long winded explanation, just the fundamentals.
  18. Anything that has a value is hard to get. it needs some efforts to gain anything that has a value. Nations do not get their independence without sacrifices from everyone: men, women, young and n old. If Somalia want to rise up again and get back it's independence, sovereignty and peace, sacrifices are needed from everyone. Only the fool, the ignorant or those who are self serving their own narrow interest would expect others to fight, fix and sacrifice their own country. While nations of good will and those driven by human desire to help others exists, no one should expect others to clean the mess in their own houses. Somalis in Mogadishu and from diaspora are cashing the false hope others doing the sacrifices while they partying in Mogadishu hotels. Since i am a great fan of the Turkish Republic, I spend a great deal of time to study not only their ancient history, but how a nation occupied by Greece, UK, France, Italy at the end of first world war gained their independence. While the khalif , Sultan Mehmet, capitulated to keep his throne and carve out the country to the allied forces, the Turkish Nationalist Movement led by Mustafa Kamal and others refused to accept the dismembering of their country. Turkey gained their country at the war of independence by defeating a half million Greeks army supported by the British, pushed the Russian backed Armenians in the east, defeated the French in the South west. After the defeat of the Greeks and regaining of the whole Anatolia by sheer sacrifice and courage of the Turkish army, the British army that was occupying Istanbul made a deal and evacuated their forces. Everywhere nations pay a high price to be free and independent. Go and watch the second world war era movie called Dunkirk, which shows the sacrifices of the British to keep out the Nazis from landing to Britain soil. Study how many millions of Russians sacrificed to defeat the Hitler army. Go and check the siege of leningrad. The most famous and known human sacrifice done by the Somali race in the 20th century was those waged by Sayid . M. Xasan and Darwiish movement. Those waged by the Water Maal community in lower Shabelle, and those waged by Sheikh Hassan Barsame in Lafoole , where thousands died fighting against the Italian colonies. In order to keep the Somali territory to be free and under the Islamic foundation, the Darwiish movement and others lost tens of thousands of men, women and children at the end of movement. Thousands of men were moved by the British machine gun and bombing at the Taleex castles by air plane. Folks, since then what kind of sacrifices had the Somali people done. Of course there were the SYL and other independence movements; there were sacrifices to liberate Western Somalia from Abyssinia in 1977; There were Somalis who resisted the Ethiopian invasion of Mogadishu and the south in 2007; there were Somali army members who defended the sovereignty of Somalia from 1960-1990, yet since then, for the last 27 years, we haven't done any huge sacrifices as a nation or as a people together. Somalia is at war, but who is doing the sacrificing? Most of you have seen the image of the Somali president in military fatigues rallying troops to defeat Al-shabaab and the enemies of peace and stability, yet very few people are doing the necessary sacrifice to pacify the nation. Somali soldiers manning checkpoints, guarding government leaders, and those who are on the front are dying and sacrificing for all, yet they get paid very small amount of salary compared to others, while everyone else in enjoying life. If a nation is at war , it means citizens of every age and status doing their part to bring back the country and keep its independence. Somali businessmen who made millions for the last 25 years without paying any taxes have refused to pay the necessary taxes for their imported goods. They have been asked to pay the lowest tax levy ever paid around the world, yet they want to enrich themselves without paying taxes. As they say, " Citizens pay taxes but not tribes". Here in the west , the native indians do no pay taxes since they dwell in tribal reserves. In Mogadishu, the elite, the politicians and the quick cash seeking members of the diaspora are partying in big hotels. While a war is going on in Balacd, 30 km from the capital. Mogadishu is partying and cashing the so called millions spent by the international community to build the capacity of the government to manage its affairs. Bombings are going off in the capital, and the only way to confront these threat is to close the main boulevards of the city. Despite all these urgent issues that must keep up at night every Somali leader or government members, the typical Mogadishu" " Xadhig Jiid" is the game of the town. Rather than mobilize the nation and demand sacrifices from everyone , there is the usual power struggle inside parliament and the government. So, in order to sort out the Mogadishu fiction from the reality, I sought to sit down a former member of the last parliament who was among the top five leaders of the parliament to explain things, especially the affair to oust the Chairman of the house Mr. Mohamed Jawaari. Galbeedi: Tell us about the latest issues to unseat chairman Jawari. Former member of parliament: Jawari had some issues with government prior of the DP World, especially the reform of the parliament. When Somali constitutional experts arrives in Mogadishu last October, he and others postponed and took over the issue from the sinister and the expert people. The government believe that with Jawaari in the parliament nothing will happen especially constitutional changes. He knows how to manipulate the members. Galbeedi: Is this vote against Jawaari anything t do with DP World. FMP: In my knowledge, before the DP world vote the government wrote a letter and communicated with him to postpone the vote and keep the DP issues under the lid for a while. They were trying to go to different channels to resolve the issue and they were not comfortable about expelling the DP from the country. Mr. Jawaari refused to sign the papers and rushed the issues since large number of the members were eager to punish UAE. So, this latest rejection broke the camel's back because, before the parliamentary recess there was a motion to unseat the prime minister, and Khayre decided to go to the offensive and get rid of Jawaari. Galbeedi: What kind of person is Jawaari?, is he involved in any corruption. FMP: Jawaari is the most experienced person inside the government and parliament in Somalia today. He has been in government and public service since 1962. He is a genies who remembers everything that took place from the sixties to today. He is an expert when it comes to delaying tactics, undermining the members of parliament and using the office to his own agenda. In the last parliament , we were pushing to lead the agenda of the next election, but he single handedly given all our authority to Hassan Sheikh and closed the parliament six months before the election. For exchange, he nominated ministers to the cabinet and made the parliament to become the subordinate to Hassan Sheikh. Galbeedi: The speaker does not command the majority party in the parliament since members belong to different tribes, and the job of the chairman is to be partial arbiritor of the parliament , why is he having all these powers? FMP: Well, most of the members are mostly passive individuals who could not even understand the parliamentary procedures and their legitimate power. There are some rules that we have changed in the last parliament, yet Jawaari and his deputy are using to sideline the opposition members. Only about a hundred of us understood the rules, and we were very active. many of those were either bought , killed by foreign intelligence, by Al-shabaab or died in mysterious ways, yet we fought hard to make it a functioning parliament. Galbeedi : Why every small issue that arises among Somali leaders becomes a mountain? FMP: It is very strange. In Kenya, there was un election, and a judge has thrown out the result by ordering a new one. The opposition decided to reject the result, but the courts cleared. Case closed. In Pakistan, the prime minister was deposed, and everyone accepted and moved on. It is all about the leadership. Rather confront the issue and resolve before it transforms from small hill to mountain, they wait and wait , and at the end it would consume the whole nation. Galbeedi: Why is Farmaajo hiding from the real problems or the tough issues that rise from governing? FMP: It is well known that Farmaajo is one of the weakest leaders Somalia had ever seen. If anything is accomplished in Somalia, it is because of the work of prime minister Khayre for good or bad, but Farmaajo does not have the ability to execute things. During the Qalbi-Dhagax affair , Farmaajo disappeared from the public eye and went to hiding. A lady who is member of the Senate were trying to reach the president, and it took her two weeks to see if he was functioning or not. Finally she was able to meet him and she said, " Were you alive all these weeks?' he said yes. She said, " Thank God, all I wanted was to see if you were alive" and left ( In aad nooshahay iyo inkale ayuun baan rabay in aan ogaado, ka dibna albaabka ayey ka baxday" Galbeedi: Governing means making tough decisions and executing ( Dawladnimadu waa go'aan qaadasho iyo kale goyn lakala goynayo arrimo cakiran), Isn't this kind of indecisiveness eventually reach Farmaajo and topple him. FMP: By hiding in villa Somalia and watching the quagmire in the parliament from the distant, Mr. farmaajo thinks that will keep him out the problems, but if he keeps watching these issues drag on, it will eventually reach him and even destroy his presidency. Galbeedi: If they do not like the performance of chairman Jawaar, why not come out openly and explain the people for their desire to select a new blood that could energize the parliamentary issues that must be tackled. FMP: Both the parliament and other power brokers in the town have to cash before Jawari goes out. Khayre has unleashed his group and will not rest until he sees blood, but It is the duty of the president to clear the air and bring order. These kind of little squabbles about changing the speaker has engulfed the nation and had eroded the trust of the people. The more they these drags on the more they neglect the security issues and governing. Galbeedi: This president had the support of the people which would have moved mountains and due to his actions or inaction , that support is eroding. What went wrong? FMP: Having the support of the people means confronting tough issues that face Somalia. The people of Mogadishu overwhelmingly supported him. There were many reasons, but the most important one was that they thought he will kick the Ethiopian out of the country and bring some of the pride the public felt about those issues. They also expected him to mobilize and bring total peace. In Farmaajo, you have a leader who is throwing away the support of the people for unknown special interest group that does not serve Somalia. Problem after problem is arising within the government and the president is nowhere to be found. Don't get me wrong, everyone knows that Farmaajo had good intentions, but he is not a leader. Galbeedi: are you saying the people Mogadishu are more pro state these days? FMP: There are always anarchists but the larger public want a functioning state and peace. A large group of the locals had reached the middle class lifestyle and they want a place to enjoy their worldly life, yet they can not due to the insecurity. If you look back the huge bomb that killed over 500 people in Mogadishu last October, most of those were from Galmudug community and others. Galbeedi: Tell me about the national army. FMP: There is an army but most of them were recruited through tribal means and could disband any time either without pay or being disgruntled. The only hope is that the Turkish, like an industry, are producing a good number of soldiers , but the catch is how to keep them in the national army and pay their salaries. Galbeedi: How about the constant clashes of the national army and the soldiers trained by the UAE. FMP: The UAE trained soldiers were transferred to the national army, but their officers and soldiers still keep their contact and connection. THey are still drawing their salary which is three times larger than the national army through their old officers and some intelligence created by Dubai. Some of these intelligence soldiers take actions without the knowledge of the government. So , if UAE keeps the payroll expect more problems. Galbeedi: how about the " Reer Woqoyi" in Mogadishu.? FMP: They adopted to the games of the Mogadishu and many, especially from the SNM community , are to serve not only Somaliland indirectly but also obstruct a lot of issue in the parliament. Galbeedi: are you saying that they serve Somaliland or have direct links to Hargeisa ? FMP: of course. Many of them were sent by the Siilaanyo government to join the parliament and have direct contact with Hargeisa. THey are instructed who to vote or which issue to push inside the parliament. Every time we tried to amend the constitution or do some changes, they and their allies will rise up and say , " waar dal dhan baa maqane sidee wax loo bedeli karaa" , they play a huge role to keep the quagmire in the parliament. The Hargeisa government is involved a lot of things. It seems peace in the south is the most dangerous thing for their survival. Galbeedi: If this quagmire continue Somalia might be in danger of really fragmenting for real? FMP: Somaliland is very weak politically, but throughout the years they have learned how to take advantage of the problems both in MOgadishu and Eastern regions of Somaliland. If Somalia had a real leader they could be easily forced to reverse the secession issue. You should not be even talking to them unless they renounce the separation. Galbeedi: What is your hope for the short term and for the future? FMP: Every leader knows that confronting the international community and changing their attitude of paying others to police the nation while Somali government is unable to build any meaningful security forces would be the first order of the day. Yet, nothing is changing. Tens of thousands of soldiers are sitting in Halane and other bases doing nothing other to drive around city with their armored vehicles. Places that were liberated from Al-shabaab were abandoned with full of arms . For the short term, I hope Turkey builds enough soldiers to secure the country, but in the long run , if we do not get a real leader next time around, forget about Somalia. Galbeedi: What is the biggest mistake we Somalis did for the last few years. FMP: There are many, but the biggest trap is that people who are citizens of the UNited State of America have taken over the power of Somalia, and these people are guided from Washington and will not do anything that contradicts the American policy in the region. Farmaajo meets them at the airport and no one knows the real deal. They do not even understand how useless the foreign army is. Two years ago, Me , Jawaari and couple other members were invited by the Italian embassy in Halane to celebrate their independence day party. It took us four hours to enter the place. WE went through five checkpoints to reach Halane and when we reached, they just told us to wait and we sat for an hour before they let us enter the place. No matter who you are if you do not have real invitation , you can not enter. As you can feel, I was riding with leader of the parliament , the highest official of the government yet we were treated like bystanders. Folks, this former member had told me a lot of sad stories about our country. I just gave you a small sample of the bad news, because , I do not want to kill the moral of the people or lower the moral of the public who read SOL. The time has come for president Farmaajo to rise up to the challenges or do some real soul searching. after two years, if there is war in Balcad, and no national army, then we the people have to make a tough decision before we lose another four years.