I like the Habaar Qabto ,,,,,, looooooooool Sheekada waa socotaa ,,

maya maya ,, baruura fudle maaha ... meesha baruuriba kuma jirto waa jiidh khaliya.

Dabshid, i was just asking if you are concentrating on the ball ,, Ibti, Adiga i think you will die sitting in the Uni. You spend too much time there my dear.

Waa hilib dee ,, curryy miyaa la odhan jiray ,,

I tried to respond to this thread. Took me an hour to think of what i will say. Then finally decided not to do so coz there is nothing to say about it.

Are you sure you are watching the match Dabshid ?? ,,,

Good that it is raining ,,,,,,,,,, you need to rest Ahh ,, good afternoon ,,,,,

afrol News / Awdal News Network, - The Arab League has the habit of leaving issues to fester until such time when surgical intervention becomes necessary from foreign powers whose interests do not necessarily match those of the Arab world. Examples are plenty but a few recent ones include Somalia, Southern Sudan and Darfur, Iraq and the Lebanese-Syrian issue. None of these issues has come out of the blue. All of them have been fermenting and escalating for years before they have reached the bursting point. All the time, the Arabs were using an ostrich mentality and burying their heads; hoping that they one day could raise their heads to find things fixed by some divine power. It is quite perplexing how Arabs love the status quo and use all their energy and resources to ensure that things stay as they are; they do this not only because they prefer stability and peace to the turbulence and commotion that often result from change but because they also fear that any change may rock the murky waters of Arab politics and expose the Arabs inability to deal with it. Realpolitik also seems to elude the Arab focus, while sentimentalism and empty nationalistic slogans blur the clarity of their vision. A real example of the Arabs propensity for idealism and contempt for pragmatism is their famous Khartoum Resolution of 1967 which carried the three "nos" of Arab-Israel relations at that time: No peace with Israel, No recognition of Israel, No negotiations with Israel. It took another decade for Egypt’s Anwar Sadat to cause a political Tsunami in Arab politics and inject the first dose of realipolitik into the Arab political lexicography. Other than the masterly strike of Sadat, all other Arab attempts of realpolitik came too late when the political landscape had already changed beyond recognition and they had to face the bitter reality of opting for face saving tactics. Now as the Arabs hold their 18th summit in Khartoum on 28-29 March 2006, one issue that calls for a masterful realpolitik decision is that of the little known country of Somaliland. By just evoking the name, one can anticipate frowns on faces of Arab politicians. So what is the issue of Somaliland and what does it need from the Arabs? To correct a hackneyed notion that will jump to the reader’s mind, I have to state at the outset that Somaliland is not Somalia, similarly as Lebanon is not Syria, or Jordan is not Palestine. I take these countries as an example because both Lebanon and Syria on the one hand and Jordan and Palestine on the other hand have each been one country at one time in their history. I may also cite failed unions as that of Egypt and Syria and Senegal and Gambia. Somaliland and Somalia are, therefore, not an exception. The story started on 26 June 1960 when Somaliland gained its independence from the British. It was the first part of five Somali territories that emerged from foreign domination. The other four were French Somali Coast, present Djibouti, Italian Somalia, present Somalia, and the two Somali regions each in Ethiopia and Kenya, historically known as the Reserved Area and Northern Frontier Districts respectively. Somaliland was recognized by the United Nations, had its flag, its currency, its Executive and Judicial system, its police and military forces, its distinctive British governance and education and its internationally recognized borders. Five days after its independence, however, Somaliland had given its sovereignty and made a voluntary union with Italian Somalia on its south, which had become independent on 1st July 1960. The name Somaliland had ceased to exist and the two merged parties called the new entity the Republic of Somalia. The quick and unbridled union was seen as a prelude to the liberation of all other parts of the Somali territory and bringing them under one flag. The five-cornered white star in the middle of the Somali blue flag denoted the Somali people’s unforgiving resolve to undo the colonial legacy and unite the Somali speaking pastoral nomads of the Horn of Africa under one roof of "Greater Somalia". For the next 30 years, the successive Somali governments thrived on inflaming the people’ sentiments in achieving the sacred Somali unity. The masses sang, danced, slept, woke up and dreamt of such sacred union. This irredentist policy of the Somali government depleted the country’s meager resources as every penny was channeled to liberation movements that wrecked havoc to neighboring countries and prevented the development of good neighborly and prosperous relations with them. It also portrayed Somalia as a sore thump in Africa, particularly as the African people were emerging from European colonialism and the prevailing mood was fostering brotherhood among African peoples, removing the colonial demarcation borders and creating the Unites States of Africa. Although the dream of Greater Somalia was dealt with a serious blow when Djibouti decided to stay away from the union after gaining its independence on July 27, 1977, Somalia’s military dictator Siyad Barre still launched a lightening attach on Ethiopia in 1977 in attempt to liberate the Somali region of Ethiopia and force Djibouti back to the union fold. The initial gains of the Somali military was soon reversed, when the Soviet Union, the main supplier of military hardware to Somalia, switched sides and backed the Marxist Ethiopia regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam with heavy military equipment, logistical support and deployed thousands of Cuban forces to the battle ground. Somalia was defeated and tens of thousands of Somali-Ethiopian refugees crossed the border. Somaliland suffered the most from this continued hostility to its neighboring Ethiopia as all military operations were carried out from its territory and Somaliland’s historical trade and economic links with Ethiopia were severed. In addition to this, the government established refugee camps in the north and resettled tens of thousands of them in major towns and farming areas. The people of the north resisted the government’s resettlement program and saw it as a calculated policy aimed at replacing the native population with new arrivals, the majority of them belonging to the President’s clans in Ethiopia. The government deployed heavily equipped military units to major towns in the north. Angered by the daily humiliation of their people, the northern born military brass took arms against what they saw as Southern domination of their country and a calculated policy of emptying their area of its original population. Seeing his rule on the brink, Siyad Barre started playing a tribal card and appointed ruthless cronies of his clan as governors and military commanders in the north with the clear objective of bringing the northern insurgency to a crushing defeat. The military used all its might to subdue the northern opposition. They bombarded the civilian population, burned villages and farms and leveled major towns to the ground. Thousands of innocent civilians were killed and buried in mass graves, while almost two-third of the country’s 3.5 million population crossed the border to Ethiopia as refugees. When Siyad Barre’s government collapsed in 1991, Somaliland people convened a conference on 18 May 1991 and made a unanimous decision to reclaim their sovereignty and declared their union with the South in 1960 as null and void. Somaliland embarked on a grass roots reconciliation and reconstruction process. The refugees returned in the thousands to rebuild their homes and their lives and government institutions were put in place. Somaliland today boasts of having successfully held three democratic and internationally observed elections; municipal, presidential and parliamentary elections. It has its flag, a national currency, a bicameral parliament, an executive and judicial system, a vibrant and fast growing mercantile sector and unprecedented free press. Unlike Somalia, the former Italian colony, where people remain hostage to the ongoing fratricide, mayhem, chaos and warlordism, Somaliland has remained an oasis of peace and stability where people abide by the rule of law. All this has been achieved without foreign intervention, international financial assistance and without regional or international conferences. Somaliland today has become the focus of interest for its homegrown model based on modern democracy and traditional laws, thus prompting experts on African affairs to describe it as Africa’s Best Kept Secret and the Little Country That Could. A report compiled by an African Union fact-finding mission to Somaliland and presented to the latest African summit in Khartoum early this year, strongly recommended the country’s recognition, saying "since its declaration of independence in 1991, Somaliland has been steadily laying the foundations of a democratic state, clothed with the relevant attributes of ’modern state.’ " "The fact that the union between Somalia and Somaliland was never ratified and also malfunctioned when it went into action from 1960 to 1990, makes Somaliland’s search for recognition historically unique and self-justified in African political history. As such, the AU should find a special method of dealing with this outstanding case," the report recommends, stating that Somaliland’s “case should not be linked to the notion of ‘opening a Pandora’s box’, or re-opening similar issues in other African countries. Iqbal Jhazbhay, an Africa analyst at the University of South Africa, finds the report as part of the AU’s new pragmatism in dealing with the continent’s chronic issues: “The AU-sponsored peace deal in Sudan allows for a referendum, five years from now, on whether the south wants to go it alone. This could not have happened if it were business as usual. The AU now goes for results, and takes account of subjective facts and practical realities,” he said in a statement to the South African Mail & Guardian paper. Two African heavyweights, South Africa and Nigeria, have even indicated readiness to recognize Somaliland, according to AU sources. There are also signs that the U.S. and the EU are looking at Somaliland with favorable eyes, particularly as the latest and 14th attempt to establish a central government in Somalia after 15 years of mayhem and lawlessness appears to be in shambles. Observers also point out that Washington has knowledge of significant offshore oil and gas deposits in Somaliland. So, where do the Arabs stand on Somaliland’s issue? It is obvious that the Arab world led by Egypt is against the recognition of Somaliland. According to U.S. press reports, Egypt fears that an independent Somaliland could provide basing support to Israel and the U.S. at the mouth of the Red Sea. Egypt is also worried about the impact of the growing dependence of Ethiopia, Egypt’s traditional rival on the Nile waters, on Somaliland’s seaports. Somalilanders, therefore, accuse Egypt of being behind the eight-year old Saudi Arabian ban on the exports of Somaliland livestock to the Kingdom. Saudi Arabia slapped the ban on Horn of African livestock due to the outbreak of Rift Valley Fever in 1998. Although the disease had never been detected in Somaliland and repeated WHO reports gave it clean bill of health, Saudi Arabia has excluded Somaliland from the lifting of the ban, thus consolidating Somaliland’s suspicion of the ban being a political stance aimed at forcing it to give up its recognition quest. This is why Somaliland will be absent from the agenda of the Khartoum summit, while Somalia, which according to Dr. I.M. Lewis, an authority on African history, is "a fantasy state which now only exists on paper ... and in rhetoric...” will represent the peaceful, democratic and institutionalized Somaliland. Having old links with the Arabs since biblical times, Somalilanders know that the Arabs cannot break the mold by suddenly being pragmatic and following the AU line, but as the Somali proverb says: "Barasho horteed, ha i nicin - don’t hate me before you know me", Somaliland people would like to ask the Arabs just to try to know them before they hate them. By Bashir Goth * Bashir Goth is a veteran African journalist, from Somaliland, who is currently based in Abu Dhabi. He regularly contributes to UAE, African and Some European journals. He is also the editor of the Somaliland online journal Awdalnews.

DUMARKA 1. Raalliya. Lambarka koowaad waxa gashay raalliya garaad badan. Waxa ay ka hadh hadhay ninkeeda iyo ubadkeeda. Gurigeeda waxa loogu yimaaddaa cunto, qosol, kaftan iyo farxad. Dulqaad ayey dhammaysay, oo waa gabadh samir badan. Nolosheeduna waa guul. 2. Marwo dumar. Waa haweeney garaad badan, oo talada reekeeda ka hadh hadhay. Laakiin taladeeda badan ayaa mar mar muran keenta. Haddiise ay nin fariid ah wada nool yihiin waxba la islama diido. Qiyaas ayaanay ku socotaa, oo arrinta reekeeda iyada ayuunbaa dhammaysata. Dumarka lagu sheekaysto maaha. 3. Ma hubsto. Waa gabadha mar walba la qaldi karo, ee war kasta oo loo sheego hubsiimo la’aan rumaysata. Haweeyeydaasi ma kala soocdo beenta iyo runta. Waxana ay caan ku tahay war badni. Kaddibna dadka ayey aad isaga hor yimaaddaan. 4. Gogol ku cuna. Waa islaanta ku caan baxday cadho, canaan, cay. Had iyo jeerna ninkeeda la sugta gogosha, ee marka uu dhinaca saaraba dirirta bilowda. Waa dhiblay aan ninkeeda horumar u oggolayn. Maalinta uu qorshe amma shaqo galana kula talisa in uu isaga tago. 5.Habaar qabto. Waa beenaley, iimaan la’ oo aan gurigeeda khayrkuba ku nasan. Kharash badanaa oo ninkeeda iyo carruurteeda ku hawl badanaa. Dadka kalena ku dhib badanaa. Markaasi ayaa la yidhaa taasi waa habaar qabto. 6. Wareeg badan. Tani gurigeeda kumaba nasato, waxana ay jeceshahay in ay wareeg iyo qaraabo salaan uun ku jirto. Xilla iskama saarto hawsha reerkeeda. Culayskana waxa ay saartaa ninkeeda, carruurteeda iyo kolba ciddii la joogta. 7. Barwaaqo Waa gabadha ku fiican dhaqaalaha, ee aan ku tarki falin xoolaha reerka. Tani waa barwaaqo ninka helaa uu nasiib saday. Doqonkuse ma kasbado.

Here is our club, the book lovers. I've finished the "I didn't Do it For You" which was really very good. Currently i'm reading "The Islamic Courts in Somalia: Challenges and Achivements" It is a new book but available only in Arabic.

don't be surprised ,, A&T is divorced 32 times and suffering from a failure illness ,,,

Sorry to say but the document is not for public. It should be presented to the Parliament but to the media and public ,, hell NO. You cannot find that in any country in the world. Rayaale is a person ,, he came yesterday and he can go anyday like the others. But the government and the system is here to stay. Dabshid, that is the fixed rate Al-Jabiri has to buy the livestock. It is all about interest and those who are making the noises are those who didn't get the chance to be Al-Jabiri's agents. Once they are hired you will see them running and defending the contract.

Aug 8 (Reuters) - Investments by returning refugees and remittances from those still abroad provide a lifeline to millions in the breakaway Somaliland Republic. Here are some details about Somaliland: GEOGRAPHY: Somaliland is about the size of England and Wales with an area of 137,600 sq km (68,000 sq. miles). It shares borders with Republic of Djibouti to the west, Ethiopia to the south and Somalia to the east. POPULATION: The population of Somaliland is estimated at around 4.0 million. CAPITAL: Hargeisa is the capital of Somaliland with an estimated population of 0.45 million. The other main towns are Burao, Borama, Berbera, Erigabo and Las Anod. LANGUAGE: Somali is the official language. Arabic and English are the other official languages. RELIGION: Islam (Sunni). GOVERNMENT: Somaliland's system of government consists of a house of representatives elected directly by the people and an upper chamber, or Guurti, consisting of traditional elders representing the different clans and sub-clans. ECONOMY: The economy is mostly powered by $450 million a year in remittances from diaspora. The government's annual budget is around $40 million -- an amount the U.S. government spends every six minutes. -- According to a European Union study, the region has substantial untapped resources of oil, coal and metals such as gold, platinum, copper, nickel and zinc. A NEW BEGINNING: -- There is hope in Somaliland that 2009 presidential elections will lead to international recognition of the northern Somali enclave as an independent country. -- The polls are seen by many as an acid test for the former British protectorate which broke away from Somalia in 1991 when the ouster of former dictator Mohamed Siad Barre plunged the Horn of Africa country into anarchy. -- Somaliland has enjoyed relative peace and prosperity and has held previous democratic elections, but analysts have said that it was not recognised globally because of concerns that rewriting colonial borders would open a Pandora's Box of other secession claims.

Anigaa og ........

I don't support Al-Shabaab themselves.

Waar dee waxaagu waa xoog igu taageer ,,,,,,,,,,

Anigu meeshan dhinacna u dhaafi maayo ,,,,, ha igaga baxdo ,,

Tragedies of loved ones killed in explosions, and at best, half-beings, laid up in corners, using stubs which were once limbs to lead half lives. This is war’s legacy, bequeathed to Somalis and other war-worn people like them the world over. Buried in the numerous humanitarian agency reports, the generosity of the legacy will stun you. “Approximately 1000 low to medium priority targets” this, I am told, is the extent to be de-mined. I’m guessing the devastation this could cause would be no different if it was a high priority target. From mine risk education to de-mining and the rehabilitation of mine victims, the work is long and hard. Complications such as a lack of records of ordinances deployed, lack of proper roads and infrastructure to reach affected areas, ongoing security threats, a lack of awareness and abject poverty make it doubly difficult. A thread of frustration sandwiched between hope and despair runs through all the people I speak to irrespective of their mandated roles runs. I wonder at their tenacity to keep pushing for better funding, coordination, management, and sustainability. The manpower, infrastructure, money, time and effort required to eliminate the problem is possibly as much as what goes into the clever piecing of these ordinances which are designed to kill and maim, if not more. As I try to make sense of the operational terms and statistics and reports, the issue itself seems somewhat clinical and sterile. I can’t help wondering what goes on inside a child’s mind when she loses an arm or leg while playing outside. How does a husband feel to have his new wife and unborn child blown up and killed on the way to the market? What anxieties pass through a woman when she hears that her husband has been injured while grazing their meager livestock? Helped by the politics of language, all this is sentimental fluff which is irrelevant in the pages of a report. There is no room for such sentimentalities when deciding if more or less money and effort should be employed in an area. The recurring theme seems to be the issue of recognition as a separate state. If the affected lived in a country that had diplomatic recognition then they could deal directly with the donors and get better assistance to deal with the problem in a sustainable manner. It all seems slightly ironic when you think of the assistance given by some of these countries. Then it was assistance by way of shipments of all sorts of ordinances, arms and ammunition. Now it is assistance to clear away the mess the may have helped create. So instead of equipment for better farming, medical treatment, and hopefully a semblance of a normal life, the Somalis are left with weary projects chipping away for almost a decade at their legacy. By Angelica Chandrasekeran in Hargeisa

Dee waa runteed ,, yaa kugu yidhi Ngonge ku shaabadee xaasaskaaga kele ,,

A Xhosa girlfriend is giving directions to her prospective boyfriend, who is coming to visit: You come to the front door of the apartment complex. I am in Apartment 14 A . There is a big panel at the door. With your elbow, push button 14 A . I will buzz you in. Come inside, the elevator is on the right. Get in, and with your elbow hit 14. When you get out I am on the left. With your elbow, hit my doorbell. "Baby that sounds easy, but why am I hitting all these buttons with my elbow?" hey TSHOMI....... you're not coming empty handed, are you?"

Originally posted by Abtigiis &Tolka: Morning trollers; When you receive this letter, I know you will all be saying 'o! no more dacwo and gar!' no more nonsensical oldies talk'. But I have no alternative. And it is not a fiction. NGONGE is ruining my family life. My wife thinks I am dating NGONGE (she thinks Ngonge is code-name for someone I am in love with). This is what happened yesterday. I promised I will be at home for lunch after Friday prayers but Ngonge's lenghtly games with me here meant I have to return to the office and stay until 6:00pm. From 2:00 pm, my cellphone run out of batteries. So, the family kept on calling, but found it was uncharacteritically switched off. I went home fiidkii with a female collegue of mine, just managing to announce our arrival before 30 minutes. And suddenly a female relative I haven't heard of for 12 years called from far away. She doesn't speak Somali- she speaks Amharic. Then I have to say her name loud, oo H- 'where were you all this time?' Now, why is this important? Two days ago, when I was talking to a male friend I invited to SOL, and as we discussed about the forum, I mentioned Ngonge several times saying he is a friend. Apparently, the wife was listening to the exchanges. Having never heard of a somali by the Ngonge, and only taking the lines ' Ngonge is my friend. We are in constant contact. I am intersted to meet', she smelt rat there. So, the relative who called last night was Ngonge (she)! Walaahi!Balaayaa dhacday! No sleep xalay oo dhan. Bartaas warqadaydii dhig etc! A deal was struck when I promised to bring her with me and show our exchanges with NG. All of it! Hayeh! is this man not runining my life? * * * * Now, the reaction will range from the bipolar mantra of serenity, to the rolling eyes of CL, and to the who cares of Ibtisam! hahahaha ,,,,, Now i know Ngonge is your cover name of your zigzag luuqluuq girls ,,, Admit it man ,, just admit it ,,, I should tell your wife (if you have one :confused: walee taasaa iska ba'day) that she is right about Ngonge ,,,,, Hello Afro ,, saaka waa la fiican yahay.

Good day yall ................. how is your Saturday ??

Mayee iga daa ha ii soo dirine ,, taag uma hayee ,,,,

Anigu sheekada markaan gabayga tiriyay baan ka hadhayba ............ wixii intaa ka dambeeya wixii la yidhaahdo waan akhrisan uun .....

Galab wanaagsan ,,,,,,,, it is a good friday today and i completed my own story ,, of course in Somali ,,,,,,, Still on bed sidii xalay aad igu ogaydeen ,,,