King_Sasa

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Posts posted by King_Sasa


  1. DSCF2134.JPG

    Dhismayaasha u dhow dhow Qabriga *****

     

     

    Kamarada LaasqorayNET waxay qabatey dhismayaal aan la garan kareyn inta ay jiraan si dhab ah laakiinse lagu qiyaasi karo iney jiraan kumaan sano isla markaana u baahan cilmi baaris dheer.

     

     

     

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    Dhul taariikheedka Qacablehe

     

     

    Waxay kaloo qabatey kamaradu qabuuro ama dhisme gaagaaban oo afar geesyo ah isla markaana nuurad ama talbiis cad lagu sameeyey isla markaana minaarado yar yar leh sida aad ku arki doontaan sawiradan.

     

     

     

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    Astaamo aan la garaneyn waxay yihiin oo ku yaala taaloyinka Qacablehe

     

     

    Asal raaca taariikhda ayaa sheegey in astaamahan ay yihiin dhismayaal beri samaadkii isla markaana ay lahaayeen dadkii laga kiciyey dalka oo la oran jirey Gaala ama dadka hada loo yaqaano Oromada.

     

     

     

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    Qabriga *****

     

     

    Isku soo wada duu duub oo waxaad dareemeysaa markaad joogtid goobta Qacablehe iney tahay goob taariikheed isla markaana mudan in cilmi baaris lagu sameeyo si loo dhabeeyo xaqiiqa taariikheedka ay meeshani leedahay.

     

     

     

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    Masaajid bur burey

     

     

    Si kastaba deegaankan Maakhir ayaa waxa uu hoy u yahay odayaashii ka farcameen beelaha ******* sida **** ******* oo wax yar u jira meesha uu ku aasan yahay Aabihiis *******, Geri Koombe oo isna ku aasan goob u dhow magaalada Midigale, ****** iyo kablalax oo iyaguna ku aasan aaga Ceerigaabo, waxaanuna isku deyeynaa inaanu idiin soo gudbino warbixino la xiriira arimahan iyadoo ay naga tahay barasho taariikheed iyo soo bandhigid xadaaradihii deegaanadan.


  2. Qacablehe:- Deegaanka Qacablehe waxa uu ku yaalaa Gobolka Sanaag isla markaana waxa uu ku dhegen yahay ama dhinaca ku hayaa Bohosha Gebi ama Gebi Valley oo u dhexeysa Degmada Badhan iyo Ceelbuh ee bartamaha Sanaag isla markaana ah dhul taariikheed mudan in la xuso.

     

    Qacableh waxaa ku yaalo taalooyin iyo dhismayaal bur burey oo ay reebeen xadaarooyinkii hore e degenaa deegaankan.

     

     

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    Daarta uu ku dhex yaalo Qabrigu

     

     

    Qacablehe waxay daanta Koonfureed ka xigtaa bolaha Gebi Dheer iyadoo ay boholahaasi oo inta badan sanadkii leh biyo dur dur ah oo aan go'in

     

     

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    Daarta Qabriga

     

     

    Qacablehe waxa uu hoy u yahay Qabriga ***** KoombeKablalax oo ah shaqsiga ay ka farcameen beelaha ***** isla markaana dega dhul aad ugu baahsan geyiga Soomaalida.

     

     

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    Qabriga *****

     

     

    Qabriga ***** oo markaad aragtid ku arkeysid in madax uu ku aasan yahay meel ka baxsan jirka inta kale ayaa waxaa dadka ku xeel dheer taariikhda ay sheegayaan in ***** ay dishey Gaalla isagoo salaadii casar tukuanaya isla markaana qoorta laga jarey isagoo sujuudsan.

     

     

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    Qabri *****

     

     

    Qabriga iyo dhismayaasha ku yaala deegaanka Qacablehe u dheer qabuuro iyo taalooyin ay reebeen umadihii hore u degenaan jirey deegaankan.


  3. Public anger at the recent stoning of a 13-year-old girl in Somalia shows the growing resentment towards radical Islamists who have gained control of much of the south and centre of the country.

     

    Insurgents from the militant group al-Shabab are seen as authoritarian and unaccountable - unlike the Islamists who were in control of the capital, Mogadishu, in 2006.

     

    Asha Ibrahim Dhuhulow was stoned to death for adultery in the southern port city of Kismayo, which was taken control by al-Shabab and its allies in August.

    Her 62-year-old aunt told the BBC that the teenager had in fact been raped by three armed men - and she took Asha to the police station to report it.

     

    Several days later, after two suspects had been arrested, she was asked to return to the station with her niece.

     

    To her surprise the girl was taken into custody too.

     

    "I tried to speak to the police but they said they were not talking," she said.

     

    Three days later, after Asha had been tried in an Islamist court, she was stoned to death.

     

    "They said that the girl had chatted up these men and had confessed to adultery," she said.

     

    But the aunt said the authorities clearly failed to notice her age, how mentally disturbed she was by her experience, or her history of mental illness.

     

    "She was only 13 years old. I have got her card from Hagarder refugee camp which has her age on it. She might have looked a bit older, but you could tell her age by talking to her," she said.

     

    Law and order

     

    Other critics point to the lack of lawyers, witnesses or appeal process.

     

    The Islamists were reported to have announced their verdict the day before the stoning from cars with loudspeakers.

     

    But Asha's aunt was not informed of the court's decision - despite repeated visits to the police station.

     

    "I was not even told that she was to be killed, I just heard it from people after it happened.

     

    "I don't know what crime she committed other than being raped; and I was not even allowed to see her body," she said.

     

    Al-Shabab in Kismayo has refused attempts by the BBC to discuss the stoning.

     

    It is almost two years since the Ethiopian-backed interim government ousted the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC), which had ruled much of Somalia for nearly six months.

     

    In 2006, the UIC was generally welcomed for the law and order it brought to a country bedevilled by more than a decade of civil war and clan fighting.

     

    UIC fighters launched an insurgency following what many Somalis regarded as an Ethiopian invasion. Its youth and military wing, al-Shabab, gained notoriety for its determination, despite its much smaller numbers.

     

    Fear

     

    The group, which is on the US terror list and is said to have links with al-Qaeda, has since split from the UIC, angered by its current peace negotiations with the government.

     

    It does not work against the UIC, but it favours co-operating with other groups including:

     

    • The Kaanboni, led by Hassan Turki, who is also on the US terror list

     

    • The Islamic Front, a new group about which very little is known.

     

    For example, since mid-August, when they captured the Lower Jubba, Middle Jubba and Gedo regions from local clan militia, they now share the administration with existing officials.

     

    According to well-informed sources in the regions who requested anonymity, these groups instil fear among the local population.

     

    "You keep quiet and follow the commands of the Islamists, or emigrate to neighbouring countries, or simply die and leave this world," one of them said.

     

    In Mogadishu, al-Shabab insurgents are said to move around the city freely - often in vehicles captured from the government.

     

    The government forces and troops from Ethiopia and the African Union are limited to the airport, port, presidential palace and a few military camps.

     

    Besides the central city of Baidoa, these are the only areas government forces now hold.

     

    When they attempt to move between these points, they are often ambushed by the Islamists.

     

    A few weeks ago, al-Shabab held a military parade in a former military camp in the capital, where they carried out a public flogging of two men sentenced by an Islamic court over a family dispute.

     

    The flogging took place in front of crowds of local residents, and was orchestrated to show just who is running the show.

     

    Death threats

     

    Al-Shabab insurgents have a countrywide organisation, threatening anyone they perceive to be supporting the government with text messages.

    One human rights activist outside the capital told the BBC that he was ordered to close down his offices.

     

    He said he began receiving quite frequent threatening messages on his mobile. So he stopped using his phone.

     

    Eventually a relative brought him a stern message from al-Shabab. It said if he did not stop his work, he would be killed.

     

    As the government has lost ground over the last five months, the number of attacks on civil society activists, local non-governmental workers and international aid workers has increased.

     

    Some have been shot dead point-blank; others have been kidnapped and are still missing.

     

    Most suspect that those behind the attacks are al-Shabab insurgents, even if no-one dares say so publicly.

     

    In the central Hiiran region, where most towns have seen a presence of al-Shabab and the more moderate UIC since July, people have been more vocal in their complaints.

     

    'Not Islamic'

     

    A former army engineer and political activist detailed examples of those targeted because of their association with Ethiopia or the West.

     

    "They have killed 17 civilians without reason or due process including two teachers and a well-known traditional elder, Da'ar Hirsi Hooshow," the man, whose name is being withheld for his own safety, told the BBC.

     

    The teachers worked at a school that taught English and employed foreign staff.

     

    The shooting of Mr Hooshow, who was known to be holding talks with Ethiopian troops before he was shot dead on 10 October, prompted angry scenes in Beled Weyne.

     

    Town residents stoned al-Shabab centres believing them to be behind the killing.

     

    And while the UIC may share al-Shabab's aim to see the Ethiopians leave the country, it has distanced itself from its former allies.

     

    On Monday, UIC authorities in Beled Weyne arrested nine al-Shabab members for allegedly kidnapping an official over the weekend

     

    "We didn't ask them to do any operation at all," Hiiran's al-Shabab Chairman Sheikh Ali Dheere told the BBC.

     

    "They are wrong if they committed a kidnap. They will have to be punished under Sharia law," he said.

     

    But many fear that law and order is not al-Shabab's priority.

     

    "They are holding this region with the barrel of the gun, and it has nothing to do with Islam," the Hiiran political activist said.

     

    Sources- BBC


  4. LOL, I have checked the map, they included Aynabo which H.J... had made its home since 1954, Garadag, Cel-Afwayn and Ceerigaabo and Lasasurad, who ever designed this map is amateur, a big time looser, if this state is claiming Sanaag at least they should have been more realistic and show the 3 small villages in Sanaag, Dibqarax, Fiqifuliye and Ardaa [only two buildings].

     

    This map is Diaspora fadhi kudiri stuff..


  5. Due to a number of technicalities that have been experienced within Horn Relief’s Jetty Re-development Project, Oxfam Novib, our lead donor, has decided to cut back on their support for the project. The main reasons for this decision include difficulties in raising additional funds and time delays.

     

    Tsunami Funds required a very tight timeframe. This means that, while Oxfam Novib is still a supporter of the project and has contributed greatly to date, less funds than planned were allocated to the jetty. Nevertheless, Horn Relief plans to continue with the project and to maintain the momentum in ensuring that the Jetty in Laasqoray is built.

     

    We will try our best to keep up with the implementation process using whatever funds are realized even if it means constructing a smaller jetty and extending to a bigger jetty as we get more funds.

     

    Horn Relief also plans to work with the Diaspora in moving forward no matter what happens and will intensify fundraising and networking activities. Security in Sanaag and Sool is a major priority so that donors get the confidence that this is a viable project and so that international staff can work in these areas.

     

    We are very pleased with recent efforts by the community and Diaspora to address this, and especially General Abdullahi Ahmed Jama (USA), Elder Hassan Mohamed Salah “Somali” (UK) and Elder Ali Mohamed Hersi (Australia). And since the key to the success of this project is managing security, relationships and potential conflict, community mobilization will continue and this means completing the setup of the Jetty Management Structure, focussing on capacity building etc. so as to promote community ownership and representation.

     

    Sources-Hornrelief.org


  6. GRAND ISLAND, Neb. (NY Times) — Like many workers at the meatpacking plant here, Raul A. Garcia, a Mexican-American, has watched with some discomfort as hundreds of Somali immigrants have moved to town in the past couple of years, many of them to fill jobs once held by Latino workers taken away in immigration raids.

     

    Mr. Garcia has been particularly troubled by the Somalis’ demand that they be allowed special breaks for prayers that are obligatory for devout Muslims. The breaks, he said, would inconvenience everyone else.

     

    “The Latino is very humble,” said Mr. Garcia, 73, who has worked at the plant, owned by JBS U.S.A. Inc., since 1994. “But they are arrogant,” he said of the Somali workers. “They act like the United States owes them.”

     

    Mr. Garcia was among more than 1,000 Latino and other workers who protested a decision last month by the plant’s management to cut their work day — and their pay — by 15 minutes to give scores of Somali workers time for evening prayers.

     

    After several days of strikes and disruptions, the plant’s management abandoned the plan.

     

    But the dispute peeled back a layer of civility in this southern Nebraska city of 47,000, revealing slow-burning racial and ethnic tensions that have been an unexpected aftermath of the enforcement raids at workplaces by federal immigration authorities.

     

    Grand Island is among a half dozen or so cities where discord has arisen with the arrival of Somali workers, many of whom were recruited by employers from elsewhere in the United States after immigration raids sharply reduced their Latino work forces.

     

    The Somalis are by and large in this country legally as political refugees and therefore are not singled out by immigration authorities.

     

    In some of these places, including Grand Island, this newest wave of immigrant workers has had the effect of unifying the other ethnic populations against the Somalis and has also diverted some of the longstanding hostility toward Latino immigrants among some native-born residents.

     

    “Every wave of immigrants has had to struggle to get assimilated,” said Margaret Hornady, the mayor of Grand Island and a longtime resident of Nebraska. “Right now, it’s so volatile.”

     

    The federal immigration crackdown has hit meat- and poultry-packing plants particularly hard, with more than 2,000 immigrant workers in at least nine places detained since 2006 in major raids, most on immigration violations.

     

    Struggling to fill the grueling low-wage jobs that attract few American workers, the plants have placed advertisements in immigrant newspapers and circulated fliers in immigrant neighborhoods.

     

    Some companies, like Swift & Company, which owned the plant in Grand Island until being bought up by the Brazilian conglomerate JBS last year, have made a particular pitch for Somalis because of their legal status. Tens of thousands of Somali refugees fleeing civil war have settled in the United States since the 1990s, with the largest concentration in Minnesota.

     

    But the companies are learning that in trying to solve one problem they have created another.

     

    Early last month, about 220 Somali Muslims walked off the job at a JBS meatpacking plant in Greeley, Colo., saying the company had prevented them from observing their prayer schedule. (More than 100 of the workers were later fired.)

     

    Days later, a poultry company in Minnesota agreed to allow Muslim workers prayer breaks and the right to refuse handling pork products, settling a lawsuit filed by nine Somali workers.

     

    In August, the management of a Tyson chicken plant in Shelbyville, Tenn., designated a Muslim holy day as a paid holiday, acceding to a demand by Somali workers. The plant had originally agreed to substitute the Muslim holy day for Labor Day, but reinstated Labor Day after a barrage of criticism from non-Muslims.

     

    In some workplaces, newly arrived Somali Muslims have not protested their working conditions. That has been the case at Agriprocessors, a meatpacking plant in Postville, Iowa. About 150 Somali Muslims have found jobs there, most of them recruited by a staffing company after the plant lost about half its work force in an immigration raid in May.

     

    Jack Shandley, a senior vice president for JBS U.S.A., said in an e-mail message that “integrating persons of diverse backgrounds regularly presents new and different issues.”

     

    “Religious accommodation is only one workplace diversity issue that has been addressed,” Mr. Shandley said.

     

    Nationwide, employment discrimination complaints by Muslim workers have more than doubled in the past decade, to 607 in the 2007 fiscal year, from 285 in the 1998 fiscal year, according to the federal Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, which has sent representatives to Grand Island to interview Somali workers.

     

    The Civil Rights Act of 1964 forbids employers to discriminate based on religion and says that employers must “reasonably accommodate” religious practices. But the act offers some exceptions, including instances when adjustments would cause “undue hardship” on the company’s business interests.

     

    The new tensions here extend well beyond the walls of the plant. Scratch beneath Grand Island’s surface and there is resentment, discomfort and mistrust everywhere, some residents say — between the white community and the various immigrant communities; between the older immigrant communities, like the Latinos, and the newer ones, namely the Somalis and the Sudanese, another refugee community that has grown here in recent years; and between the Somalis, who are largely Muslim, and the Sudanese, who are largely Christian.

     

    In dozens of interviews here, white, Latino and other residents seemed mostly bewildered, if not downright suspicious, of the Somalis, very few of whom speak English.

     

    “I kind of admire all the effort they make to follow that religion, but sometimes you have to adapt to the workplace,” said Fidencio Sandoval, a plant worker born in Mexico who has become an American citizen. “A new culture comes in with their demands and says, ‘This is what we want.’ This is kind of new for me.”

     

    Ms. Hornady, the mayor, suggested somewhat apologetically that she had been having difficulty adjusting to the presence of Somalis. She said she found the sight of Somali women, many of whom wear Muslim headdresses, or hijabs, “startling.”

     

    “I’m sorry, but after 9/11, it gives some of us a turn,” she said.

     

    Not only do the hijabs suggest female subjugation, Ms. Hornady said, but the sight of Muslims in town made her think of Osama bin Laden and the attacks on the United States.

     

    “I know that that’s horrible and that’s prejudice,” she said. “I’m working very hard on it.”

     

    She added, “Aren’t a lot of thoughtful Americans struggling with this?”

     

    For their part, the Somalis say they feel aggrieved and not particularly welcome.

     

    “A lot of people look at you weird — they judge you,” said Abdisamad Jama, 22, a Somali who moved to Grand Island two years ago to work as an interpreter at the plant and now freelances. “Or sometimes they will say, ‘Go back to your country.’ ”

     

    Founded in the mid-19th century by German immigrants, Grand Island gradually became more diverse in the mid- and late-20th century with the arrival of Latino workers, mainly Mexicans.

     

    The Latinos came at first to work in the agricultural fields; later arrivals found employment in the meatpacking plant. Refugees from Laos and, in the past few years, Sudan followed, and many of them also found work in the plant, which is now the city’s largest employer, with about 2,700 workers.

     

    In December 2006, in an event that would deeply affect the city and alter its uneasy balance of ethnicities, immigration authorities raided the plant and took away more than 200 illegal Latino workers. Another 200 or so workers quit soon afterward.

     

    The raid was one of six sweeps by federal agents at plants owned by Swift, gutting the company of about 1,200 workers in one day and forcing the plants to slow their operations.

     

    Many of the Somalis who eventually arrived to fill those jobs were practicing Muslims and their faith obliges them to pray at five fixed times every day. In Grand Island, the workers would grab prayer time whenever they could, during scheduled rest periods or on restroom breaks. But during the holy month of Ramadan, Muslims fast in daylight hours and break their fast in a ritualistic ceremony at sundown. A more formal accommodation of their needs was necessary, the Somali workers said.

     

    Last year, the Somalis here demanded time off for the Ramadan ceremony. The company refused, saying it could not afford to let so many workers step away from the production line at one time. Dozens of Somalis quit, though they eventually returned to work.

     

    The situation repeated itself last month. Dennis Sydow, the plant’s vice president and general manager, said a delegation of Somali workers approached him on Sept. 10 about allowing them to take their dinner break at 7:30 p.m., near sundown, rather than at the normal time of 8 to 8:30.

     

    Mr. Sydow rejected the request, saying the production line would slow to a crawl and the Somalis’ co-workers would unfairly have to take up the slack.

     

    The Somalis said their co-workers did not offer a lot of support. “Latinos were sometimes saying, ‘Don’t pray, don’t pray,’ ” said Abdifatah Warsame, 21.

     

    After the Somalis went out on strike on Sept. 15, the plant’s management and the union brokered a deal the next day that would have shifted the dinner break to 7:45 p.m., close enough to sundown to satisfy the Somalis. Because of the plant’s complex scheduling rules, the new dinner break would have also required an earlier end to the shift, potentially cutting the work day by 15 minutes.

     

    Word of the accord spread quickly throughout the non-Somali work force, though the reports were infected with false rumors of pay raises for the Somalis and more severe cuts in the work day for everyone.

     

    In a counterprotest on Sept. 17, more than 1,000 Latino and Sudanese workers lined up alongside white workers in opposition to the concessions to the Somalis.

     

    “We had complaints from the whites, Hispanics and Sudanese,” said Abdalla Omar, 26, one of the Somali strikers.

     

    The union and the plant management backed down, reverting to the original dinner schedule. More than 70 Somalis, including Mr. Omar and Mr. Warsame, stormed out of the plant and did not return; they either quit or were fired.

     

    Since then, Ramadan has ended and work has returned to normal at the plant, but most everyone — management, the union and the employees — says the root causes of the disturbances have not been fully addressed. A sizeable Somali contingent remains employed at the factory — Somali leaders say the number is about 100; the union puts the figure at more than 300, making similar disruptions possible next year.

     

    “Right now, this is a real kindling box,” said Daniel O. Hoppes, president of the local chapter of the union, the United Food and Commercial Workers.

     

    Xawa Ahmed, 48, a Somali, moved to Grand Island from Minnesota last month to help organize the Somali community. A big part of her work, Ms. Ahmed said, will be to help demystify the Somalis who remain.

     

    “We’re trying to make people understand why we do these things, why we practice this religion, why we live in America,” she said. “There’s a lot of misunderstanding.”

     

    Source: NY Times


  7. Laag:- Iska hor imaad kulul ayaa Maalintii shalay iyo habeenkii xalay ahaa ka dhacay Magaalada Laag ee magaalada Bosaaso u jirta 25-Km, waxana uu dhex maray Malayshiyo deegaankaasi ka soo jeeda iyo Ciidamo ka tirsan Booliska Puntland, dadka war gal ah ayaa noo sheegay in dhanka Ciidamada Booliska Puntland laga dilay hal Askari halka laba kalena laga dhaawacay..

     

    Read More HERE


  8. Dubai:- Warar lagu shaaciyey Warbaahinta caalamka saaka ayaa waxay sheegayaan in Burcad badeeda ka shaqaysa Gacanka Carbeed ay gacanta ku dhigeen markab xamuul ahaa oo sidey hub aad u tiro badan iyagoo hubkani uu ku jirey Taankiyo, Baasuukayaal, Baabuurta dagaalka oo lagu sameeyey dalka Ukraine ee Midowgii Soviet-ka ee bur burey.

     

    Wasiirka Arimaha Dibada ee dalka Ukrain ayaa saaka goor uu la hadlayey ayaa waxa uu xaqiijiyey in Burcad badeeda Bada Cas ka shaqeysa ay gacanta ku dhigeen Markab laga leeyahay Dalkiisa kuna bad maaxayey Calanka Wadanka Belize.

     

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    Waa noocan oo kale kuwa ay Burcadu Qabsatey.

     

    Waxa kale oo uu sheegey Wasiirku in hubkani ay ka mid ahaayeen 30 Taangi oo nooca casriga ah ee T 72 oo lagu sameeyo dalka Ukraine inkastoo taangigu yahay mid asal ahaan lagu sameeyo dalka Ruushka.

     

    Wasiirku waxa kale oo uu ka darey in hubkale oo uu ka gaabsadey ay ku jireen hubka ay burcad badeedu la wareegtey, hase yeeshee waxa uu wasiirku intaa ku darey in Buracdu ay markabka kusoo weerareen 3 doonyood oo kuwa dheereeya ah.

     

    Waxaase weli la cadeyn in rasaasi ay saarneyd iyo inkale inkastoo qaar ka mid warbaahinta dalka Ruushka ay sheegeen in hubkani saanadoodii Rasaasta ay u dhaneyd.

     

    Andrew Mwngura oo ah wakiil hay'ada Caawisa badmareenada Dalka Kenya ayaa sheegey in hubkani uu ku socdey Koonfurta Dalka Suudaan iyadoo uu qorshuhu ahaa in hubkan laga rara Dekeda Mombaza loona rarayo Koonfurta Suudaan.

     

    Hubkan tirada badan ayaan la garaneyn sida ay ka yeeli doonaan Burcad badeeda Soomaaliyeed iyadoo hadii ay gacanta ku dhigaan hubkan oo doonaan iney isticmaalaan in ay noqon doonaan kooxaha ugu awooda roon ee

     

    Sources- Laasqoray.net


  9.  

     

    Ceerigaabo:- Magaalada Ceerigaabo ee xarunta Gobolka Sanaag ayaa waxaa lagu tilmaami karaa iney tahay goobaha ugu quruxda badan dhulka Soomaaliya iyadoo magaaladu ay ku taalo goob cagaaran oo dhir badan isla markaana cimiladeedu tahay cimilo ka duwan inta kale ee dalka Somalia.

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    City Of Erigavo, Sanaag, Somalia

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    Ceeerigaabo overview

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    Suuqa Hoose ee Ceerigaabo

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    Bartamaha Ceerigaabo

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    Bartamaha Ceerigaabo

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    Suuqa Hoose ee Ceerigaabo...

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    Waa Ceerigaabo....

     

    Warbixintii halakan ka akhirso

     

    Source- LaasqorayNET