Xargaga

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Posts posted by Xargaga

  1. Posted

    Hargeysa (Somaliland.org) – Ciidamada Booliska ayaa saaka subaxnimadii hore qabqabtay siyaasiyiinta ugu sarraysa hoggaanka ururka QARAN, isla markaana u taxaabay xabsiga.

     

    Ciidamada Boolisku waxay guryahooda oo ku yaalla meelo kala duwan oo magaalada Hargeysa ah ka soo qabqabteen, Dr. Maxamed Cabdi Gaboose oo ah Guddoomiyaha ururka Qaran, Inj. Maxamed Xaashi Cilmi oo ah Guddoomiyekuxigeenka ururkaas iyo Jamaal Caydiid, waxaana isla saaka loo qaaday Xabsiga Mandheera.

     

    Xadhiga siyaasiyiintaas oo la filayey ilaa Khamiistii Dorraad, waxa la fuliyey saaka subaxnimadii hore, abbaaro 6:00 aroornimo.

     

    Laba ka mid ah, siyaasiyiintaas, Dr. Maxamed Cabdi Gaboose iyo Inj. Maxamed Xaashi Cilmi ayaa iyaga waaranka ama amarka qabashadooda ay xukuumaddu gacanta ku haysey ilaa Khamiistii, halka Jamaal Caydiid isla saaka Maxkamadda la geeyey, si looga xalaaleeyo xadhigiisa.

     

    Wax dhibaato ahi kama dhicin qabashada siyaasiyiintaas oo lama filaan ku noqotay dadweynaha Hargeysa, laguna baraarugey barqadii saaka markii loo dhaadhiciyey xabsiga Mandheera.

     

    Ururka Qareennada Somaliland, Xisbiga ugu weyn mucaaridka ee KULMIYE iyo dad kale oo badan ayaa hadda abaabulaya shirar jaraa'id oo ay kaga hadlayaan xadhiga siyaasiyiintaas.

     

    Wixii ka soo kordha kala soco halkan.

  3. Posted

    Somaliland.Org — Addis Ababa, Ethiopia — 26 July, 2007

    --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

     

     

    Waxa habeenimadii Arbacadii laga baahiyey Telefishanka Qaranka Itoobiya ee xaruntiisu tahay Addis Ababa barnaamij socday muddo 45 daqiiqadood oo lagu soo bandhigay warbixin xiiso badan oo laga diyaariyey Somaliland.

     

    Haddaba, Mustafe Cali Saalax oo barnaamijkaasi daawaday ayaa waxa uu ka diyaariyay warbixintan:

     

    "Xalay [Arbacadii] ayaa si kadiso ah oo aan la sii shaacin waxa uu TV, qaranka ee Itoobiya uu baahiyay barnaamij kooban oo uu kaga hadlaayo xidhiidhka sokeeye ee sii xoogaysanaaya ee u dhaxeeya labada dal ee Itoobiya iyo Somaliland, barnaamijka oo ay daadihinayeen laba wariye iyo koox ka tirsan TV'ga Itoobiya ayaa ku tilmaamay Somaliland ubaxii geeska Afrika.

     

    Barnaamijka waxa si aad ah kamarada ugu qabtay wafti ka kooban 14 xubnood oo uu hogaaminaayo wasiirka isgaadhsiinta iyo gaadiidka ee dalka Itoobiya mudane Juneydi Sado, waftigaasi oo iyagu booqday meelo kala gadisan oo ka mid ah dalka Somaliland, sida degmada Wajaale, Caasimada Somaliland, magaalada dekeda ah ee Berbera, waxa si fiican ay waftigaasi uga warbixiyeen iyaga oo ku sugan casimada Somaliland socdaalkooda iyo soo dhawayntooda lagu soo dhaweeyay meel kasta oo ay cagaha dhigaan, waxa ay aad u amaaneen madaxda iyo shicibka Somaliland oo ay ku tilmaameen shicib iyo xukumad dagaal ugu jira sidii ay dalkooda u gaadhsiin lahaayeen dalalka ugu horumarsan qaarada Afrika.

     

    Barnaamijka oo ilaa 5 daqiiqo wax aan ka badnayn dib ugu laabtay burburkii iyo halaagii ay soo martay casimada Somaliland ayaa waxa aad uga argagaxay dhamaanba dadkii daawanaayay, hase ahaatee dadkaasi argagaxay waxa isla markiiba soo celiyay dareenkoodii oo ka dhoola cadaysiiyay markii uu barnaamijku uu kamarda ku soo qabtay Hargaysa oo wada iftiimaysa oo nalkeedu baxaayo, iyo iyada oo ay soo saareen dhismayaal aad u quruxbadan oo ay ka horbaxayaan dhir cagaaran iyo ubxayaal aad u quruxbadan, waxa ay soo saareen Hargaysa oo ay baabuur aad u xad dhaaf ahi ay dhex marayaan qaarkoodna ay wataan haween, aan haba yaraatee looga baqaynin, in la dhaco baabuurtooda, waxa sidoo kale laga daawaday ciidamada booliska wadoooyinka iyo booliska caadiga ah oo iyaga oo bilaa hub ah hawlahooda si caadi ah u wata isla markaasna koox koox u wada socda iyaga o wata baabuurtooda iyo iyaga oo adeegsanaaya lugahoodaba.

     

    Waxa laga soo saaray barnamijka oo lagu qabtay kamarada, duqa Hargaysa iyo Duqa Wajaale, wasiiro dhawr ah oo ka tirsan xukumada Somaliland, mareeyaha dekada Berbera iyo wakiilka Itoobiya u fadhiya Somaliland, gabagabadii barnaamijka ayaa waxa ay TV-ga soo diyaariyay barnaamijkani ay wax ka waydiiyeen oo soo fadhiisiyeen xarunta TV-GA laba sarkaal oo ka tirsan wasaarada arimaha dibada ee dalka Itoobiya, taasi oo ay saraakiishaasi waydiiyeen aragtidooda ku aadan labada dal, waxa ay isla qireen in xidhiidhka labada dal uu wanaagsanyahay dhawaana ay labada dawladood gaadheen heshiisyo wax ku oola ah isla markaasna ay dawlada Itoobiya ay xukumada Somaliland la garab taagntahay hiil iyo hooba wax kasta oo la soo gudboonaada, labdan sarkaal mid ka mid ah ayaa sii qaatay hadalkiisa oo sheegay in ay isha ku hayaan rag qas iyo qalalaase ka wada Somaliland oo doonaaya in ay dalkaasi iyo wadamada jaarkaba ay gaadhsiiyaan ololahooda ay xagaasi ka bilaabyaan taasi oo amniga Itoobiyana ku noqon karta halis, ragaasi oo uu sarkaalkaasi ku sheegay in ay lug ku lahaayeen maxaakiimtii laga adkaaday ee qaska iyo hawlaha argagaxisdaba ka waday meelo badan oo ka mid ah caalmka iyo geeska Afrika, sarkaalkaasi oo aan sharaxin ragaasi cida ay yihiin hadana waxa uu carabka ku dhuftay in uu tiraba dhawr jeer booqday Somaliland, xagaasna ay ka jiraan xukumad iyo sadex xisbi qaran isla markaasna ayna aqoonsanayn oo ayna la kulmi doonin kuwa sheegtay ururo cusub, sarkaalku waxa uu qiray in ay isku dayeen in ay la soo xidhiidhaan xukumada Itoobiya hase ahaatee arintaasi waa lagu diiday, waananu la soconaa hawlahooda iyo dhaq dhaqaaqyadooda ay ka wadaan Somaliya iyo Somalilandba waana in ay ka waantoobaan falalka noocaasi oo kale ah ayuu ku soo khatimay sarkaalkaasi hadalkiisa."

     

     

    Xigasho: Jamhuuriya

     

    labdan sarkaal mid ka mid ah ayaa sii qaatay hadalkiisa oo sheegay in ay isha ku hayaan rag qas iyo qalalaase ka wada Somaliland oo doonaaya in ay dalkaasi iyo wadamada jaarkaba ay gaadhsiiyaan ololahooda ay xagaasi ka bilaabyaan taasi oo amniga Itoobiyana ku noqon karta halis, ragaasi oo uu sarkaalkaasi ku sheegay in ay lug ku lahaayeen maxaakiimtii laga adkaaday ee qaska iyo hawlaha argagaxisdaba ka waday meelo badan oo ka mid ah caalmka iyo geeska Afrika, sarkaalkaasi oo aan sharaxin ragaasi cida ay yihiin hadana waxa uu carabka ku dhuftay in uu tiraba dhawr jeer booqday Somaliland, xagaasna ay ka jiraan xukumad iyo sadex xisbi qaran isla markaasna ayna aqoonsanayn oo ayna la kulmi doonin kuwa sheegtay ururo cusub, sarkaalku waxa uu qiray in ay isku dayeen in ay la soo xidhiidhaan xukumada Itoobiya hase ahaatee arintaasi waa lagu diiday, waananu la soconaa hawlahooda iyo dhaq dhaqaaqyadooda ay ka wadaan Somaliya iyo Somalilandba waana in ay ka waantoobaan falalka noocaasi oo kale ah ayuu ku soo khatimay sarkaalkaasi hadalkiisa."

     

    Very Sad Indeed . A clear proof to this is that After Couple visits by Ethiopian gov officials to Somaliland. today Daahir Riyaale Daringly ordered the Arrest of Peopple like Engineer maxamed xaashi, Gaboose, and caydiid. Its Time now for those calling themselves real somalilander to act If not then the Whole project is a Sham. Whoever that knows the History of Engineer maxamed xaashi cilmi would not tolarate for an EX- Basaas humiliate the dignity of this individuals. And If ethiopia has hand in this it has to know that its testing dangerous waters.

     

    Apart From the few Psychophants. I would like to hear the opinions of The real patriotic Somalilanders about this.

  4. Posted

    I really dont unduerstand the point the author what us to grasp here. The author seems to have been impressed by the western political model and would like it compared to the one in his native homeland. He however forgets that the political system he studied at whatever college he attended has been modeled for a totally diffeent population, with a different socio-economic structure from that of somaliland. Anyways the author also wants us to believe that he is neutral, but any sane reader could tell that he is a stunch 'Udub Supporter in a closet". All in all, Looking at the Riyale's administration from retrospective view is what is missing from the author's opinion, yet he started by bashing the opposition which exposed his lack of prospective optimism in their strugle with a tyrany in the making.

  7. Posted

    Lool Jug Jug Meeshaada Joog.

     

    Jeffrey Gettleman

    Monday, July 16, 2007

     

     

     

    NAIROBI (New York Times) - A national reconciliation conference that diplomats have described as a make-or-break opportunity for Somalia's troubled transitional government has opened in Mogadishu. But it barely got off the ground. Top opposition leaders did not show up, and the session was quickly postponed.

     

    The conference organizer, Mohammed Ali Mahdi, a former warlord, greeted about 1,000 delegates who had gathered in an old police warehouse in Somalia's bullet-pocked capital Sunday, saying: "I urge you to rise above your respective clan and subclan in order to bring normalcy to our country."

     

    But then he adjourned the meeting until Thursday, saying he wanted to wait for more people.

     

    Somalia's transitional government seems on the brink of disappearing into the same vortex of violence that has consumed 13 previous transitional governments. Even as the delegates were meeting on Sunday, mortars could be heard nearby.

     

    "It's true, we're seeing another Baghdad in the making," said a Western diplomat, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of diplomatic protocols. "But if this conference produces a road map, albeit with a few simple priorities, there's a little hope."

     

    Somalia desperately needs that hope. Since 1991, when the central government imploded, it has been a stateless mess of warring clans, blown-up buildings, starving people, and no clear path forward.

     

    The national reconciliation conference was supposed to bring the warring factions back together. The plan was to invite 1,325 elders from Somalia's dozens of clans and subclans and have them meet for at least 45 days to discuss clan differences, disarmament and radical Islam, a growing issue since an Islamic government briefly took power last year.

     

    "Our hope is that the tribes will forget all their wars from before," said Abdi Haji Gobdon, a transitional government spokesman, before the conference.

     

    But the Islamists and hard-core members of opposing clans, who are thought to be the backbone of the growing insurgency - are boycotting.

     

    "The government doesn't have a political vision for the country, they are not following a just process for the distribution of resources, and the president is using his militia as a clan militia," said Mohammed Uluso, a former agricultural minister and leader of the *** clan, which remains mostly hostile to the government. "So, no, we don't feel there's any reason to attend this conference and lend it legitimacy."

     

    Ibrahim Hassan Addou, the former foreign minister of the Islamist movement that briefly controlled the country for part of the past year, said that until the Ethiopian troops that returned power to the transitional government left Somalia, the Islamist leadership had no interest in attending a conference.

     

    "Somalia is under occupation right now, and people are not free to express their views," he said by telephone from Dubai. "So what's the point?"

     

    Ethiopia invaded in December, with covert American help, and ousted the Islamic movement, which had managed to pacify much of the country.

     

    Ethiopian and American officials had accused the Islamists of harboring terrorists.

     

    Since then, the Ethiopian forces occupying Somalia have been struggling with an Iraq-style insurgency that has quickly progressed from drive-by shootings to suicide attacks and cellphone-detonated bombs. Mogadishu is so dangerous again that other nations hesitate to send peacekeepers. Despite pledges from African countries to send 8,000 soldiers, only 1,600 Ugandans have shown up so far.

     

    The transitional federal government, a UN creation that has never had much grass-roots support, seems stuck in a rut. Its job is to shepherd the country toward elections in 2009. But it has yet to register voters or even organize a census. Piracy off Somalia's 1,880-mile coastline is a serious issue again, threatening to cut off crucial food deliveries to a population that is often just a few handfuls of grain away from famine.

     

    Part of the problem is that the transitional government does not act like the multiclan outfit envisioned by the United Nations.

     

    Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, the transitional president, is a former warlord with one of the two biggest clans in Somalia, and many Somalis, especially in Mogadishu, see the transitional government as revenge for the early 1990s, when warlords from the rival ****** clan ran members of Yusuf's ***** clan out of Mogadishu.

     

    Tensions between the two large clans ave dominated modern Somali politics.

     

    "Elders used to solve the problems among the tribes long ago," said Bile Mohamoud Qabowsade, a ***** delegate. "So this conference may pave the way for a lasting solution among Somalis."

     

    But the conference cannot succeed if representatives of major groups do not attend. Another possible reason that they stayed away is that the conference was to be limited mostly to clan issues and not political ones. Had the government opened the possibility of picking a new prime minister or discussing more equitable ways of sharing revenues from Mogadishu's port, more opposition members might have come.

     

    Source: NY Times, July 16, 2007

  12. Posted

    Jeffrey Gettleman

    Monday, July 16, 2007

     

     

     

    NAIROBI (New York Times) - A national reconciliation conference that diplomats have described as a make-or-break opportunity for Somalia's troubled transitional government has opened in Mogadishu. But it barely got off the ground. Top opposition leaders did not show up, and the session was quickly postponed.

     

    The conference organizer, Mohammed Ali Mahdi, a former warlord, greeted about 1,000 delegates who had gathered in an old police warehouse in Somalia's bullet-pocked capital Sunday, saying: "I urge you to rise above your respective clan and subclan in order to bring normalcy to our country."

     

    But then he adjourned the meeting until Thursday, saying he wanted to wait for more people.

     

    Somalia's transitional government seems on the brink of disappearing into the same vortex of violence that has consumed 13 previous transitional governments. Even as the delegates were meeting on Sunday, mortars could be heard nearby.

     

    "It's true, we're seeing another Baghdad in the making," said a Western diplomat, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of diplomatic protocols. "But if this conference produces a road map, albeit with a few simple priorities, there's a little hope."

     

    Somalia desperately needs that hope. Since 1991, when the central government imploded, it has been a stateless mess of warring clans, blown-up buildings, starving people, and no clear path forward.

     

    The national reconciliation conference was supposed to bring the warring factions back together. The plan was to invite 1,325 elders from Somalia's dozens of clans and subclans and have them meet for at least 45 days to discuss clan differences, disarmament and radical Islam, a growing issue since an Islamic government briefly took power last year.

     

    "Our hope is that the tribes will forget all their wars from before," said Abdi Haji Gobdon, a transitional government spokesman, before the conference.

     

    But the Islamists and hard-core members of opposing clans, who are thought to be the backbone of the growing insurgency - are boycotting.

     

    "The government doesn't have a political vision for the country, they are not following a just process for the distribution of resources, and the president is using his militia as a clan militia," said Mohammed Uluso, a former agricultural minister and leader of the *** clan, which remains mostly hostile to the government. "So, no, we don't feel there's any reason to attend this conference and lend it legitimacy."

     

    Ibrahim Hassan Addou, the former foreign minister of the Islamist movement that briefly controlled the country for part of the past year, said that until the Ethiopian troops that returned power to the transitional government left Somalia, the Islamist leadership had no interest in attending a conference.

     

    "Somalia is under occupation right now, and people are not free to express their views," he said by telephone from Dubai. "So what's the point?"

     

    Ethiopia invaded in December, with covert American help, and ousted the Islamic movement, which had managed to pacify much of the country.

     

    Ethiopian and American officials had accused the Islamists of harboring terrorists.

     

    Since then, the Ethiopian forces occupying Somalia have been struggling with an Iraq-style insurgency that has quickly progressed from drive-by shootings to suicide attacks and cellphone-detonated bombs. Mogadishu is so dangerous again that other nations hesitate to send peacekeepers. Despite pledges from African countries to send 8,000 soldiers, only 1,600 Ugandans have shown up so far.

     

    The transitional federal government, a UN creation that has never had much grass-roots support, seems stuck in a rut. Its job is to shepherd the country toward elections in 2009. But it has yet to register voters or even organize a census. Piracy off Somalia's 1,880-mile coastline is a serious issue again, threatening to cut off crucial food deliveries to a population that is often just a few handfuls of grain away from famine.

     

    Part of the problem is that the transitional government does not act like the multiclan outfit envisioned by the United Nations.

     

    Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, the transitional president, is a former warlord with one of the two biggest clans in Somalia, and many Somalis, especially in Mogadishu, see the transitional government as revenge for the early 1990s, when warlords from the rival ****** clan ran members of Yusuf's ***** clan out of Mogadishu.

     

    Tensions between the two large clans ave dominated modern Somali politics.

     

    "Elders used to solve the problems among the tribes long ago," said Bile Mohamoud Qabowsade, a ***** delegate. "So this conference may pave the way for a lasting solution among Somalis."

     

    But the conference cannot succeed if representatives of major groups do not attend. Another possible reason that they stayed away is that the conference was to be limited mostly to clan issues and not political ones. Had the government opened the possibility of picking a new prime minister or discussing more equitable ways of sharing revenues from Mogadishu's port, more opposition members might have come.

     

    Source: NY Times, July 16, 2007

  14. Posted

    I just got more info on the new Udb branch party. No big heavyweights in the Mix I think they should have done better than this. According to some reliable infos One the individuals named in the list is bed ridden and the rest are more of loosers than noble.The bed ridden guy's nickname Is more famous than his real name. You know what they call Him? You cant believe but its normal, for Reer Burco are so good at such art of Naming Individuals . By The way They call him " NABICADHEEYE" They say he never talks good about no one in his lifetime thus the NIcnamed him that way.

  15. Posted

    Originally By Proffessor Baashi.

    If Somalis make up with each other and reach an understanding on the issues of interest where would that leave Tigre forces?

    Prior to your wishes of somalis reaching to consesus on issues of Interest, Where Did you left the Tigre Forces? This is like grading a class without consulting the Instructor. Simply enough Would they really allow it? Espcially at an instance that they are miltarily and diplomatically present in the so called somali capital.

  18. Posted

    Bittersweet independence By Dahir Riyale Kahin:Washingtontimes

     

     

    On this day 47 years ago, the Union Jack came down on a remote corner of Africa and the former protectorate of British Somaliland, with its capital in Hargeisa, gained independence.

     

    It was a day of celebration. Freedom had been granted without a fight; no insurgency like Kenya's Mau Mau or civil war as happened in Zimbabwe. Alas, all that and worse would follow, but in 1960, Somaliland was seen as a place of promise, where races, religions and people from different backgrounds got on well. Indeed, many of the British civil servants were sad to leave and some stayed on as welcome members of our new republic.

     

    A week later, we entered into voluntary union with the former Italian Somaliland to the south, creating Somalia with its capital in Mogadishu, but today the old boundaries are back and, while we can't undo the past, we must learn from it.

     

    So, please, allow me a few paragraphs while I chronicle what happened, because those events have shaped the way I and my people view the present.

     

    Somalia got off to a good start, but the 1960s and 1970s were a tough time for democracy and all too soon we found ourselves ruled by a military dictator.

     

    One by one, our freedoms disappeared. Media fell under state control; opposition parties were banned; critics vanished in the night and those who came back were scarred by torture. English — our second language in the North — was spurned by the Italian-speaking south; all power went to Mogadishu and, by the 1980s, Somaliland had became a poor relation with run-down schools, little investment and no say in how the country was run.

     

    In 1985, the North known today as the Republic of Somaliland sought to regain its independence and so began a war of liberation. The late dictator Siad Barre, who ruled Somalia at the time, responded by bombing whole towns and villages and, when that did not turn the people of Somaliland, his army lined up thousands of civilians along the banks of the Maroodijeex river that flows through Hargeisa and opened fire on them with machine guns. The skeletons are still there, just below the sand. When Barre was overthrown in 1991, Somalia fell into chaos. The United States tried to help and President Clinton sent troops, but it was too little, too late. Unwilling to be trapped in a failed state, the former British Somaliland retook its independence on May 18, 1991, and, 16 years on, the peace and prosperity we had hoped for in 1960 is back on track.

     

    Historically, our marriage with the South wasn't that long when you think of countries like Czechoslovakia, which lasted almost a century before creating the Czech and Slovak republics. But like the nations of Eastern Europe that split from the Soviet Union, or Eritrea in its break from Ethiopia, the divorce is permanent and this is the key to understanding Somaliland.

     

    If the South — still known as Somalia — underwent a miracle and became as stable as Botswana, as prosperous as Singapore and as democratic as South Africa, we would not go back into union. The two countries might work closely together, like the United States and Canada, but our independence will never be on the table.

     

    This is not rhetoric. In a 2001 we held a referendum on the subject in which almost a million people voted; 97 percent endorsed the split. We were separate for 80 years as a British protectorate, gained our independence with the Queen's signature on it, and have been on our own again for almost two decades. What remains is for the world to recognize our legal status as they did in 1960. This process requires a few robust states to follow up on the positive African Union 2005 fact-finding report on Somaliland. Rwanda and Ghana appear to be leading by example.

     

    I believe that day is not far off, but when it happens there will be no lowering of flags, just an acceptance of history: that at midnight on 26 June 1960, Somaliland joined the family of nations as a free country in charge of its destiny. And that's how we remain, with the bonus that in 2007 we have a real democracy and the kind of peace and prosperity that offers hope in a region where the even the word has long been out of use. That, surely, is cause for celebration.

     

    Dahir Riyale Kahin is president of the Republic of Somaliland.

     

     

     

    Source Washingtontimes

  19. Posted

    The ongoing survilance over somaliland towns shows that there is something sinister. Now that there have been reported arrest of some wadaads in Sanaag and this landing of Mysterious plane. Could we say that the Trade of selling the clerics to rendition destinations have started in Hargeysa? Yaa MR. JB?

  22. Posted

    The statements by fysal cali were wrong and not called for. Likewise its not fair to politicise and blame a whole nation for some individuals comments,regardlessof his status. Another thing fair enough to note is that Somaliland is a nation still in the making,therefore there would always be emotional outburst from from its citizens be they politicians or anything. But the question one must ask is are this individuals in the position to carryout their threats. Of which in this case is a big NO. So with me i see the Author of the article augurs more than condemming Faysal's statement only that he used it as a podium to launch his sentiments. Blowing the whole issue out of proportion by likening this to RWanda genocide makes it more like a propaganda than an honest cry for attention.

  24. Posted

    I agree on that. I foresee the next general election Would not only be interesting but a dtermining factor for the somaliland future at large. All in all, lets pray that all ends in peace.Its obvious that dictator Meles would not like to see a pecefull democratic evovement in the next door, just like he was worried of a peacefull islamic state in the south.