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  1. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has offered to mediate between the United Arab Emirates and Somalia after strained relations following the recent signing of the Berbera Port deal. A source confirmed to Radio Dalsan that Riyadh had made an initial communication with the government of Somalia seeking to mediate the two countries. Last week an alleged UAE government sponsored anti-Farmaajo campaign on social media strained the relations even further. Somalia President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo’s is set to tour Qatar this week a move seen by analysts as tactical. The Farmaajo administration had declined to cut ties with Qatar following the 2017 Gulf crisis. Mogadishu termed “null and void” the Berbera concession to Ethiopia and DP World saying it interfered with its sovereignty
  2. Somali parliament on Monday banned the DP World from Somalia barely two weeks after Emirati ports operator unveiled its agreement with Ethiopia and Somaliland. In a hotly debated session, Somali lawmakers jointly declared the company a threat to the country’s sovereignty, independence and unity. “DP World had deliberately infringed on the country’s sovereignty there for it has been banned from operating in the country,” reads resolution issued after the session. The resolution said the agreement between Ethiopia, Somaliland and DP World was against the country’s Provisional Constitution . “Any agreement engaged in a country or organization which is not based on the provisional constitution of Somalia is null and void, therefore all the deals signed with Dubai Port World are invalid as they are against the country’s constitution, foreign investment regulations and other regulations of the country,” the resolution ruled. The move comes barely a day after Somali president warned the foreign countries and companies against breaching the country’s sovereignty. "Whoever wishes to engage investment in Somalia should seek the permission from the legal institutions of the government. Somalia's foreign policy is based on neutralism and mutual respect," he told the opening session of parliament. The ban will also affect the agreement between Puntland state and DP World's P&O ports which was granting the company to manage the port for 30 years. "I am warning companies and countries not to cross the line and put to question the sovereignty of Somalia". Early this month, Dubai announced a tripartite agreement dividing the Berbera port between DP World (51%), the Ethiopian government (19%), and Somaliland (30%). The Somali government‘s ministry ports had previous termed the deal as null and void.
  3. Pillaging Somalia: The Dubious DP World- Ethiopia Deal March 7, 2018 By Faisal Roble Baadida ninbaa kula deydeya, daalna kaa badane Oon doonahayn inaad heshana, daayin abidkaaye W/T. Qamaan Bulxan On March 1, 2018, the Dubai-owned DP World and the government of Ethiopia have concluded a dubious deal with the unrecognized secessionist region of Somaliland. This happened without notice to or approval from either the fledgling Parliament or the Executive branch of the Somali Federal Republic (SFR). Saamiga loo kala qeybsaday, sida uu dhigayo heshiisku Despite a Faustian pact between an African neighbor and a petrodollar Arab company across the Gulf of Aden, each being awarded 19% and 51% of the ownership of the Berbera Port, respectively, leaving only a trifling 30% for Somaliland, the deal is both illegal, and injurious to the stately interest of Somalia. The Ethio-DP World deal was signed in a makeshift office in Dubai. No one can have so far explained why and how Ethiopia garnered 19% of the ownership of a prime real estate (Berbera Port) that it neither owns nor invested any capital for the construction and modernization of said Port. The only public explanation thus came from Mohamed Hure Buba, a member of one of the opposition parties in Hargeisa, who in an interview said that DP World gave that 19% share to Ethiopia. The Ministry of Ports and Marine Transport of SFR issued a press release on March 2, 2018, declaring the dubious deal null and void, and warned that “the so-called agreement is defective and detrimental to the sovereignty of the Federal Republic of Somalia (SFR) and the unity of the country.” Moreover, the Prime Minister of Somalia, Hassan Khyre, issued a stern repudiation of the deal and pronounced it dead on arrival (DOA). In response to the SFR position, the acentric DP World CEO, Sultan Ahmed bin-Sulayem, burbled with unstately statements and said that Somaliland is “an independent country” that has the right to enter into bilateral agreements. Somaliland leaders have gone rogue on this matter and violated an understanding between Villa Somalia and Hargeisa, which was Somaliland will approach international agreements that seek economic development with the consent of the Federal government. As to the Ethio-DP World, their action is part of a web of foreign entities pillaging Somalia’s resources. For some time now, there have been credible anecdotal information that United Arab Emirates (UAE), the government behind DP World, has been sabotaging Somalia. There are credible security sources that affirm the financing of some ISIS operation by the UAE. Also, Ethiopia since 2006 had either invaded Somalia, undermined various transitional governments through its clients in regional governments and in the parliament, or even armed insurgents, including but not limited to Al-Shabab, all these while she is an AMISOM contributing country. Founded in 2005, DP World is a NASDAQ listed company with over $15 billion portfolios and employs over 36,300 in 103 counties (DP World Strategic Plan, 2017). Its revenue for 2017 was a whopping $4.2 billion. One of the pillars of the company’s strategy is to conduct business with “courage.” Whether the Berbera deal reflects a strategic “courage” or a risky investment, time will tell. The elephant in the house, though, is whether bin-Sulayem, who enjoys enoourmous confidence of the erratic Crown Prince, Mohammed bin-Zayed Al Nahyam, can change the fate of a five-century-old ambition held by Ethiopia towards the warm waters of Somalia. Making Ethiopian Imperial Ambitions Possible For Ethiopia, to reach its imperial goal and sustain a regional status quo where it freely accesses Somali ports for its wellbeing without Somalia’s buy-in is a pipe dream, especially when one looks at the long trajectory of history. The region had been and continues to be one plagued by conflicts. A prudent Ethiopia would have sought its ambitions through a more stately alternative, i.e., through a collaborative means with the legitimate and internationally sanctioned SFR. Call the Faustian pact between the EPRDF-led government in Addis and DP World nothing but a short-sighted policy in a volatile region. In a way, the current Ethiopian government’s posturing over Berbera is a complete repudiation of the late Meles Zenawi’s initial position towards Somalia’s resources. Following a meeting with the late Mohammed H. Ibrahim Igal in 1994, Mr. Zenawi (founder of the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front) rebuffed any idea of his country taking advantage of Somalia. He underlined the immense contribution Somalia made to the Ethiopian revolution. In his concluding remarks, he affirmed to all sides that Ethiopia will only collaborate with Somalia, economically and politically, only when Somalia gets its bearing and reestablishes its unified state (Kindh Ethiopia, 1994). At the moment, we can arguably say that the post-Meles government in Addis’ Arat Kilo, controlled by young cadres who lack focus, are confused; they have put into motion a policy to pursue the dreams of ancient imperial Ethiopia – having unbridled access to the sea of Somalia even if it is through a dubious deal. Taking into consideration the endemic instability and ethnic strife in Ethiopia, the Berbera deal represents an infantile path for EPRDF to take vis-a-vis Somalia – perhaps a reflection of the beginning of the deterioration of a revolutionary regime in the Horn. It is titillating to argue that EPRDF is behaving as an unsophisticated government that has failed to learn lessons about the history of this region. Western Bias against Muslim Somalis The Ethio-Somali conflict on resources, in the past on grazing lands but recently on maritime resources owned by Somalis, goes back to the 16th century. It is to be recalled that the wars between Imam Ahmed Ibunu Khazali and Ethiopian Kings (Libna Dhingil, among others) marked the beginning of this regional conflict. Emperor Menelik himself never shied away from his dream of soaking his cold feet into the warm waters of the Indian Ocean by any means necessary. America’s preeminent Political Science scholar, the late Samuel Huntington, traces back the Ethio-Somali mistrust to distant days – back to the 16th century. In “The Clashes of Civilizations,” he situates the conflict between Somalis and Abyssinians in the war between Christianity led by the Portuguese and Islam by Turkish. He brings the import of these distant wars to present-day politics and openly sides with what he calls “friends” of the West, i.e., Ethiopia. In the conclusion of his controversial treatise, Huntington calls upon Western institutions (World Bank, IMF, USAID to defend Ethiopia and diminish the profile of Muslim countries. Somalia is one of those disfavored countries. In 1996, after he published another controversial book titled “Democracy’s Third Wave,” Huntington was commissioned by USAID to go and spend time in Addis Ababa to guide and advise the then-nascent revolution of Ethiopia. It was then that lessons on “The Clashes of Civilization,” and how to establish a one-dominant party system were inculcated in the Ethiopian body politic. As western Political Science has been shaped by the thoughts of Huntington and his predecessor, George F. Kannon, contemporary Africanist perpetuate the “inalienable” need of Ethiopia to have access to the sea; they advanced a narrative that is biased against Somalia, indeed overplaying the concept of Ethiopian being a Christian nation in a Sea of Muslims. Lately, nuanced narratives about Ethiopia’s rising military and economic power and how that takes primacy over the territorial integrity and sovereign state interests of Somalia is abound in Western media. Which is what a recent article, “Ethiopia, Berbera Port and the Shifting Balance of power in the Horn of Africa,” carried by a Western publication called Rising Powers Quarterly, argued. It stated that Ethiopia as a regional power should impose its “superiority” on its neighbors, i.e., Somalia. One is tempted to ask, why Somalia, and not Eretria? Didn’t Ethiopia historically claim Masawa and Assab – two ports that are close to the heartland of traditional Ethiopia? Of course, the obvious answer lies in the weak government in Mogadishu. To wit, what does Ethiopian economic growth as the largest market in the region has got to do with the sovereign rights of Somalia to be the sole guardian of its own country? In a reversed argument, would any western social scientist see it reasonable for Russia to take over the ports of Finland or Ukraine, because Russia is more populous and has a larger economic market than either Finland or Ukraine? Pillaging Somalia: The Dubious DP World- Ethiopia Deal Faisal Roble Email:faisalroble19@gmail.com
  4. https://www.alaraby.co.uk/english/comment/2018/3/5/uae-still-supports-al-shabaab-through-somalias-illicit-charcoal-trade
  5. DO you know that is real possibility? Djibouti agrees to Berbera as long as Berbera does not take more than 20% of Ethiopia's business from Djibouti Somaliland agrees will not have free trade zone, and if Somaliland is so interested will have to give up to 50% share in this free trade zone to Djibouti corporation Somaliland agrees not to start her own shipping lines for next 10 years and instead take shares in both Ethiopian and Djibouti shipping lines UAE will not change its mind and develop port of Assab for commercial purposes UAE will not develop Bassaso for Ethiopian business, but only for Somalia I am not party or representative to any of the above entities, I am too small of a man, but some British law firm is working on such a deal which of course means all these corporations will be clients of this firm and related insurance companies next.
  6. https://africa.cgtn.com/2018/02/13/somalia-rejects-igad-free-movement-trade-proposal/
  7. Its almost 6 year he is in office yet no progress whatsoever from his first year. He didnt talk about Beled Haawo border/fence situation and he is arresting mps that are against him extending his rule. This Kenyan plant managed to kill Jubbaland project.
  8. H.E Mohamed Abdi Hashi,  former President of Puntland -THE ONLY WAY TO PEACE IN NORTHERN SOMALIA
  9. http://www.businessdailyafrica.com/economy/Kenya-pushes-back-border-row-Somalia/3946234-4234566-umijm1/index.html
  10. This article was poster in September, 2008. According to a source with intimate knowledge about the affairs of the hilltop palace of Meles Zenawi, the prime minister of Ethiopia, who is not willing to be quoted due to the sensitivity of the issue, Meles has commissioned a committee of Somali specialists early this year to come up with a strategic analysis and a menu of options with respect to Ethiopian national interest towards Somalia. The committee chaired by Ethiopia´s foremost expert on Somalia, Dr. Alemu Tekede, minister of state for foreign affairs, comprised senior officials of the ruling EPRDF, several military generals and security and intelligence officers. According to the source, after five long months of deliberations, the committee submitted to Meles a well-thought-out \"red\" dossier containing confidential policy proposals in last August. The committee of experts persuasively argued that the reconstitution of Somalia to its pre-1991 status would not serve the national interest of Ethiopia. Furthermore, the committee emphasized the possibility of landlocked Ethiopia becoming \"sandwiched\" between two hostile countries, i.e. Eritrea in the north and Somalia in the south, underlining Ethiopia´s vulnerability to gruesome civil-war and disintegration if the current Ethiopian efforts in Somalia fail and the country fall back to the hand of ousted Islamic forces. The committee further emphasized the possibility of Ethiopian Muslims becoming influenced or radicalized by Somalia´s Islamists which could ultimately ignite a devastating religious war in the country. The committee recommended the following propositions: 1 A two-state solution for Somalia along the pre-independence colonial boundaries. The committee suggested the Ethiopian government play a lead role in advocating for the international recognition of the breakaway republic of Somaliland. 2 Southern Somalia (former Italian Somaliland) to be divided into four federal regions in line with ethnic based Ethiopian federal system, namely, Puntland, Hawiyeland, Jubbaland and Rahanweinland. 3 The Somali region of Ethiopia to be \"isolated\" from the rest of Somalia, and limit to the extent possible commercial and traffic links between the Somali region and Somalia. According to the source, Meles has discussed the proposed two state solutions with Rayaale Kahin, the president of Somaliland, Abdillahi Yusuf, the president of the TFG, and with Mohamed Gedi, the prime minister of the TFG, in separate meetings held in September in Addis Ababa. While Mr. Yusuf rejected any discussion on the subject, Mr. Rayaale has praised the initiative and committed to deploy ten thousand Somaliland troops in Mogadishu to work with Ethiopian military forces to help quell the growing insurgency in the Somali capital. Mr. Rayaale also assured Meles that Somaliland will help Ethiopia in subduing the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), a Somali rebel group based in the Somali region of Ethiopia. According to the source, Mr. Gedi began to entertain the two-state notion after the rift between him and Mr. Yusuf reached to a point of no-return, though he reportedly rebuffed the idea in the initial discussion back in September. The relationship between Yusuf and Meles has deteriorated since, according to this knowledgeable source. Subsequent to the September discussion between Meles and Rayaale, a Somaliland delegation comprising ministers of foreign affairs and finance and chief of staff of Somaliland army held several meetings in Addis Ababa with Dr. Tekede and the chief of staff of Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF). The Somaliland delegation has agreed to send an advance team of military officers to Mogadishu to pave the way for the eventual deployment of Somaliland troops in Mogadishu and to extradite to Ethiopia members of the Ogaden clan residing in the territory of Somaliland. Ethiopian government believes that the ONLF is drawing support from Ogaden businessmen and some segments of the Issaq clan who largely hail from the Togdheer region of Somaliland. In light of these discussions, Somaliland was given the green light to secure the borders of the former British Somaliland. According to the source, Meles has taken into confidence members of the Ethiopian opposition parties who have fully endorsed the proposed two-state solution for Somalia. With the blessing of the Bush Administration, Ethiopian troops invaded Mogadishu and much of southern Somalia in last December. They were successful in overthrowing the radical Islamist dominated regime of the UIC and in installing divided and unpopular TFG. His troops bogged down in the messy quagmire of Mogadishu where the remnants of the ousted Union of Islamic Court (UIC) continues to wage Iraq-style bloody insurgency, Meles is understandably frustrated with the apparent failure of the internationally recognized but toothless fledgling Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in pacifying the tumultuous Somali capital. The Somali experts in Addis Ababa view the two-state solution as a vital long-term strategy for Ethiopia´s national interest.