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galbeedi

Siilaany and Galaydh, but fisrat some histry...

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galbeedi   

To be continued......

 

 

 

 

 

It will be injustice to reduce the actions of the early Kacaan years as manifestation of dictatorship and tribal domination. Like most revolutions, there is always a parallel group of people veying for absolute power. While tribal loyalties are always part of the Somali political culture , it is not the only way to achieve goals. Small minded people may define the Somali Revolutionary Counsel (SRC) as a punch of tribal groupings. Some people have argued that their were tribal grouping and tribal voting inside the SRC. Actually , inside the ruling SRC, voting were restricted only in policy and implementation , not on ledership or power. In the early years, the military coup leaders were as close as any group, even playing card and spending their nights in Villa Somalis as comrades.

 

 

 

First of all, this wasn't the people's revolution, apprising or the public demanding change. The wind of Military coups, and and the overtheowing of the old older started to engulf not only the continent, but throughout the devolping world. Nationalist and revolutionary movements were popular throughout Africa. Starting from the overthrow of King Farouq of Egypt by nationalist officers in 1952, the coup de tat by military leaders and revolutionaries increased ten times by 1970. The military coup leaders of Somalia exploited the grevances of the public, the signing of Arusha accord in Tanzania which the Prime minister transferred NFD to Kenya, the infighting among leaders and mushrooming of political parties, which reached almost eighty parties by 1969. the resentment of western capitalist system , and the manifestation of communism as the best alternative for nationalist movements, coliminated for the officers to ride a huge public sympathy. Somalis everywhere welcomed the revolution with open arms.

 

 

 

Statues of "national heroes" were raised throughout the land, the likes of Dhagax Tuur, Sayidka, Ahmed guray and others filled the plazas, indoctrination centres introduced slogans and mass-mobilisation campaigns, stressing an end to feuds and conflict over water and grazing. They promoted self-reliance and literacy, a new Roman script of the Somali language have been introduced . Students, teachers and civil servants traveled to the rural communities and to the countryside to teach peole the new Alp-haphet.

 

 

 

Afkii qalaad ha moodin, carabku qaldin maaye sidii caanaha qudhdudhiyaay.

 

 

 

 

Even if we analize briefly the public sentiment on tribal lenses, it will be hard to distinguish those who were pro Kacaaan , and those who were against the revolution. Everyone was pro Kacaan. For example, The HAG community welcomed the Kacaan like any other citizen. A HAG President was running the country for almost seven years, and they were not overly worried or interested about the tribal background of the new order. In fact the HAG public were confident people who never showed tribal antiphaty or grevances against the coup leaders( ma reer Hebel baa na Xakumaya), they were more loyal to the nation. In the Kacaan years, they were the most beneficiary of the devolopmen t policies of the government.

 

 

 

In the south West region, were the citizens are less political, less trtibal, and hard working , they concentrated to their daiuly life as usual. In fact from Hiiraan to Kismaayo, where most or the national projects were concentrated, there were prosperity and good life. The public were at ease. Even as late as 1983, when I was doing my national service after graduation of high school, the Shebelle and jubbah river basin countryside were rich. I did my service in Wanla weyn, Shabeelaha Hoose. for the first time, when I saw Janaale, Qoryooley, and Marka Cadeey, I thought these were heaven on earth. In Janaale, our lunch was always complimented with Papaya and other fruits hanging beside our dormitories. These people were later ransacked and made victim , first by the clashed from the "D" block and the HAG, of early nineties, and latter occupied and oppressed by HAG militias. In these parts of the country, the public were more loyal to the nation. In the north, the Kacaan was welcomed with open arms, so did other Somalis every where. in that era, power and politics were the sport of the few elite members of the society. For most people, the nation and it's goals were important than tribes bickering for petty things. A friend whose relative Marxuum General Dheel was executed by the Kacaan, told me that as a young man he was celebrating like everyone else , although the deceased was his relative. People accepted with full value whatever the Kacaan told them.

 

 

 

People believed and accepted the narrative of the Kacaan, which depicted a new Somalia on the move. In the era of nationalist propagandha and pride, the Kacaan didn't disappoint. IThe airwaves were filled with best of Somali culture and songs. Radio Muqdisho was the undisputed radio of the region. If you live in any of the territories that surround Somalia, places like Djibouti or Somali Galbeed, Radio Muqdisho was a dream of the coming great Somalia. Even when things were getting bad in early eithties, when I visited Djibouti, a relative told me that he was dreaming about one day in his life time to visit the Jubba and Shebelle thing that he kept hearing from Somali songs. " Waxaan ku riyoonayaa goormaad arki Jubadan heesaheeda Raadiyaha aan ka maqlo".

 

 

 

In terms of living standard and economy, the life of average Somali wasn't bad. Those who finish high school found jobs easily, food and basic things were available. Infliation was law. In 1970, $1 American Dollar was equivalent of lass than 2 shillings, in !980, it was 6 shillings, and 1988, one dollar was 150 shilling . In 2001, during the C/qasim led Carta government, $100 American dollar was S1.2 million shillings. The public felt secure within their borders without the fear of foreign army invading the nation or dangerous criminals at home. Justice were swift and people felt proud and comfortable for what they had. Unlike today , not everyone was a politician, people were busy with their life's and were looking forward to lend hand other missing Somali states, and Africans.

 

 

 

Somalia, threatened both verbally and fiscally, those the " Kacaan" called colonial imperialists who were still ruling in Africa. Military trainers and officers were sent to Mozambic, Angola, Rodesia. The air waves and radio did the rest. A clear massage was sent implying Somalia will not be subservient to anybody.

 

 

 

Some critics of my writings are saying the Reer Woqoyi were midwifes, but the reality shows different. Cumar Carte Qalib , was the most powerful foreign minister Somalia ever had. At one point he was the secretary general of Organization of Islamic countries. He spreadheded the successful OAU conference in Mogadishu in 1974. He was the chairman of the committee to liberate Africa. Being fluent in Arabic, he helped Somalia join the Arab league , in 1974. When Somalia was offered four thousand " Iqama " , work permit for the massive coinstruction that took place in the emerging petro rich gulf , Cumar Carte was the largest sigle beneficiary. Of 4000 visa's ,the gulf countries offered to Somalia, he gave Somalia 2000. The reaming 2000 Visa's , he gave to his own ( Jilib), the lowest branch of his sub clan. In 1982, in Hargeisa, a friend told me that , among those families of Carte, every Reer have a man in the gulf. Of course, the Duriyada were going exploring and immigrating before him , but these was the largest benefit a single Somali awarded to his own clan family. It was the biggest employment offered to any group.

 

 

 

We will address specifically those who benefited from the Kacaan, later .... Any way, The air waves were filled the usual.....propaganda....

 

 

 

Yam yam said:

 

 

 

Inkastoon Sabool ahay, Hadana waa Sariiktaa

 

Sacabada ma Hoorsado,

 

Saaxiib niman ahay , Cadawgayga lama siimo.

 

Soomaali Baan Ahay.

 

 

 

Nabadan U Sahansha, Colaadaan Ka Salalaa

 

Soma jeesto Goobaha, Ninka nabarka soo sida

 

gacantiisa kamaa sugo.

 

Nin I sigay Ma nabad Galo, Ninm I sugayna maba Jiro

 

 

 

Lamenting for Africa, M. C. Sangub.

 

 

 

Ian Smith ma Muuqdeen, Rodesia ma maageen, hadaan midig la siinin,

 

Bortaqqis ma madhiyeen mana uu malaysteen, Mozambic angoola,

 

Soth Africa moa moogin.

 

 

 

Calling war against colonials.....

 

 

 

Africay Isbuuro , Isa soo Bahaysto , Boqol isgu yeedho ku balamaa Dagaal.

 

 

 

Well, finally, that war the Kacaan kept calling came in earnest. In 1976, Siyaad Barre visited the border town of Wajaale to obseve the border and send one final massage before he declared war. An eye witness who was present said " Inta uu Farta ku Fiiqay Ayuu Yidhi, Si walba waan uGu Sheegnay in Ay dhulkan ka baxaan, waxa la gaadhay wakhtigii iyaga iyo Aydooduba Isdraaci Lahaayeen". Roughly, he said " We have to kick the Ethiopians and their Dogs from our land." In those times , the world was divided between capitalist sphere led by the west , and communist world led by Russia. After the revolution of 1974, which overthrow emperor Haile Salase, Ethiopia , like Somalia became a member of the communist block. Regardless of the territorial disputes, these two nations were both led by dictators with communist ideology. . While Menguistu was a genuine dictator and communist , who will do what ever it takes to achieve his goals, Siyaad Barre, was a reluctant , half backed dictator who wanted to use the communist for his own power. In the real world , no one expected any clashes between communists. Russia, the patron and military supplier of both countries, discouraged Siyaad Barre for confronting Mengistu at this juncture of the history. Mengistu and the Derg were real despots compared to the banana dictatorship of Siyaad Barre. So, the question is, why Siyaad Barre attack Ethiopia at this juncture of history?. Before we answer that question, how did the Ethiopia of nineteen seventies looked like?.

 

 

 

. The Ethiopian Derg , who took over the country, was fragmented and were in constant power struggle. The Kacaan revolution was swift and bloodless, although it purged those Siyaad Barre thought to be internal plotters in 1970. In this kind of situations , you must confront and eliminate your opponents early, if you want to survive in the power play of the revolutionaries. Unlike the Kacaan, many different factions , including former monarchist followers of the emperor, student agitators, Eritrean nationalists and communists were all edging one another for power. In 1974, the Derg, executed 61, officials of the old order without trial. Among them prime ministers and families of the emperor Haile Salaese. Unlike Somalia where the coup was orchestrated by the highest ranking officers, the Derg were all junior officers. By Novemer, 1974, the Derg killed their President with a shoot out in his home. Then, they chose Mengistu as the interim President for a week. By late November, Derg, appointed General Tafare Bante, as Chairman of Derg and President, just like Siyaad was Chairman of SRC and President. Taffate Bante, didn't like the purges, killing and other eliminations of the old order by Mengistu and his faction. The communist led by Mengistu were agitating for blood and eliminations of the enemy. Benti, was a soft spoken old military man who wouldn't attend large demonstration to drum support for the revolution.

 

 

 

Finally, the reform taken by the President put Mengistu and his supporters on a short leash and less important positions. . Fearing to lose the power struggle, in February 03, 1977, Mengistu met the standing committee of the Derg and confronted his opponents in a closed meeting . Afetr the meeting concluded with disagreement's, he demanded that President Tafare attend the meeting. Before the President entered the whole Mengestu confronted him at the front door, and after tempers flared, shots were exchanged. The body guards of Mengestu killed the President in the shoot out. The rest were executed, and Mengistu proclaimed himself the leader of s the ocialist revolution in Ethiopia. He didn't stop there. In November of that year, he executed his deputy and forty more officers and precieved opponents. Within three yeas of that revolution , Mengistu assassinated two presidents, 60 generals and one hundred officers. He was the bloodiest dictator of the African continent. That was how ruthless the Ethiopian revolution was compared to Somalia.

 

 

Mengistu was also a " Jareer", compared to the Royal family ruling the country. Haile Salase was called King of Kings, Lion of Judah. He traced his ancestor to King Solomon and Queen Sheba of Axum. . Although Jareer discrimination is almost none existent in Ethiopia today, Mengistu openly talked about certain prejudices faced by those of his ilk. When the Derg thrown the king to a cell, Mengistu said " Ethiopia Tikdam", which means Ethiopia march ahead. Haile Salaase said " a slave ( Baria), like you will not advance Ethiopia. For this , Mengistu not only starved the king, but after he died, he put his body in a concrete and buried under the lantern ( bathroom) where Mengistu goes to relieve himself.

 

 

 

Naïve, angry, and disgruntled Somalis who do not know history or the consequences of certain moves, became the desperate guests of Mengistu, the bloodiest of all dictators. He told them " soo qabta dictatorka Siyaad Barre ". That blood thirsty dictator become the sponsor of many disgruntled Somali for many years to come. In fact Somalis, from Hargeisa, to Garoowe, Muqdisho and Kismayo are still trying to escape the history they created themselves. There are deadly mistakes that will last generation to reverse, this was one of them. That crucial move of switching allegiances after the bloody war of 1977, within few years, had left many scares that still remained till today. We will discuss the era of the " Jabhad" in a moment.

 

 

 

In this time of chaos, Siyaad Barre, decided to wage the war to liberate Somaali Galbeed. What he didn't calculate was the Mengistu led revolution , replaced a two thousand years old feudal monarchy who had extensive history and long relationship with western capitalist world. The communist block gained a nation of 40 million people in the horn of Africa. in early 1977, the Somali army was preparing to invade Ethiopia from west, north and south. Before the upcoming battle, socialist firebrand Fidel Castro visited Somalia. He told Siyaad Barre to stop the war, and reach some kind of under standing with his socialist comrade. Siyaad Barre, insisted that " if what is happening in Ethiopia was a revolution, then the former empire must dissolved, and ethnic groups should decide their future. Castro pegged Siyaad Barre to postpone at this critical momemt of Ethiopia , and proposed a meeting in Sana, Yemen. After Siyaad Barre refused, both the Russians and Cubans, the Russian ambassador, accused siyad Barre of Somali irredentism and said " You are putting Somali irredentism above international communism. Well, we will put you in your knees".

 

 

 

Regardless of all that negotions Siyaad Barre invaded Ethiopia in July, 1977. The war was swift. By September, the Somali army captured Jigjiga, and were knoking the doors of Diredawa. Hearing the news, Mengistu came to the front and succedded to push back and retake the city. After one week, The Somali army counter attacked and captured Jigjiga again, and almost captured Mengistu himself before he fled to Addis. during that brief period in Jigjiga, Mengestu rounded up almost 90 members of the Somali community leaders and businessman, and executed them in public. Among them was Ugaas Rooble ugaas Doodi , the Awdal community Ugaas. In that war, Ethiopia lost 30,000 soldiers and Somalia captured another 28,000 as prisoners of war. Somalia lost 5,000 soldiers and 35 prisoners were captured. The heroism of Somali army and their fighting skills were apparent in every battle. Somalis everywhere sacrificed a lot for that war, especially those who lived in the border area.

 

 

 

With massive military air lifts fro Russia, Cuba, Yemen, Libya, and Warsow, pact, the victory of the Somali army was reverded, and Somalia decided to withdrow from their position.

 

 

 

From the stand point of the Somali military, they won the war but lost the political side of war. Disapointment and anger was felt by the army and it's leaders which started the begning of the end of the Kacaan era.

 

 

 

To be continued.........

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

-family:Calibri } -->

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