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I have a question for the ogadeyn nomads in here, I was wondering if any of you know about the history of ogadeyn, if so any assistance to the following question would be greatly appreciated... How come we have been enslaved n could never get Ethiopians out of the country? I don't know anyone else to ask this question, hence the reason why I decided to post it here...

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^^it's not about Somalia, its about ******ia. The problems are different. The people of ******ia are being oppressed and their land is occupied by a stronger- developed and estbalished nation.


Somalia on the otehr hand, is a mere memory of a nation whose leaders are stuck on ****** .... How the hell are they gonna help anyone? when they don't even want to exist as a nation



I'm not from the region but it really sadnes me that fellow Somali Muslims are under Ethiopian occubation.


I know that some people from the region are very active in gaining their independence - laakin, it's really difficult to make any progress when their fighting with one of the most powerfull african nations that is being supported by the worlds 'super powers. For that reason, I hope that other Somalis (whatever their political choice) support them in gaining their freedom. Insha Allah. This is a nice link on the region, it's history and current activities .... hope that helps

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Soomaaliyeey toosoo, toosoo isku tirsadaye, hadbakiin ....., taageera waligiinee (I forgot some of the lines) ....

'Waxaan la oooyayaa

ilamdu iga qubanaysaa

Ikhtiyaar nin loo diidoo

la adoonsadaan ahay'


Sorry walaalo.. but this song does not describe the Somalia of today. Maanta waxa Somaalia haysta morons who won't even comprehend the meaning of those great lines. How can they rise up against Ethiopia, when all they care about is causing havoc in Somalia?


if we have to we Somalis waxaan xabashida ka daalaynaa guerilla attacks till they cry on our feet!!!



If only Somalis where that revolutionary- caring or even bothered :rolleyes:


I'll call it what the people of that region call it -Og-adenia icon_razz.gif


I'm not a 'Pan just for the sake of it Somali' redface.gif

I'm more of a do it for your self (and your region) and forget the cheesy patriotic mantra type of Somali :D

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Soomaaliyeey toosoo, toosoo isku tirsadaye, hadbakiin naa taageeranay, taageera waligiinee, calanyaho tilman wacan baa midbkagu tankoyahoy, xidigtan talinaysa dexda kaaga sitalay,Waxaan la oooyayaa ilamdu ila qubanaysaa nin dulkisa lagaqato la adoonsadaan ahay'


I'm more of a do it for your self (and your region) and forget the cheesy patriotic mantra type of Somali

wow i thought since you guys were somalilanders that would mean you would leave somali's and thier polotics to them self or even somali patriotsim ! you know there actuallly some somalis left that one a somaliweyn !!!!! shhh but dont tell anyone! and somali will be untiedeven if lil togdheer and awdal and woqooyi galbeed leave the greater somailia!!!

The war of 1976-1977 was the most massive one. Somalia had conquered and held West Somalia for a whole year till the USSR, Cuba and Yemen stepped up their support to our enemy.

ina adeer lol how can get back ******ia or even all of somalia together when your uncle is get finacial aid from ethiopia and in return your uncle region is a base for the ethiopians which are "enslaving" your cousins??? The ******s

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What took place in ****** is sort of a testament to somali foolishness, and I sympathize with the people of the region.



Maanta waxa Somaalia haysta morons who won't even comprehend the meaning of those great lines

true, and its ironic those who would preach for the conquest of that region would also display a grandiose pic of one of the so-called "morons" responsible for its demise in the first place.

Somali history has its fair share of tragic events, and more often than not we have no one else to blame but ourselves. We are our own worst enemies and yet we continue to use other peoples as scapegoat for our problems. That is why we continue to be at the mercy of other nations.

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Well said Ameenah.

Well, my self from that region even tho I never been there, I read a lot about the region and what I know there was always war between us to get back our Land from Ethiopian ,as long we r not forgetting what is ours ethiopian never sleep peacefully,.The Og.aden National Liberation Front (ONLF)doing great job so far and hope they make sure Ethiopians never feel peace as long they conolizing our land.


Mad Mulla, wallalo, u have one of the warlords as a signature and u talking about United Somalia!!!..just check the map u have , is that Great Somalia u talking about? :confused: .

well, no wonder I never understood somali politics!.



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my dear nomads i jsut wanted ta mention that ahmed guray was not somali he was ethiopian. it's just that the history books provided by siyaad bare tells us he was somali... do u all wonder why in those books is neva mentioned that we had sultans (kingdoms) in the early ages, siyaad bare played a crucial part in our learning of somali history!


******ya history started and ended with sayyid (maxamed abdulle hassan)


After he ordered the Muslim town of Adal not to pay its tribute to the Christian emperor of Ethiopia, Ahmad ibn Ibrahim al-Ghazi defeated the emperor’s army at the battle of ad-*** in 1527. In 1529, Ahmad won a key battle against Emperor Lebna Dengel at Shembera Kure and by 1535 he had invaded Dewaro, Shewa, Amhara, Lasta, and Tigray. Emperor Lebna Dengel became nothing but a fugitive running from one hiding place to another. His son, Galawdewos, took over after his father’s death in 1540, but he inherited a small disconcerted army (Prouty and Rosenfeld, 101-2).


Before Lebna Dengel’s death, he had requested military assistance from the king of Portugal. In February 1541, 400 well-equipped musketeers led by Dom Christovao de Gama arrived in Massawa. He joined his forces with Empress Sebla Wangel and the Tigrean army in April of 1542, where they were able to force Ahmad to surrender the lake Tana area. But with the aid of 700 Turkish troops, Ahmad returned in August and defeated the Ethiopian force. Dom Christovao was captured and beheaded in that battle (Pankhusrt 92-93).


After the success of this battle, many of the Turkish troops returned to Zebid (Yemen). Later that year, Emperor Galawdewos joined wtih his mother along with the remaining Portuguese army. On February 21, 1543, the Ethiopian force led by Emperor Galawdewos invaded Ahmad’s army in Lake Tana. The outnumbered Portuguese and Ethiopian forces shot and killed Ahmad in the battle. His troops, upon the loss of their leader, scattered and fled (Henze 88).


The Ethiopians were dully wounded from the 14-year of warfare. The Muslims didn’t reestablish a new resurgence large enough to threaten the Ethiopian empire. Although the Christian empire was once again restored, the Ethiopians were unable to prevent the Turks from taking Massawa (Hess 46).

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salaam alaikum ya'll


thnks for all that great lessons on the history of ogadeyn...however I hardly doubt any of you were able to answer my question, so 'mma patiently wait and insha'Allah hope one of you will ;)


Mullah huuno how do you plan on uniting somalia when you are a supporter of qabilism? a mere curiousity, :confused:

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Ameenah wrote:

The people of ******ia are being oppressed and their land is occupied by a stronger- developed and estbalished nation.

Walaal trust me they are not as strong as one might think but they happen to be dealing with weaker/divided/selfish group called somali in general. Remember little over a decay ago these group called "Wayane" were in a similar postion if not worse and look what they are doing now. The own "heros" aka by few mujahideen :mad: warlords and thier bandits granted them a full access to the entire country. They have all kind of access to Somalia from corner to corner and can go in and kill whomever they wish to.





How come we have been enslaved n could never get Ethiopians out of the country?

There are plenty of reasons why this land and its people are being enslaved upto now. Bad timing, poor organization, lack of strong Gov't that will back there struggle and lack unity amongst somali in general are few obsticles which needs to be addressed. In the mean time, their days are in number and soon that piece of land will be fully independent INSHA ALLAH

Here is the history how they conqure that land. I dont know how much that will help ya. Warning! it is long...

The Conquest of the Oromo and the ****** Somali


Between 1886 and 1889, the Emperor Menelik conquered the independent Oromo states of Arsi and Bale, and occupied the trading city of Harer, which is a holy city for Moslems. Menelik then laid claim to the vast desert area of the ******.2 This claim was recognized by the European powers in 1910, though effective occupation of the area was not attempted until after the Second World War.

Amhara domination followed. In the context of southern Ethiopia, the term "Amhara" needs to be treated with care. While the Amhara who came to the south as conquerors originated from all parts of the northern highlands, all came as vassals of the specifically Shewan Amhara state. Local people, whatever their origins, were also able to assimilate into the Amhara class, by virtue of marriage, or adopting the religion, language and cultural traits of the Amhara. A social anthropologist working in the neighboring province of Arsi noted that for the indigenous Oromo "'Amhara' and 'self-satisfied dominant elite' have become convergent categories."3

In the highland areas of the southeast, Amhara neftegna were given grants of land, with accompanying rights to extract produce from the local population. The indigenous peoples were unhappy with the loss of their independence and with the new burdens imposed upon them by their Amhara overlords, and armed resistance was frequent. The Italian conquest of 1935 came as a liberation from Amhara rule for many inhabitants of the southeast; and after Haile Selassie was restored there was intermittent armed resistance against the re-imposition of the hated land tenure and taxation systems, notably in Harerghe in 1942, 1947/8 and 1955.

When Somalia gained its independence in 1960, there was agitation in the ****** ("western Somalia") for independence, or for separation from Ethiopia to join the Somali state. The Somali government set up the Western Somali Liberation Front (WSLF) in that year. There was a revolt in the ****** in 1963-4, which was put down with customary brutality (see below).

The late 1960s and early 1970s saw the growth of an Oromo nationalist movement. This was first expressed through traditional-style shifta rebellion in Bale and Harerghe, and in the creation of Oromo community associations among groups in Shewa, Wollega and Arsi.

For more read:

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The problems are many, but how can our brethren of this area gain independence when their own fellow brothers are stabbing them in the back day and night.


It's a bloody conspiracy, the Somaliland and Moqadishu leaders turn in the mujaahidiin who escape to Haygeysa and Xamar back to the enemies, Cabdullahi Yusuf & Caydiid Jr. are puppets of this brutal regime, and even more disgustingly some Somalis actually see this as one clans problem. In some ways though, as Shaykh Umal (who is from that region) said, it is best that the area is given a neutral name (like Somali Galbeed) in order to get everyone on board in the struggle.


Walaahi I feel for those who live there, the gaalo are such xaasidiin. Some of my family live there (mainly Jig Jigga and *** dawa) and they have experienced the wrath of this oppression- but inshallah victory will come soon for it is Allahs promise to the muiminiin.


like Mujaahid Cabdullaahi Yuusuf Yeey

No offense, but are you joking? How on this earth can you compare the great Axmad Gurey to this traitor (first Somali to bring the Ethiopians into Somalia, in terms of support in the civil war)? Please do not insult this hero, and may Allah cleanse him of being the likes of CY.


Mad Mulla, wallalo, u have one of the warlords as a signature and u talking about United Somalia!!!..just check the map u have , is that Great Somalia u talking about?

Here here, exactly what I was thinking smile.gif .


May Allah free our brothers and sisters from the oppression of the kufaar and bring victory their way. Aamiin Yaa Allah!

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^^^ Ameen, sis.


Lander, Og-Girl and Bachelor

I agree! You know that type of Somali Nationalism that some of us seem to be stuck on is the same adopted by the Arabs as regards Palestine. They sing about it and constantly talk about it... But when push comes to shove, they turn their cheeks and do nothing about it. We don't need that people. If you care, help your people - if you don't then stop the calaacal.




Originally posted by sadeboi:

quote: I'm more of a do it for your self (and your region) and forget the cheesy patriotic mantra type of Somali

wow i thought since you guys were somalilanders that would mean you would leave somali's and thier polotics to them self or even somali patriotsim ! you know there actuallly some somalis left that one a somaliweyn !!!!! shhh but dont tell anyone! and somali will be untiedeven if lil togdheer and awdal and woqooyi galbeed leave the greater somailia!!!
Why the plurals brother? I speak for me -not the entire SL population and I most certainly am not representing the government of my region on this matter. Walaahi, you amaze me. You talk of uniting Somalis and tell me to stop minding Somali affairs because I happen to come from a region that seeks independence.


But anyway. I'm bored with the SL V Sweyn debate. I've already made my position clear elsewhere and I don't ever recall saying anything opposing unity of Somalis (reer Sl are still Somalis) in helping each other.


In my view that is possible even when we don't have the same government. Which was the gist of my statement, which you misquote: The people of O.gadania shouldn’t sit back and wait for the rest of ‘Somalia’ to unite and stop fighting. They should continue to fight their battles and INSHA-ALLAH they will be granted victory from Allah.


The Somali (including my own) 'governments' have all demonstrated that they are not interested in supporting the people of Og.adenia to gain their independence. They have either sided with Ethiopia or turn a blind eye by using 'uniting Somalia' is a priority as an excuse for the lack of action. Obviously, it would make matters easier but that does not excuse funding and aiding Ethiopia in the mean time - or does it?

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This article might give you more info. It's long but really informative. It also recommends possible actions that anyone who is concerned can take ..hope that answers your question smile.gif






The ****** Somali territory lies between Oromia to the West, Afar land to the Northwest, the Republic of Djibouti to the north, Kenya to the south and The Somali Republic to the east. Somali agro-pastorals people with a single language, culture, and socio-economic structure inhabit the ****** territory.

The ****** Somali people were free, independent and powerful until colonial powers from overseas came to Africa and started arming the Abyssinian chiefs in the north of present day Ethiopia. The Abyssinians using the arms and expertise provided by the colonialists captured Harar in 1884 and started raiding ****** Somali villages in that area, killing the men and selling women and children as slaves. The ****** Somalis resisted vehemently the encroachment of the Abyssinian expansionists and succeeded in halting their advance. Even though the Abyssinian military campaign to conquer the rest of the Somali territory failed, the colonial powers recognised its claim over the ****** Somaliland and signed treaties with them.

From 1886 to 1948, Abyssinia (renaming itself Ethiopia) waged a constant war of conquest against the Somalis but failed in gaining any further foothold in the ******.


In 1935, Italy invaded Abyssinia and captured it along with the ****** and the territories of other nations in the area. Then the British defeated Italy in the Horn of Africa in 1941, and it administered the ****** for eight years until it transferred the first part of the ****** (Jigjiga area) to Ethiopia (the Abyssinians) for the first time. The next parts were transferred in 1954 and 1956. Thus, Ethiopia gained the control over the ****** without the knowledge or consent of the ****** Somalis. From that time onward, successive Ethiopian regimes mercilessly suppressed the ****** people and whenever the liberation movements seriously weakened and threatened Ethiopian colonialism, a foreign power directly intervened to re-establish its colonial rule over the ******.


Ethiopia since the beginning of this century and up to now has been characterised by one nation using the powers of state to subjugate and exploit all the other nations within that artificial system. For almost one century, the Abyssinians are abusing the concept of sovereignty and statehood to deprive the rights of other people living under the rule of the artificial state of Ethiopia.


Ethiopia is a state founded on colonial doctrine and bases its rule on the use of force and emergency measures for oppressing the majority of the people and exploiting them. Ethiopia claims that African borders inherited from colonialism should be left intact and it inherited the ****** territory from the colonial powers. At the same time, Ethiopia is boasting to be the only African state that was never colonised. This means that Ethiopia has been a participating partner with the colonial powers that divided Africa among themselves but has never relinquished its colonial possessions.


To maintain such a colonial state, the rulers had to build a massive military machine and embark on forcefully maintaining one of the most vicious authoritarian rules in the third world. The resultant resistance from the people and the inevitable taxing of material and moral resources of the oppressing elite became Ethiopia Achilles’ hill and brought about the downfall of its successive regimes. The relentless resistance of the colonised nations and the consequential resource drainage brought down both the rules of Haille Sellassie and the military Junta of Mengistu.





After the fall of Mengistu Haille Mariam, EPRDF (Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front - the new name adopted by the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front to camouflage it’s narrow ethnic base and rule Ethiopia, succeeded in capturing Addis Ababa with the help of Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (EPLF). Although most of the nations under Ethiopian colonial rule contributed to the weakening and downfall of the Ethiopian Politico- military machine, specially the ****** Somali people who not only played a major role but also involved their brethren across the border from the Somali Republic, TPLF captured the seat of power and succeeded in gaining international recognition.


At first the new Ethiopian rulers feeling weak and aware of the international climate and the demise of totalitarian regimes and the era of colonialism, forwarded a reasonable and plausible program for addressing the burning issue of Ethiopian colonialism and its solution through recognising and granting the right of nations to self-determination through a peaceful process.


EPRDF offered the charter program, which recognised the right of nations to self-determination up to cessation and stated that a transitional period of two years has to relapse before the nations could exercise that right. Thus, EPRDF recognised the colonial nature of Ethiopia in principle.


The ******ia National Liberation Front (ONLF), considering the burden of the long struggle of the ****** Somali people and cognisant of the priceless value of resolving the long standing conflict between Ethiopia and the ****** people through peaceful means decided to give chance to peace and avert a costly and unnecessary war.


But before the ink was dry, it became obvious to ONLF that EPRDF was only buying time and was lying the ground for keeping intact the colonial legacy it inherited and was scheming to attain the submission of the ****** Somalis to it colonial rule through demagogy and token democracy. EPRDF grossly miscalculated the gravity and depth of the ****** Ethiopian problem.


EPRDF blinded by its sudden and unexpected victory and the temporary absence of challenge and armed opposition from The ******ia National Liberation Front grossly miscalculated the severity and gravity of the conflict between the ****** people and Ethiopia and the unbending desire of the ****** Somalis to regain their usurped sovereignty and independence. EPRDF, forgetful of the bitter experience of its people under the previous rulers and despite its rhetoric of being committed to democracy and the rule of law and respecting the right of nations began the construction of its politico-military structures for maintaining the colonial empire of its predecessors.


Hence, all people concerned in ending the long-standing conflict lost an excellent opportunity and EPRDF planted the seeds of the next cycle of bloodshed and violence in the region. It started trying to divide the ****** Somali people and undermine the leading role of ONLF by creating pseudo-organisations based on tribal lines. At the same time, it spread its intelligence network and military garrisons all over the ******. In early 1992, the EPRDF government masterminded the killing of several ONLF officials, including some members belonging to the Front’s Central Committee. Then EPRDF attacked the headquarters of ONLF in an effort to wipe it out but withdrew after sustaining high casualties and postponed its plans.


In spite of all the intrigues and harassment of EPRDF, ONLF and the ****** Somalis persisted in avoiding confrontation and continued rebuilding their political and administrative institutions. In September 1992, the ****** people went to the polls to cast their votes in a free and fair election, for the first time in their long history, to elect their district councils and representatives for the regional parliament. EPRDF strongly campaigned for its surrogate parties and members, but in a landslide victory, the ONLF won about 84% of the seats in the newly elected regional parliament.


In mid-1993, the regional government complained to the government in Addis Ababa about its flagrant interference in the day-to-day affairs of the ****** region, an act that contradicted the commitment to regional autonomy and devolution of power to the regions. EPRDF retaliated by freezing the regional budget, diverting international aid, discouraging international Non Governmental Organisations (NGO’s) to work in the ******, as well as obstructing all initiatives, and projects deemed necessary for the development of the region. In late 1993, the Ethiopian security forces arrested the president, vice-president and secretary of the Regional Assembly, and it transferred them to prison in Addis Ababa. EPRDF released them after ten months without trail.


Finally, when EPRDF established its legitimacy as the government of Ethiopia in the eyes of the international community, and its military and economic resources was enhanced, it felt confident enough to mount a military campaign against the ****** Somalis at the end of the transitional period. Moreover, in order to get the raison d’être for its campaign of terror and subjugation of the ****** people, EPRDF dictated to ONLF and the ****** Somalis an unacceptable choice. In effect, EPRDF told the ****** Somalis to either endorse a compulsory constitution that would legalise the colonisation of the ****** people by Ethiopia and the participation in an election where their role would be to endorse EPRDF nominated candidates. EPRDF strategy was to deceive the ****** Somalis into sanctioning its colonial rule while at the same time eliminating themselves from the political structures it intended to maintain its hegemony over the nations and avert any future threat. In addition, if the ****** Somalis oppose what it proposed, to get the motive for declaring war on the ****** people and extricate itself from honouring the pledges it entered in its moment of weakness and maintain the Ethiopian colonial legacy.


The ****** people, after deliberating on the moves and intentions of EPRDF and understanding the choices EPRDF was presenting to them—either to relinquish what they had fought for so long or to be trodden upon, decided that it was unacceptable to succumb to the designs of EPRDF and forgo the quest for their self-determination and freedom. A quest the ****** people had shed so much blood for and suffered so much.


Therefore, on 28 January 1994, at a press conference in Addis Ababa, ONLF called for a referendum on self-determination and independence for the ******. And on 22 February 1994, a cold-blood massacre took place in the town of Wardheer, where more than 81 unarmed civilians were killed by TPLF militias, who tried to kill or capture alive the chairman of the ONLF Mr. Ibrahim Abdalla Mohamed, who was addressing at that time a peaceful rally in the centre of the town.


In February 1994, the Regional Assembly passed a unanimous resolution in accordance with the Transitional Charter, demanding a referendum on self-determination and independence for the ****** people, under the auspices of international and regional bodies such as United Nations, Organization of African Unity, European Union, and other independent non-governmental organizations.


The EPRDF government in Addis Ababa reacted swiftly overthrowing and virtually disbanding all democratically elected institutions in the ******, including the Regional Parliament. Like their predecessors, the president of the Regional Parliament, vice-president and several members of the parliament (MPs), were arrested and transferred to prison in Addis Ababa. Mass arrests and indiscriminate killings also took place.


On 17 April 1994, the Ethiopian government launched a large scale military offensive against ONLF positions and detained many suspected supporters of ONLF and on 28 April 1994, at a press conference in Addis Ababa, the then TPLF defence minister Saye Abraha claimed that all resistance movements in the ****** had been destroyed and stamped out. In a petition addressed to the president of the Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE), the elders of the ****** asked the Ethiopian government to stop the military offensive against the ****** people, and seek a peaceful dialogue to resolve the conflict, instead of opting for a military solution, which complicates the already explosive situation.


In May 1994, the EPRDF government sponsored a new surrogate party called Ethiopian Somali Democratic League (ESDL), which is a version of People’s Democratic Organizations (PDO), which exists throughout Ethiopia within the EPRDF framework. The first congress of ESDL was held in Hurso under the patronage of the then prime minister of TGE Tamirat Layne (now eliminated also), who appointed a member of the ruling EPRDF coalition as a chairman of the new pro-government party.


On 25 January 1995, the EPRDF government hastily arranged a meeting in the town of Qabridaharre to convince the ONLF to participate in the upcoming federal and regional elections. The meeting, which was chaired by the then president Meles Zenawi (the current prime minister), failed when EPRDF refused to allow independent arbitrators to participate in a negotiated settlement. After that the ONLF, broke off all contacts with the EPRDF government, closed down its office in Addis Ababa and boycotted elections in 1995.


Since 20 April 1994, combatants of the ONLF and Ethiopian forces are fighting bloody battles and Ethiopia is vehemently denying the engagements with the liberation forces. Certainly, the ongoing struggle for self-determination and independence in the ****** continues to cause inhuman sufferings and are the basis of instability and tragedy in the Horn of Africa.


The 1991 Charter and the new Constitution, which Ethiopia espoused on 8 December 1994, guaranteed, as EPRDF claimed, the secession of a people if they are, “Convinced that their rights are abridged or abrogated”. In addition, the process of negating that the rights of the ****** Somali people is constantly abrogated proved too costly to the ruling junta in Addis Ababa.


The tyrannical regime in Ethiopia started a campaign of propaganda and public relation stunt in order to convince the international community of it democratic and liberal nature and to legitimise its continued presence in the ****** after the people requested to exercise their right to self determination and announced that it was conducting elections in the ******. The ****** people thwarted its attempts but never the less it announced that the elections were held and its bogus surrogates had won the seats in the ******. At the same time to further cloak its treachery, it formed its own ONLF party and unashamedly declared that ONLF had taken part in its sham elections. This was a clear indicator of its lack of confidence and inability to hide its failure to control the ******.


From that time onwards, Ethiopia has been moulding and remoulding it sham representatives in the ******, the so-called parties and ****** parliament, more than five times but up to this day Ethiopia is unable to manage the situation.


After failing to intimidate the ****** Somalis to go along with its colonial program, EPRDF has embarked on a war of attrition with ONLF and indiscriminate and inhuman tyranny against the ****** people. The Ethiopian army (EPRDF militia’s) killed, imprisoned or looted thousands of civilians. Hundreds of women were raped and for the first time in the history of the ****** people, male children were raped.


But the new Ethiopian colonial state headed by EPRDF has used every trick in the books of colonial strategy but failed to obliterate the armed national struggle of the ****** People and has been forced to occupy only the major towns and move in heavily armed convoys.


Then Ethiopia frantically resorted to human rights violations such as killings, imprisonments, forced conscription, exiling, intimidation and harassment, suppression of basic democratic rights which highlight the suffering of the peoples. The regime's policies of systematic underdevelopment include economic sabotage, irresponsible plunder of resources with no regard to sustainability of the environmental, denial of education opportunities, socio-cultural dismantling and subjection to conflict-ridden political and administrative structures.


Moreover in the ******, EPRDF forces and Tigrean dealers, who have been given concessions and game-licences by the Ethiopian government, which is dominated by ethnic Tigreans, are devastating the poor and the fragile ecological balance by widespread exploitation and depletion of forests for military purposes, firewood and charcoal. The rich wildlife, including big game, game birds, forests and water resources has all suffered irreparable damage in the ****** under the Ethiopian government.


After it became obvious to EPRDF that it could not destroy the national resistance of the people and that it was gaining momentum, EPRDF following the strategies of its predecessors attacked stateless Somalia and captured three regions. Ethiopia is intending to find scapegoats to blame for its failure in subduing the ****** people and their rejection of its colonial lust, divert attention and in a bid to maintain its credibility both inside and outside Ethiopia. Ethiopia is also actively engaged in sabotaging the reconciliation of the Somali people and building of a Somali state. At the same time, Ethiopia is hosting summits for the Somali leaders and is posing as a mentor to the Somali people and collecting funds from the UN on that issue.


The Ethiopian destabilisation plan is not limited to the Somali nation. Ethiopia attacked Eritrea on the pretext of retaking two Eritrean territories but in reality is intent in recapturing Eritrea and colonising it again, but Ethiopia received from Eritrea lessons it did not bargain for.


Ironically, the Ethiopian government, which violates the very basic human rights of all citizens in the empire-state of Ethiopia, including the ****** Somalis, and wages wars against its neighbours, poses itself as a champion of Democracy and Human Rights in Africa.




The ****** Somali people present the following summation of their views about Ethiopia:


1. Ethiopia has colonised the ****** people and is viciously continuing that colonial legacy in spite of the change of regime in Addis Ababa and the ****** people categorically state that the present regime of EPRDF is not different from the rule of it predecessors in substance.


2. The ****** people are a sovereign nation, have the right to be masters of their destiny, and are intent on actualising that right.


3. The ****** people will continue to struggle as long as the Ethiopian state remains intransigent to the rights and wishes and continue pursuing its inhuman oppressive policies.


4. The ****** people will not participate in the bogus elections Ethiopia periodically conducts as a public relations exercise to beguile the local and international communities and hide its colonial and authoritarian nature, nor will they be take part in its colonial administrative structures.


5. The ****** people calls upon the people of Ethiopia not to participate in the maniacal purges the current regime is perpetrating on the ****** people and become a party to the regime’s crime against humanity.


6. The ****** people calls upon the current EPRDF regime ruling Ethiopia to desist from its current militaristic and aggressive attitude and accept a peaceful negotiated settlement of the current conflict between the ****** people and Ethiopia with the participation of third neutral parties from the international community.




The ****** people inform the international community that the Ethiopian government is violating their basic human rights and is systematically exterminating them. Ethiopia is being encouraged to commit this genocide against the ****** people by the lack of the international community censure over its human Rights violations, and holding its rulers responsible for the gross human rights, abuses perpetrated by its Army and Security Forces in the ******.


The ****** people appeal to the international to recognise the colonial nature of Ethiopia and its brutal repression of the ****** people and hold it accountable for its acts. Furthermore, Ethiopia is using international aid for military and political programs directed at oppressing the ****** Somalis and other nations under it s colonial rule and in its expansionist policies against its neighbours. Whenever its war coffers are depleted, Ethiopia appeals for international aid for natural disaster victims, at the same time Ethiopia has the means to attack two neighbouring states and maintain a huge colonial occupation army in the ******, Oromia, Afar, Sidama and other territories of the oppressed nations. !

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my dear nomads i jsut wanted ta mention that ahmed guray was not somali he was ethiopian.

By our Soomaali standard, Axmed Gureey is a significant historical figure. Judging from our historical "sources," he was Soomaali, as was Sayidka.


The vast majority soldiers of his were Soomaali people. He united them from being warring clanish factions into one army under his command. He also liberated for them the vast lands they reside now, from Diradhaba to Qalaafe to Doolloow of the other side.


Hence, he wasn't an embroidered character conceived by Max'ed Siyaad Barre's kacaan. He wasn't an imbellished person from nowhere by Max'ed Siyaad Barre. His Soomaali wasn't an impostor Soomaalinized and titivated by Siyaad Barre either.


He was there, and "our" history source says so. Not rubbish foreign sources convince us otherwise, and ironically, that same source uses the word "Ethiopia" in same sentence. Let them keep Abyssinia.


And the topic at hand, Soomaali Galbeed will always be and remain Soomaali lands, regardless of poignant current occupation. The Soomaalis who live those lands are one of the most fierce Soomaali people in anywhere, and sooner it will be liberated once the bickering Soomaalis themselves unite since Itoobiya itself is a fragile, nursing country. Those who populate and are in fact a majority what is now known today Itoobiya are friends to Soomaali people. They are Oromo {sometimes even referred as Soomaali Aboow}. They are our closest cousins along with Cafaris. They even have their own jabhad to liberate their people from Tigre oppression and repression.


One thing that made the issue less patronized for the other Soomaalis is the supposed name change ONLF jabhad started using. Soomaali Galbeed is lived by most other Soomaali clans and it is unfortunate to use a clan-based jabhad name if you want all Soomaalis supporting you and behind you. I don't know why they dropped the word "Soomaali" and put up a clan name instead. That was a bad strategic if you at least want support from the already, always skeptic Soomaali people.

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my dear nomads i jsut wanted ta mention that ahmed guray was not somali he was ethiopian

Checkmate, The Ethiopians know him by the name "Ahmed Gragn" which they translate it into "Ahmed the left-handed" in the official Ethiopian tourist Book.


Type the words "AHMED GRAGN" on and you will see interesting foriegn website talking more about this guy.


The Ethiopians have always despised the Somalis and there has been a movement by the Ethiopians lately to put his "identity" in doubt, but I don't think that will work.


FUNNY: Here is an article I liked.




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The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Foreign Affairs and National Security Policy and Strategy


Ethiopia's policy towards Somalia


Source: Ministry Of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia



a) Historical background of relations


The relation between Ethiopia and Somalia has not been a healthy one. In the recent historical period, one major and one lesser war were fought between the two countries. The empty dream of the so-called "Greater Somalia", an expansionist policy, had brought to Somalia nothing but hostility and conflicts with all its neighbours, especially Ethiopia. Moreover, Somalia had always allied with all groups and countries it believed were anti-Ethiopian and had disturbed Ethiopia's peace. On the other hand, Ethiopian Somalis had resisted the oppressive system in Ethiopia. Related to this, Somalia had succeeded in mobilizing a large number of Ethiopian Somalis as allays in its attempt to execute its expansionist policy. In this regard Ethiopia has been exposed to threats emanating from Somalia and other quarters.


Ethiopia, for its part, rather than responding to the threat by respecting the right of Ethiopian Somalis and by fostering brotherhood between the peoples of Ethiopia, so Ethiopian Somalis could live in voluntary unity with their other fellow Ethiopians, resorted to dismantling Somalia to the extent possible. The policy was to respond to Somali aggression by taking the war to Somalia and, along the way, aggravating the contradiction between the Somali clans.


The situation has now fundamentally changed. The "Greater Somalia" ideology has been discredited. It is now over ten years since Somalia has become stateless.


On the other hand, in Ethiopia, a constitution in which peoples' rights are guaranteed is being implemented. Ethiopian Somalis are living in brotherhood and voluntary unity with other Ethiopians in a newly defined, inclusive Ethiopian identity. Together with other Ethiopians, Ethio-Somalis are, in the spirit of equality, democracy, development and an Ethiopian identity, resting on strong foundations and contributing to the building of the country. Ethiopia's vulnerability to the "Greater Somalia" ideology has been greatly diminished.


On the other hand, the disintegration of Somalia has in itself brought ever-growing danger. The crisis in Somalia has allowed religious extremism to take hold. Somalia has become a haven and conduit for terrorists and extremists. Anti-peace elements are using the country as a base and place of transit in order to threaten Ethiopia's peace. Somalia's disintegration has brought danger to the peace in our country.


b) Significance of the relations


There is no condition whereby Somalia could contribute as a source of investment and financial development or as a significant market for Ethiopia. After a process of some length, followed by peace and stability in Somalia, there is the chance that it could become a significant market, but this is difficult to imagine in the short and medium term. Regarding natural resources, all the big rivers in Somalia flow from Ethiopia. The irrigation schemes in Somalia which effectively served the people are in a poor state. On the other hand, as our country steps up its development, we will have to dam the rivers for irrigation purposes. The harnessing of rivers in Ethiopia can help Somalia resist floods, and so the benefit would be mutual. But on the other hand, these rivers could be used in Ethiopia - mainly in the Somali region - for development purposes. This could create a minor conflict but the problem can be tackled by the principle of give and take in a way that takes into account the national interests of the two countries.


As can be understood from the above, in the short and medium terms, Somalia does not have a positive or negative influence of note in the development of our country. And yet, in Somalia there are numerous ports that can provide services to Ethiopia. Starting from the port of Zeila which gave services to Ethiopia during its long history, all the way to Kismayo, there are no less than seven ports in Somalia that can be used by different parts of our country. These possibilities cold significantly contribute to our development, but due to the "Greater Somalia"-driven conflict and national oppression in Ethiopia, they were never seriously considered (not to forget that Ethiopia had ports of its own).


The current collapse of the state in Somalia makes it unrealistic to think of using the ports at the present time. Even if the chances to use the ports were to arise, and though that would increase Somalia's relevance to our development, one cannot see a positive role that Somalia can play at this time. On the negative side, it is worth noting that the disintegration of Somalia has posed dangers for peace and stability in Ethiopia. This situation has spoilt the image of our sub-region, and the Horn is now perceived as an area of conflict. Our chances to attract investment have been reduced and the "Somalia effect" has contributed to the uncertainty about regional peace and the lack of economic linkages between the two countries


© Policy Direction


Our proximity to Somalia would be beneficial to our development if there were peace and stability in Somalia. Peace can come to our region if a government committed to fighting disorder, terrorism and extremism in cooperation with its neighbours is established in Somalia. Some circles say that the establishment of such a government in Somalia would once again resuscitate the ideology of "Greater Somalia" and that peace, democracy and development in Somalia would, in that case, not benefit Ethiopia. This view is fundamentally wrong and dangerous.


First, of all, from now onwards, our country safeguards the unity of its peoples not by denying them options but by helping them recognise and confirm in practice, the option based on equality, mutual development and democracy.


As a result of this, we have created the condition whereby Ethiopian Somalis, no matter whether the ideology of "Greater Somalia" is revived or not, would choose to live in equality and unity with their other Ethiopian brothers and sisters. As our development and democratisation process gains momentum, our vulnerability to the effects of this and other similar slogans will be much reduced. Furthermore, it should be underscored that, since it has been the cause of much suffering first and foremost to the people of Somalia, this slogan of "Greater Somalia" has been discredited and its chances of revival are indeed very slim. In light of the encouraging political and economic situation in Ethiopia, the fact that Somalis live in both countries would actually ensure that they serve as a bridge that creates strong connections between the two countries, rather than as a factor of suspicion.


On the contrary, if Somalia enjoys peace and democracy, we will have the opportunity to use the Somali ports extensively and continuously and this would contribute to our development significantly. Such a situation would make it possible, in alliance with the new government, to stamp out anti-peace activities originating from Somalia. Both countries can work together to jointly develop river utilization plans. The way would also be clear to promote strong educational and cultural ties and interdependence in light of the educational and other related activities that are carried out in the Somali language within the Somali Region of our country. By creating strong relations between the two countries regarding the use of ports and rivers, commerce, culture and so on, and seeing to it that the two peoples are benefiting from this, one could be sure that the peoples would resist activities designed to harm the relations that are proving to be so beneficial to them. Ethiopia would also gain direct economic advantages from this situation; in addition, when Ethiopia's eastern border ceases to be a source of threat, overall economic development would be enhanced. That is why, at this time, our major objective in Somalia is to see the establishment of peace and democracy, and based on that, the development of strong economic, cultural and political ties between the two countries.


This may be our wish and policy, but peace and democracy cannot be realised through our efforts only. Although we will do all in our power to contribute to the peace and stability of Somalia, as it is in our interest to do so, the responsibility to establish peace in that country principally rests on the Somali people and the political forces there. In addition to this, those external forces which can influence events should see to it that they use their authority to contribute to bringing about peace and democracy in Somalia.


The events of the last ten years in Somalia have not been encouraging, but we should not give up hope that peace and democracy will eventually come to Somalia. The country has disintegrated into different areas, and while some are comparatively, calm others are in continuous turmoil. Those who reap benefits from the absence of authority - a number of Somali groups, some traders, religious extremists, and their foreign friends - are bent on sabotaging in one way or another any effort aimed at bringing about peace in Somalia. Although the Somali people long for peace, they have not been able to break out of the web of obstruction put in place by those who oppose peace and change.


Although the international community wishes to bring about peace in Somalia, it is evidently not ready to exert all its efforts to realise this. Thus, it appears to us that the condition of instability in Somalia is likely to persist for some time. Therefore, our policy should not be limited to contributing to the emergence of peace and democracy only and, based on that, to forging strong ties; rather, it should also address what we should do if instability and turmoil persist.

Our fundamental policy remains to persistently work towards the birth of a peaceful and democratic Somalia.


But in light of the continuing instability, the policy we pursue should essentially be a damage-limitation policy to ensure that the instability does not further harm our country, the region and the people of Somalia. If the instability is not stopped, the only option left is to limit the damage that may be caused. There are three main options to limit the damage.


First, we have to try to help those regions which are comparatively stable and do not shelter extremists and terrorists in order that the relative peace they enjoy is maintained and even strengthened. Those that can be mentioned in this regard are the regions known as Somaliland and Puntland. In the spirit of damage limitation and to assist these regions maintain their stability, it is necessary that the links be strengthened in such areas as trade, transport and the like in the interest of our country and the people inhabiting the region. The question could be raised regarding the recognition of Somaliland as an independent state. Taking this initiative is not preferable to Ethiopia because it would create negative feelings on the part of Somalis living in the rest of Somalia and others would be suspicious of our intent. Therefore, our cooperation with these regions should not include recognizing the regional administrations as independent states.


But we should continue to assist these regions in maintaining peace and stability, as it is to our advantage and the benefit of the peoples living in the area.


Secondly, we shall certainly continue to be exposed to various dangers as long as peace and stability elude Somalia as a whole. In recognition of this, we must create the capability to defend ourselves and foil any attack by forces of extremism, terrorism and other anti-peace elements originating in Somalia. In this regard we must always be vigilant.


Thirdly, we have to work in cooperation with the Somali people in the region, and the international community as a whole, to weaken and neutralize those forces coming from any part of Somalia to perpetrate attacks against our country. Obviously, the solution to all of this is the prevalence of democracy, and everything must be done to assist in reaching this solution. At the same time, however, we need to receive the understanding and support of the people of Somalia and the international community regarding what we are facing. While maintaining the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of Somalia, we have to ensure our right to safeguard our peace and defend ourselves.


Source: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia.

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