Maamulka Jubaland ayaa soo saaray go’aano amni oo lagu soo rogay magaalada Kismaayo laga billaabo caawa iyo illaa inta ay ka dhaceyso doorashada madaxweynaha Jubaland ee 22-ka bishan.
Go’aannada ayaa waxaa ugu weyn in lagu dhowaaqay in laga bilaabo 6pm makhribnimo 20/08/2019 ilaa 23/08/2019 la xiray xudduudaha magaaladda Kismaayo ee cir, dhul iyo bad.
Shir ay isugu yimaadeen guddiga amniga Dowlad Goboleedka Jubbaland ayaa sidoo kale lagu dhowaaqay in heegan la geliyey dhamaan qaybaha kala duwan ee ciidamadda Dowlad Goboleedka Jubbaland iyo kuwa xoogga dalka kuwooda ka howl gala magaaladda Kismaayo iyo nawaaxigeeda.
Guddiga ayaa sidoo kale faray hay’adaha amniga Dowlad Goboleedka Jubbaland, ciidamadda AMISOM, maamuladda garoonka diyaaradaha Kismaayo, dekadda Kismaayo iyo baraha kantarooladda laga soo galo magaaladda Kismaayo inay xaqiijiyaan meel maridda go’aankaan
My kikuyu brothers are ready to diffend there own"
A guy from Sool region has shown how Somalis are divided from Awdal, Hargeisa and Sool , to Mudug , Jubba and beyond..By galbeedi
I am a man under huge tent, I have friends all over the place. I have connections with people from Gedo, Togdheer and Sanaag, Boosaaso, Mudug,, Banadir , Bay and beyond. To find the pulse of the nation you must talk and sit with different people with ease. This conversations reveals that the Somali people are divided beyond comprehension. There is huge division in Somaliland, in Sool and Sanaag; Galmudug and Hiiraan; all the way to Mogadishu and Jubba. So far the only two places which are immune with big cracks are South West region and Puntland. Although the Tukaraq issue and the next elections would affect Puntland too. I do believe that only revolutions and strong national government could preserve the overall interest of the Somali people around the country. If a national government want to debate every sub clan, it might take another 30 years to achieve a viable nation state. In line of that apparent division, let us meet: The Man from Sool. let me remind you that I was shocked as anyone to discover how deep the division in Sool is. No wonder people are going back and forth from Buuhoodle to Garoowe and back again. Things are much different than five or even four years ago. So, in order to find out things from the horse's mouth, let us talk to this man from Sool. He is an educated local man who is well connected in his community throughout the years, in fact you could say that he is one of the leading members of that community if not the most prominent. Galbeedi: Tell me about the war and Tukaraq. Sool man: It is another game that will not benefit the Sool community. Galbeedi: For the first time there is huge army from Puntland and the Sool people seem to be in coordinated effort to take back their land, isn't that the case? Sool man: I do not think so. Kooxna dhul bay doonaysa, kuwa kalena dad bay rabaan. Roughly means those from Puntland want the strength of the people of Sool, and those from Somaliland want our land to achieve their ultimate goal. Galbeedi: Are you saying that all these military maneuvers and campaign from Puntland is nothing but a political game? Sool man: The one in Hargeisa Ina Biixi want to cover his failure and stagnation and Gaas want an extension and to win the election. Galbeedi: Put aside the Hargeisa group since we all know their intensions. Are you saying that Puntalnd doesn't want the recovery of Sool and Sanaag? Sool man: Look, on clan geneology , we are equal to the Puntland community. We might be parallel of them in terms of education, business, and politics and they can't dominate us. I do believe that the Puntland leaders do not want a parallel Sool community that could challenge them on the Somali federal side. Cali Khaliif was an example. When he became prime minister, the first people to oppose him were the Puntlanders. All they want is the number and strength of our people. Galbeedi: The Sool man doesn't explain that then president C/laahi Yusuf was aiming the top job and didn't want someone else whether from Sool likr Cali Khliif or Hassan Abshir from Nugaal to derail his ultimate goal. I heard that this time around there is a political decision among Puntlanders to recover the Sool region and set up later a federal region run by the Sool community, do you doubt that plan? Sool man: I do not think so. Few years ago we set up the SSC movement to liberate the land, and we organized a 10,000 strong men to face Somaliland, but it was Puntland under C/raxman Faroole who released and posted anti SSC documents throughout the region to discredit us? Galbeedi: what did the document contained? Sool man: It depicted the SSC as terrorist organizations in the region and implemented those memos in coordination with Somaliland. That is when we understood that the Punties will not allow a separate Sool Maamul. Galbeedi: Are you saying that the faith of the Sool region rests with the separatists. Sool man: No. As I said, one group want the land, the other want the people. Yet, those from Somaliland, their goal is clear . It took them 20 years to reach here , but their goal is clear. At the end Biixi will go back to Gamadhe and the status quo will continue. I do not expect Puntland to liberate Sool. Galbeedi: so, what is your future expectations? Sool man: I do not believe that Somliland will be able to separate or achieve that goal, but their intention is to keep all the these region in one entity in order to gain more donor aid and political negotiations with the south. If the separatists drop their illogical sepretation and start opening things , it could be different. Galbeedi: what is Cali Khaliif doing? Sool man: he is challenging and opening the system from inside. Last week when he held the Khaatumo parliament in Sool a lot of the Habro and others were shocked. Without firing a bullet he is dismantling and challenging the system. Galbeedi: How about Mogadishu?, is there any help. In my view , there was the usual money for Uganda and others I Belgium and nothing changes? Sool man: it is true, yet according to the people who attended the Belgium summit, Farmaajo was accorded the highest level of reception given the top leaders of the world. Many people including Faysal and company could get close or get access for days. He was received as any leader and the EU seems to elevate Somalia. The problem is nothing will change in Mogadishu because the elite and those who reside in that region want to keep the status quo and keep profiting from the lawlessness. The end. Folks this discussion with the Sool man has shown how Somali tribes are fragment due to grievances, pride or antiphaty to their neighbors . Few years ago the sentiment of Khaatumo was almost universal,. Before my discussion with this gentleman, I have other Sool friends that I talk to almost twice or more a week and their view is totally diametrically opposed to this gentlemans view. They do believe that the liberation of Sool is now or never. This nations is fragmented. It needs a strong hand to unite without apologies.
Documents reveal Britain made secret deal to defend Kenya in case of invasion by Somalia
Britain made a secret undertaking in 1967 to defend Kenya in case of an invasion by Somalia, declassified documents recently released from the Prime Minister’s office in London reveal.
The deal, known as the “Bamburi Understanding”, was a reassurance following a non-committal statement made by Mr Duncan Sandys, the British Secretary of State for the Colonies, in 1964.
Without making any concrete commitment, Mr Sandys had told Kenya’s new government that in case of an attack by Somalia, it was probable that Britain would intervene.
Somalia, which was then considered to have one of the region’s most powerful armies equipped with sophisticated Soviet-made weapons, had threatened to annex the north eastern part of Kenya in pursuit of its Greater Somalia policy. President Jomo Kenyatta’s administration had since independence in 1963 been grappling with a secessionist conflict in the north east, known as the Shifta War, that was supported by Somalia. Indeed, Somali Prime minister Muhammad Egal had told British MPs in 1962 of the intention to unite all territories occupied by Somalis in Kenya and Ethiopia
When Somalia’s aggressive action seemed likely to lead to an invasion of Kenya in 1966, President Kenyatta quickly dispatched Attorney-General Charles Njonjo and Agriculture Minister Bruce Mckenzie to London to pressure the British government to not only give reassurances of protecting Kenya but also provide more sophisticated equipment.
According to the declassified documents, although the British government turned down the request for arms terming it “unrealistic”, Prime Minister Harold Wilson, in a private message to President Kenyatta, committed to consider protecting Kenya from Somalia’s aggression.
This private message marked “secret” was what came to be known as the “Bamburi Understanding”.
“If Kenya were the victim of outright aggression by Somalia, the British government would give the situation most urgent consideration. While the British government cannot in advance give the Kenya Government any assurance of automatic assistance, the possibility of Britain giving the Kenyans assistance in the event of organised and unprovoked armed attack by Somalia is not precluded,” the message read.
Nine months after the “Bamburi Understanding”, a key diplomatic milestone was achieved when mediation spearheaded by Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda led to the signing of the Arusha Memorandum between Kenya and Somalia to end border hostilities.
But the Somalia government, which had signed the Arusha Memorandum, was overthrown and replaced by a military junta led by General Siad Barre in 1969.
This resulted in apprehension with senior Kenyan officials fearing that General Barre was more likely to revive and pursue the Greater Somalia ambitions actively.
As if that was not enough, Kenya suffered another blow when the British Labour administration, which had made defence commitments through the “Bamburi Understanding,” was replaced by the Conservatives under Prime Minister Edward Heath in June 1970, creating further anxiety.
This sudden turn of events forced President Kenyatta to send Mr Njonjo and Mr Mckenzie with a private letter seeking reaffirmation from the new British Prime Minister on maintaining the security understanding.
“I have asked them (Mr Njonjo and Mr Mckenzie) to discuss with you what we now here call the Bamburi Understanding. I hope that you will kindly discuss this matter with my ministers who have my authority to do so. I am keen that the understanding should be continued with your government,” read the letter dated August 30, 1970 and signed by President Kenyatta.
Mr Mckenzie, who was on sick leave in Britain, booked the appointment with the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) to deliver the letter to Number 10 Downing Street, the Prime Minister’s residence in London.
The appointment was confirmed for September 8, 1970 at 11 am.
Four days before the meeting, a brief was forwarded to Prime Minister Heath by the FCO warning that President Kenyatta was going to be unhappy if Britain refused to carry on with the “Bamburi Understanding”. The brief argued that Kenyans were among the most moderate on the “Arms for South Africa” issue — in reference to Britain selling weapons to the Apartheid government despite widespread opposition from many African countries — making it crucial for the new British government not to antagonise them.
In the brief that was written in the context of the Cold War between the Western and Eastern blocs, the Prime Minister was also advised to raise British concerns with the Kenyan emissaries about the Soviet Union’s attempts to penetrate East Africa. There was also to be the clincher that the former colonial masters were willing to co-operate on the defence problem so long as British soldiers were allowed continued access to Kenyan military facilities.
Biographical notes annexed to the brief further give insights on how the British viewed the two Kenyan ministers.
Mr Njonjo was described as one of the closest and friendliest ministers to the British High Commission in Nairobi. Although he lacked political will or the grassroots support to win the presidency, he was viewed as a leading architect in the Kenyatta succession.
The Prime Minister’s office was also informed that Mr Njonjo loved to have mid-morning tea with hot milk but there should also be Indian tea with cold milk and Chinese tea with lemon.
In their brief, the British officials, however, sneered that Mr Njonjo’s undoing in the Kenyan political context was that he was “obviously presenting a very Western image politically and personally even to the extent of a black jacket and striped trousers and a rose buttonhole daily”.
On his part, Mr Mckenzie was described as a “dynamo of the Kenya Government machine” whose influence extended far beyond his Agriculture ministry. He was also described as a member of President Kenyatta’s inner circle who had gained the respect of the Kenyan European community with whom he previously had a difficult relationship.
“But he always puts Kenya’s interest first. Tries to be genuinely non-aligned when it serves Kenya’s interests,” added the FCO brief.
However, Kenya had a special request to make: It wanted Mr Njonjo’s presence in London and the existence of the “Bamburi Understanding” kept secret.
Not even the Kenyan High Commissioner in London was supposed to know about the mission, according to a confidential letter from a Mr McClauney of the FCO to the Prime Minister’s office.
Mr McClauney, however, advised that if Mr Njonjo’s visit leaked, a statement should be released that he had brought a personal message from President Kenyatta and that it was not the practice to disclose the contents of such messages. And if the media assumed that the subject of the meeting was selling arms to South Africa, then this assumption should be allowed to stand.
The secrecy of the meeting was emphasised to Prime Minister Heath by the British Secretary of State: “While I understand that you wish in general for publicity to be given to your discussion with African and other Commonwealth leaders, we feel that in this case it would be right to respect the Kenyan request, in so far as we can do so without appearing disingenuous.”
Arrangements were, therefore, made for Mr Njonjo and Mr Mckenzie to enter the British Prime Minister’s office through the Cabinet office instead of the main entrance to avoid public attention.
During the meeting, the declassified documents indicate, Mr Mckenzie pointed out the importance of reaffirming the “Bamburi Understanding”. In return, the British forces would be free to continue using Nairobi Airport, the Mombasa port as well as military training facilities in Kenya. They also had great interest in retaining the British special forces who were training Kenya’s General Service Unit commandos and the Special Branch. The visiting ministers linked the work the British special forces were doing in Kenya to the security arrangement against Somali’s aggression.
In response, the British Prime Minister said that in principle he saw nothing wrong in reaffirming the “Bamburi Understanding” but promised to have the issue fully considered and a reply sent to President Kenyatta.
Prime Minister Heath also promised to consider the request to have the special forces remain in Kenya and pointed out his government did not wish to reduce the use of Kenyan military facilities by British troops. He, however, warned that British military resources were stretched at the time because of instability in Northern Ireland.
But the discussions went beyond defence matters, according to the documents. Mr Njonjo and Mr Mckenzie also discussed development and diplomatic issues. For example, they said that while they appreciated Britain’s support, there were problems with the administration of the aid programme since conditions laid down by the previous Labour government were inflexible, projects were delayed and important payments also held up longer than necessary.
Mr Mckenzie suggested it would be helpful if Kenya’s Finance minister Mwai Kibaki, who was at an International Monetary Fund meeting in Copenhagen, passed through London to meet the British minister for Overseas Development.
The two also felt that Kenya no longer enjoyed close contacts with British government officials and urged Prime Minister Heath to ask one of his junior ministers to take a special interest in Africa and get to know the continent’s leaders personally.
Following the meeting, British officials embarked on drafting the Prime Minister’s reply. But they also secretly noted Mr Mckenzie’s and Mr Njonjo’s ignorance on the “Bamburi Understanding” for linking it to the presence of British special forces and access to Kenyan military facilities.
While the arrangement for British forces to use Kenyan military facilities, airports and harbours was agreed upon at independence with Mr Sandys, who was the British Secretary of State for the Colonies, and the training of the GSU commandoes came into existence in December 1964, the “Bamburi Understanding” was in January 1967.
But British Foreign Secretary Sir Alec Douglas-Home did not think it was worth getting into an argument on the three issues in the Prime Minister’s letter to President Kenyatta.
As late as May 1981, the agreement was still in existence, according to a brief prepared for Margaret Thatcher, the first female British Prime minister (1979-1990), when she met Kenya’s then Foreign Minister Robert Ouko in London.
“Kenya has our friendship/support. Kenya policy to stand on her own feet militarily is right. We will continue to help Kenya absorb new equipment,” said the brief.
It added that in case Somali attacked Kenya “UK would give all help it could, but it is unlikely our response could include commitment of combat troops. Nor indeed do we suppose that Kenya would wish for this.”
Ironically, despite the fears in the 1960s, it was the Kenyan Defence Forces that would go into Somalia decades later, in October 2011, to pursue al-Shabaab terrorists. The Kenyan forces are now part of the African Union Mission in Somalia that is trying to restore security in the country that has been grappling with civil war since the collapse of the Barre regime in 1991.
US ‘to help Kenya’ fight Al-Shabaab
19th May 2018 John Snow Featured, Kenya 0
MOGADISHU, Somalia – The United States has pledged to help Kenyan government “take on Al Qeada linked Al Shabaab group,” President Donald Trump’s top diplomat Mike Pompeo.
Mike Pompeo delivered a message by Donald Trump to Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta during a phone call, according to Spokesperson for the US Department of State, Heather Nauert
Nauert says US Secretary of State, Pompeo had thanked Kenyatta for his leadership in calling for an important national conversation to move the country forward following the 2017 election.
“Mr. Pompeo and Kenyatta have discussed our shared goals of countering terrorism, promoting regional stability”, she said.
Nauert says United States was providing assistance to the Kenyan government, and will continue to partner with them as well as with others in the region to take on the terrorist group Al-Shabaab.
The Secretary of State, Pompeo pledged more US support in the war against the Al-Shabaab both within Kenya’s borders and in Somalia, she said.
The US has been trying to improve its diplomatic relationship and missions in Africa as US warplanes carried out several drone strikes targeting Al Shabaab and ISIL groups’ bases in south and central Somalia.
Reporting by Abdirisak Mohamud Tuuryare from Mogadishu, Somalia
Mr Guelleh said Djibouti desires to strengthen its partnership with Kenya in developing the region and making it peaceful.
He said Djibouti and Kenya are working together to make Somalia peaceful to ensure that the security risk that its continued instability poses to the region is eliminated.
“We are in a troubled region where we are confronted by extremism and violence. That is why our militaries are in Somalia to help it regain stability because what happens in Somalia has an immediate impact on all of us,” said President Guelleh.
He said Djibouti, like Kenya, is sincere in its desire to make Somalia peaceful.
After the talks, President Kenyatta and President Guelleh, who arrived in the country on Tuesday, witnessed the signing of the agreements.
The trade agreement will open the door for more business between Kenya and Djibouti as it will act as a facilitation mechanism.
“The parties, for enhancing and facilitating trade between the two countries, shall grant each other the Most Favoured Nation Treatment in all matters relating to trade,” says part of the agreement signed on Kenya’s behalf by Industry, Trade and Cooperatives Cabinet Secretary Adan Mohamed.
In the bilateral cooperation in the livestock sector, Kenya will work together with Djibouti in expanding the livestock business sector.
Kenya will tap the experience of Djibouti in unlocking the potential in business in the livestock sector especially in exports to the Middle East.
The two nations will increase trade in livestock and livestock products. The agreement was signed on Kenya’s behalf by Cabinet Secretary for Agriculture Mwangi Kiunjuri
In their desire to promote greater economic cooperation, the two leaders also oversaw the signing of an agreement which binds both nations to protect private or public investment in each country originating from the other.
Cabinet Secretaries Monica Juma (Foreign Affairs) and Fred Matiangi (Interior and Coordination of National Government) signed the other two agreements.
Deputy President William Ruto and Cabinet Secretaries attended the bilateral meeting with President Guelleh and his delegation.
President Guelleh's visit comes hot on the heels of the two day State Visit by Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali.